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CHAPTER XVIII
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THE LATIN STATES UNDER
BALDWIN III
: 1143-1162
The period of forty years or so which followed
the death of king Fulk began and ended in defeat. In 1144 Edessa (Urfa) fell.
Jerusalem was taken by Saladin in 1187. Yet for the three states, Antioch,
Tripoli, and Jerusalem, the intervening years were prosperous and brought to
fruition their development as western European "colonies". Western
usages, political, religious, economic, and military, modified to suit eastern
conditions, were successfully implanted in Palestine and Syria, and the European
conquerors reached a modus vivendi with the native population,
both Moslem and Christian,
By the middle of the twelfth century the Latin
states had reached a point in their development where each could manage its own
affairs. There was, as a consequence, a tendency to disregard such feudal ties
as had earlier bound the three states together. Rare, for example, were the
instances when the counts of Tripoli recognized the suzerainty of Jerusalem. At
most, the king of Jerusalem possessed a superior dignity as primus inter
pares. His intervention in Tripoli or Antioch — as also the intervention of
northern princes in Jerusalem — usually resulted from ties of blood
relationship or followed a formal request for aid from the local curia. Common
danger was the most important element in uniting the forces of the three
states. But even in times of crisis cooperation was disappointingly difficult
to secure. Without a common policy the Latin states were at best a loose
federation.
The greatest problem confronting the Syrian Latins
was military security. They were a minority in an alien land and the number of
troops which the various baronies and military orders could provide was
limited. Native auxiliaries were occasionally useful but not consistently
reliable. Numerical inferiority was in part offset by certain other factors. To
natural barriers of mountain, river, and desert, the crusaders added formidable
fortresses at critical points along the frontier. In the later years of the
twelfth century most of these were garrisoned by Templars and Hospitallers.
Command of the sea was maintained by the Italians, and although reinforcements
from Europe were never adequate, supplies were assured.
From years of experience the Syrian Latins had
learned their own capacities and limitations. Especially had they become
familiar with the weaknesses of their opponents. The divisions in Levantine
Islam which had facilitated the original conquest were an important element in
their continuing security. Judicious alliances with friendly Moslem powers — a
procedure never understood by crusaders fresh from Europe — helped to maintain
a Levantine balance of power. This advantage was destined to be lost during the
second half of the twelfth century as Near Eastern Islam was progressively
unified under able leadership.
Partly as a consequence of the military and
political successes of Islam, the role of Constantinople in the grand strategy
of the Levant became more significant. John Comnenus, it will be recalled, had
revived Byzantine power in Cilicia and northern Syria. At his death in 1143
Franco-Byzantine relations were severely strained. Manuel Comnenus (1143-1180)
added to his predecessors’ claims over Antioch an ambition to extend Byzantine
influence southward and westward in the Mediterranean. In the face of a
resurgent Islam the Latins were forced to solicit his aid and make concessions
which earlier crusaders had refused. For a number of years Manuel was a kind of
arbiter of Near Eastern politics.
Frequent mention will also be made in the
following pages of Cilician Armenia. Although there were occasional border
conflicts with Antioch, Armenia was generally friendly to the Latins, as the
number of prominent intermarriages testifies. The kingdom was formally a vassal
state of Byzantium. To maintain some sort of independence against
Constantinople and against its Moslem neighbors was its hope. Its efforts to do
so form part of the complex pattern of contemporary Near Eastern diplomacy.
When king Fulk died, his son Baldwin was only
thirteen years old, and the high court (the Haute Cour of the
Assises de Jerusalem) devised a somewhat unusual arrangement for the
succession. On Christmas day, 1143, queen Melisend and her son were both crowned. Melisend’s government,
therefore, was less a regency than a joint rule. Like most divisions of power,
it was not an unqualified success once Baldwin reached an age where he could
fend for himself. It was especially unfortunate in the period of crisis
following the fall of Edessa. The loss of Edessa, which was described in two
previous chapters, was a grievous blow to the Latin orient. Not only was the
capital of a Christian principality captured — and the remaining towns cast of
the Euphrates could not survive long — but the possibility of menacing
communications between Aleppo and Mesopotamia was removed. Christian loss was
Moslem gain and the union of Moslem Syria was a step nearer.
Fortunately for the Franks, Zengi was not able to follow up his initial successes and within two years (September
1146) he was assassinated. His lands were partitioned between two of his sons,
Saif-ad-Din Ghazi, who took Mosul and the east, and Nur-ad-Din, to whom fell
the western territories and Aleppo. It was Nur-ad-Din, therefore, with whom the
Latins had to reckon. Although he was deprived of the strength Zengi had derived from Mesopotamia, Nur-ad-Din was also
free of many political complications which had plagued his father. Thus he
could concentrate on creating a power in Moslem Syria capable of challenging
the Latins without help from Mosul. Nur-ad-Din was admired as well as feared by
his enemies. William of Tyre generously described him as “a wise and prudent
man and according to the superstitious traditions of his people, one who feared
God”. The Franks were soon to test his strength in a second and final siege of
Edessa.
Encouraged by the news of Zengi’s death the Armenian residents of Edessa communicated with its former count,
Joscelin II, and plotted the recovery of the city. Sometime in October 1146
Joscelin and Baldwin of Marash appeared before the
city, but they were not adequately equipped. Before they could reduce the inner
citadel, Nur-ad-Din had surrounded the town with ten thousand men. In a
desperate sortie some Christians escaped, among them Joscelin, but Baldwin of Marash fell, and thousands of luckless native Christians
were massacred. Thus the second siege of Edessa proved far worse than the first
and the city never recovered its former prominence.
An immediate consequence of the fall of Edessa
was the added danger to Antioch. Although Raymond of Poitiers, the prince of
Antioch, had not assisted his fellow Christians of Edessa, he now realized his
predicament and sought a rapprochement with Manuel Comnenus. No Byzantine
troops came to his assistance, however, and in the course of the years 1147 and
1148 Nur-ad-Din captured Artah, Mamalah, Basarfut, and Kafarlatha.
Most of the principality’s possessions beyond the Orontes, therefore, were
lost.
With losses sustained in the north, the security
of the Latin Levant depended more than ever on the relations between Jerusalem
and those Moslem states, notably Damascus, which still resisted the southward
advance of the Aleppans. Earlier chapters have
described Frankish relations with Damascus; and it will be recalled that Muin-ad-Din Unur (or Onor), the governor, had allied with king Fulk. On Zengi’s death, Unur had quickly
occupied Baalbek and entered into negotiations with the governors of Homs and
Hamah. At the same time his astute sense of diplomacy had prompted him to
appease Zengi’s successor. In March 1147 Unur's daughter married Nur-ad-Din. But he had ample reason
to continue his friendly dispositions toward Jerusalem, which a characteristic
loyalty to treaty obligations dictated. It seems obvious too that the most
elementary diplomatic and strategic considerations should have led the Latins
to avoid any actions which might endanger this Levantine balance of power. Yet
this was precisely the error committed by the leaders of the Second Crusade.
Our fifteenth chapter has described in detail
the Second Crusade of 1147-1149. To Christian Europe the failure represented a
tragic shattering of high hopes. To the Latin east it was more than a military
defeat. Christian prestige in the orient had been dangerously weakened. The one
thing the Moslems feared most, a powerful expedition from Europe, had arrived
and been repulsed. Further, the breach with Damascus, so long well disposed
toward Jerusalem, upset the Levantine equilibrium and paved the way for the
eventual union of Aleppo and Damascus.
After the Second Crusade, the Moslems,
emboldened by success and assisted by continued quarrels in Christian ranks,
pressed their advantage and made new gains in northern Syria. Count Raymond II
of Tripoli actually sought Moslem assistance in dislodging Bertram, grandson of
Raymond of St Gilles, from al-Arimah, the citadel of
which was destroyed, and Bertram, along with others, was captured. When Raymond
of Antioch advanced to thwart Nur-ad-Din's moves east of the Orontes, a bold
attack with a small force won him an initial advantage. But on the night of
June 29, 1149, his troops were surrounded, and Raymond with Reginald of Marash perished in the battle. The atabeg then advanced
toward Antioch ravaging the countryside as far as the coast where he exultantly
bathed in the Mediterranean. The defenders of Antioch, directed by the
patriarch Aimery, were accorded a short truce. Moslem
troops were kept on guard, however, and Nur-ad-Din returned to complete the
capture of Harim.
These Moslem successes and Raymond of Poitiers’
death produced a situation which required intervention from Jerusalem. In
Antioch the government had fallen to Raymond's young widow, Constance, who had
been left with four children. Although the patriarch Aimery had rallied the discouraged defenders and messages had been sent to Europe,
immediate reinforcement was vital. In fact, when Baldwin III arrived to assist
Antioch, all the possessions of the principality east of the Orontes had been
lost. An attempt to recapture Harim failed, but Nur-ad-Din was for the moment
satisfied with his conquests, and a truce provided a much needed respite. It
was possible, therefore, to put Antioch's defenses in order.
The king was also able to salvage, at least
temporarily, the vestiges of the county of Edessa. The final liquidation of
Edessa could not, however, be long delayed. On May 4, 1150, Joscelin was
ambushed on the way to Antioch. His Turkoman captors were willing to set him
free on payment of ransom, but the atabeg quickly sent a corps of soldiers who
brought the count to Aleppo where he died nine years later. Despite threats of
injury he refused to abjure his faith and, since he was unable to obtain a
Latin priest, received the last rites at the hands of a Jacobite bishop.
On the news of Joscelin’s capture, Masud, Selchukid sultan of Iconium (Konya), advanced into Latin territory and in May 1150 took Kesoun, Behesni, Raban, and other outlying possessions of Edessa.
Considerable numbers of the inhabitants made their way to Tell Bashir where Joscelin’s wife, Beatrice, was valiantly holding out.
Meanwhile, Nur-ad-Din took Azaz, which with Harim made him master of the
hinterland of Antioch.
These events brought Baldwin once again to Syria
accompanied by Humphrey of Toron and Guy of Beirut.
He was joined by Raymond II of Tripoli and his troops. When the royal party
reached Antioch, the king found that although Masud had been called away, Nur-ad-Din had invested the entire region of Tell Bashir.
Some hope, however, was afforded by the intervention of Manuel Comnenus. He had
offered financial support to Beatrice and her children in return for the
surrender of the fortresses still in her possession. The matter was referred to
king Baldwin, and when Byzantine envoys further explained the emperor's purpose
to Baldwin, the latter decided to agree to the transfer. The magnates of both
Antioch and Jerusalem who were present were divided in their opinion, but the
king sided with those who argued that further delay would be fatal. Moreover,
it was evident that with both northern states deprived of their rulers, there
was not adequate strength in the Latin east to maintain authority beyond the
now shrunken confines of Antioch. And if the territory were eventually lost,
the failure would be attributed to the emperor and not to Jerusalem. Therefore,
with the consent of the countess and her children, Tell Bashir and the other
remaining possessions of the county — Ravendan,
Aintab, Duluk, Bira, and Samosata — were surrendered
to the Greeks. As many had predicted, the Byzantines were able to maintain
their new acquisitions only a few months. The lands of the former county of
Edessa were eventually divided among the Selchukids of Iconium, the Artukids, and Nur-ad-Din.
Busy though he was in the north, Baldwin did not
neglect the defenses of Jerusalem. Probably during the winter of 1149-1150,
Gaza, an important defense position against Ascalon,
was rebuilt and assigned to the Templars. Twice, early in 1150 and again in the
spring of 1151, Nur-ad-Din's moves on Damascus were checked by Latin troop
movements. Thus the king and barons of Jerusalem maintained and even improved
the position of the kingdom to counteract the disasters in the north.
Throughout the years following the Second
Crusade it was becoming evident to many that Baldwin had attained a political
maturity which justified a full assumption of royal authority. Although Melisend had governed well and had firmly upheld the rights
of the crown, her interests were too narrowly local, whereas the activities of
her son bespoke a wider view of the needs of the Latin orient. For some time
Baldwin had cooperated successfully with his mother, but the joint rule had
been prolonged well past the customary age of majority, for in 1150 the king
was twenty years old. A most unfortunate rift which had grown between the
mother and son was widened when Melisend appointed
her cousin, Manasses of Hierges, as constable.
Manasses was haughty, intolerant, and generally unpopular, but connected by
marriage with the important Ibelin family, and so the
queen was not without considerable support among the nobility. A number of
barons, however, urged Baldwin to take the crown. Some, it is true, and among
these was the patriarch Fulcher, counseled the young man to include his mother
in the ceremony of coronation. But he preferred the advice of others and, after
postponing the ceremony, was crowned alone two days after Easter 1151 (or
1152). Partly as a consequence of his precipitate action, the rift between the
supporters of the queen and those of Baldwin degenerated into civil war.
Following the coronation, the king summoned the
high court. He then asked his mother to divide the kingdom and concede at least
part of his rightful inheritance. This was done. The king received the coastal
cities of Tyre and Acre with their dependencies, while Jerusalem and Nablus
were left to the queen. Manasses, the queen’s favorite, was deposed, and
Humphrey II of Toron appointed constable. The
division of authority satisfied no one and was soon followed by hostilities.
Manages was successfully besieged in his castle of Mirabel and forced to
renounce his lands. Nablus was likewise taken, and Melisend sought refuge in Jerusalem. As Baldwin advanced in force, the queen with a few
of her adherents, notably Philip of Nablus, Amalric, count of Jaffa and the king's
brother, and Rohard the elder, retired to the
citadel. Several days of furious assault followed before either side would
accept mediation. Then Melisend agreed to relinquish
Jerusalem, and Baldwin took a solemn oath to respect his mother's tenure of Nablus.
Thus peace was restored, and the king could proceed with the important affairs
of government.
During the years following king Baldwin III’s
assumption of full royal responsibility two developments stand out. First, the
king frequently found it necessary to intervene in the concerns of Tripoli and
Antioch. Sometime in 1152 Raymond II of Tripoli was attacked and killed at the
city gates by a band of Assassins. The king was in Tripoli at the time, having
come with his mother in an attempt to reconcile the count with his wife, the
countess Hodierna. It was under the king's direction
that the Tripolitan barons now swore allegiance to the countess and her
children, Raymond III, then only twelve, and his younger sister Melisend. In Antioch, Byzantine pressure was still very
evident, and Manuel Comnenus sought in various ways to extend his power
southward. Both the emperor and king Baldwin had tried to induce the princess
Constance of Antioch to remarry, Manuel urged her to accept a Byzantine prince.
Baldwin suggested various noblemen whom he thought capable of shouldering the
heavy responsibility of defending the exposed frontiers. At a council of
notables held at Tripoli, everyone earnestly besought the young woman to take a
husband if only for the sake of the principality. But Constance persistently
refused. A more romantic solution was soon to present itself, and was perhaps
already in her mind. Jerusalem and Constantinople were not, however, always in
conflict. There were to be important periods of cooperation. And both were
worried about the gradual encirclement of Christian Syria by Nur-ad-Din. The
second great concern of Baldwin's reign was the grand strategy of frontier
expansion and defense against the menacing advance of Aleppo. Although these
two major concerns, the northern states and the frontiers of Jerusalem, were
clearly related, it will be convenient to consider first the frontier policy as
it affected the kingdom of Jerusalem.
In previous years the intermittent skirmishes
along the southern frontier, far less serious than in the north and east, had
not greatly worried the Franks. But after the retreats in northern Syria,
Baldwin wisely sought to counteract Moslem advances there by pushing southward.
Moreover, in so doing, he was formulating a strategy which was to continue
under his successor. The key to the situation was Ascalon,
whose capture, long considered desirable, now seemed a necessity. Ascalon, the “bride of Syria”, was highly prized by the
Egyptians and provided a bulwark against the Latins. Hence it had been their
policy to send supplies and reinforcements to its already large population four
times a year. Situated on a semicircular area sloping toward the sea, it was
surrounded by artificial mounds additionally fortified by heavy walls upon
winch many towers were mounted. Its four gates were also defended by massive
towers. An outer line of solidly constructed fortifications added to the city's
strength. Indeed, Ascalon was generally regarded as
impregnable.
But although Ascalon itself was strong, the government at Cairo which stood behind it was weakening.
The Fatimid caliphs had been largely supplanted by their viziers.
Assassinations were not infrequent. In fact, such was the decadence of the
Fatimid dynasty that outside intervention seemed inevitable, if not from
Christian Jerusalem, then from Moslem Syria. The Christian army which assembled
before Ascalon in January 1153, augmented when a full
siege was finally decided upon, contained the flower of Latin Syrian
knighthood. William of Tyre mentions by name: Hugh of Ibelin,
Philip of Nablus, Humphrey of Toron, Simon of
Tiberias, Gerard of Sidon, Guy of Beirut, Maurice of Montreal (ash-Shaubak), and Walter of St. Omer, the last-named serving
for pay. Bernard of Tremelay, master of the Temple,
and Raymond of Le Puy, master of the Hospital, were also present. Five bishops
in addition to the patriarch Fulcher of Jerusalem accompanied the troops and
escorted the sacred relic of the True Cross. The city was speedily blockaded,
and Gerard of Sidon, in command of some fifteen ships, was ordered to prevent
exit and all attempts at reinforcement by sea. But such was the vigilance and
strength of the defenders that two months passed without progress.
During the spring the Christian army was reinforced
by a number of knights and foot-soldiers who had recently arrived on
pilgrimage, but this advantage was counterbalanced, toward the end of the fifth
month of siege, by the arrival of a powerful Egyptian fleet of seventy large
vessels and a number of smaller craft. Gerard of Sidon's squadron was easily
routed and substantial reinforcements in both men and supplies were safely
delivered, Notwithstanding this change in fortune, the attackers pressed on and
succeeded in causing serious losses. They fought from a huge movable tower
which they had managed to bring up against the wall in the face of heavy arrow
fire. Attempts to burn the tower failed, and with a shift in wind a large fire
set between the tower and the wall was blown back against the defenders. As a
consequence, a section of the wall collapsed, permitting the master of the
Templars, Bernard of Tremelay, and about forty men to
enter the breach. They were soon cut off, however, and the breach mended. The
corpses of the fallen were suspended over the walls and their heads severed and
sent as trophies to the caliph,
Thoroughly discouraged by this new reverse,
Baldwin summoned his men to council in the presence of the True Cross. The king
and almost all the lay barons were ready to end the siege. But the patriarch,
the archbishop of Tyre, the master of the Hospital, and the bulk of the clergy
strongly contended that what had been commenced and carried forward so long
should not be abandoned. This view prevailed and was ultimately accepted
unanimously.
Accordingly, with the fury of desperation — for
all must have realized that this was the last chance — the attack was resumed.
The defenders suffered such heavy losses that after three days a truce was
requested in order that the dead might be exchanged and properly buried.
Shortly afterward, a huge stone hurled by a Frankish siege machine killed forty
citizens carrying a heavy beam. This seemed to crown the misfortunes of the
defenders, for they agreed that envoys be sent to negotiate terms of surrender.
Three days were granted the inhabitants to leave, and military escort was
promised as far as al-Arish.
The city fell on August 22, 1153, and a
considerable booty in the form of money, supplies, and war material was
collected, King Baldwin and his retinue entered the city amidst great
jubilation. The Cross was born in solemn procession to the principal mosque, a
beautiful structure later dedicated to St. Paul, where services of thanksgiving
were offered. The government of Ascalon was entrusted
to Amalric, count of Jaffa, the king's brother.
Thus it was that a half century after the First
Crusade the conquest of the Palestinian sea coast was finally completed. Defeat
in the north had apparently been counterbalanced by a great victory and a new
southward orientation of policy inaugurated. This was to become especially
evident after the new count of Jaffa and Ascalon succeeded his brother as king.
Important as was the strategic advantage won by
the Christians at Ascalon it was offset within a few
months by Nur-ad-Din’s success at Damascus. In April 1154 he appeared in force,
blockaded the city, and began to advance through the outskirts. Once again
Damascus appealed to Jerusalem, and in desperation Mujir-ad-Din
offered Baalbek and part of the Biqa in return for
assistance. But Nur-ad-Din moved first, and took Damascus on April 25 before a
Frankish army could swing into action. As a consequence Moslem and Christian
Syria now consisted of two long narrow bands of territory lying adjacent to
each other. From Cilicia to Ascalon the coast was
Christian. The hinterland was for the first time under a single Moslem
government.
For a number of years after 1154 Nur-ad-Din was
inclined to maintain peaceful relations with the Christian states. He needed
time to assimilate his conquests and consolidate an authority still far from
perfect. Apparently he was even willing to continue the tribute paid to
Jerusalem by the previous regime. Baldwin was also disposed to avoid
hostilities. Not only was he then unable to take the initiative, but aggressive
moves from Egypt, principally coastal raids by the Egyptian fleet, occupied his
attention for a few years. Accordingly in 1156 a truce which had been
negotiated in June 1155 by mutual agreement was extended for another year, and
Nur-ad-Din bound himself to pay eight thousand Tyrian dinars.
However, the truce was broken in the following
year by depredations from Jerusalem in the region around Banyas,
where it had been the custom for nomadic Arabs and Turkomans to drive their
cattle. Nur-ad-Din replied by attacking Banyas. The
outer city was destroyed, and the defenders under Humphrey of Toron forced to take refuge in the citadel. The king
arrived in time to force Nur-ad-Din's withdrawal, and the city was restored.
But a part of the king's army was ambushed at Jacob's Ford (June 19, 1157).
With great difficulty the king escaped to Safad and thence to Acre with a
handful of companions. Almost all his knights were captured, among them Hugh of Ibelin, Odo of St Amand,
king's marshal, Rohard of Jaffa and his brother
Balian, and Bertrand of Blancfort, now master of the
Temple.
A second attempt on Banyas was repulsed by king Baldwin with the assistance of Reginald of Châtillon, recently installed, as we shall see, as prince
of Antioch, and the young Raymond III of Tripoli. These men joined the king at
Noire Garde near Chastel-Neuf (Hunin)
whence they could see the besieged city. Nur-ad-Din was unwilling to risk an
engagement and withdrew. About a year later (July 15, 1158) a series of
movements by the king's army and by Nur-ad-Din in the Sawad east of Lake Tiberias culminated in a brilliant victory for the Christian
forces on the plain of al-Bailbah.
In 1158, therefore, the situation between
Damascus and Jerusalem remained much as before. None of the actions described
amounted to a serious campaign any more than did the raids of the Egyptian
fleet at the same period. The really significant developments were in the north
where Byzantine intervention profoundly altered an already difficult situation.
To these events we must now turn, considering first the king's activities in
Syria after the fall of Ascalon.
During the early weeks of the siege of Ascalon, a time when the king was too preoccupied to give
proper attention to the affairs of northern Syria, Constance of Antioch finally
decided to marry.
Having spurned all the princes who had been
suggested and who might have advanced the development of the principality, she
chose Reginald of Châtillon, a knight who had
recently arrived in the east and entered the kingis service. The choice-was unfortunate, Reginald's lack of standing caused
considerable gossip and subsequently complicated his dealings with those whose
superior rank was well established. It soon became evident, too, that Reginald
was of a turbulent and unruly disposition. An adventurer to the end, he was
destined to waste his good qualities and to bring disaster to the Latin east,
but he was a brave and dashing warrior and a handsome man. It is not difficult
to understand why the young widow preferred him to less attractive men of
higher estate.
Although the romantic pair were secretly
betrothed, Constance was unwilling to celebrate the marriage publicly without
the permission of king Baldwin. Reginald presented his case to the king when he
was engaged before Ascalon (January 1153). No doubt
Baldwin was too occupied to give the matter much consideration and Antioch
would now have a protector. At any rate he consented and the marriage took
place in the spring of 1153.
Among those who resented Constance’s marriage
was the patriarch of Antioch, Aimery. Not without
ambition himself, he may have hoped Constance would prolong a regency which
gave him considerable authority. Aimery’s criticism
eventually reached Reginald's ears. Aimery also
refused Reginald’s demands for money. Unable to control his wrath, the prince
had the patriarch seized, brutally humiliated, and thrown into prison. King
Baldwin was astounded as well as angered and sent the chancellor, Ralph, bishop
of Bethlehem, and bishop Frederick of Acre to reprove and warn Reginald.
Reluctantly the prince released Aimery and restored
his property. But the patriarch decided to quit Antioch for Jerusalem, where he
remained for some years.
Reginald displayed the same truculence in his
early dealings with Manuel Comnenus, who was also far from pleased at
Reginald’s marriage. In return for campaign expenses, the prince had agreed to
suppress a revolt in Cilician Armenia. Toros II, a son of Leon I, who had once
been a prisoner at Constantinople, had defeated Andronicus Comnenus and by 1152
had brought under his control the important Cilician cities. In 1155 the region
of Alexandretta (Iskenderun) was the scene of hostilities. Although there seems
to be some doubt concerning the outcome, Toros ceded areas along the gulf to
the Templars in Antioch. Since the campaign benefited Antioch and not
Byzantium, Manuel found reasons for postponing the promised payment. Whereupon
Reginald turned in anger against the emperor and, apparently accompanied by
Toros, raided the island of Cyprus. The Greek governor, John Comnenus, Manuel’s
nephew, and his lieutenant, Michael Branas, vainly
attempted to oppose the landing. Both were captured and the island so
effectively pillaged that it never entirely recovered. An indefensible act, the
raid was so much energy wasted in an enterprise of no military significance
whatever.
Since Reginald had thus far accomplished nothing
toward improving the position of his principality, the initiative fell to the
king of Jerusalem. Toward the end of the summer of 1157 count Thierry of Alsace
had arrived in Jerusalem with a considerable retinue. Moreover, in July and
August several Moslem cities had been badly damaged by earthquakes. It was with
great expectations, therefore, that Baldwin and the count moved northward and,
together with Reginald and Raymond III of Tripoli, assembled a formidable army
in the Buqaiah valley in the vicinity of Krak des Chevaliers (Hisn al-Akrad). Thence an advance was made into the Orontes valley. Chastel-Rouge resisted successfully, and on the
advice of Reginald the armies moved toward Antioch.
Meanwhile Nur-ad-Din advanced to Inab, probably with the intention of crossing the Orontes
and marching against Antioch. At Inab, however, he
was taken so ill that his life was despaired of. This was probably in October
of 1157. Having arranged for the disposition of his territories if he should
die, he was carried on a litter to Aleppo while Shirkuh went to defend Damascus. Sensing a perfect opportunity to strike, Baldwin and
the other Christian leaders dispatched a message to Toros urgently requesting
his assistance. The Armenian responded promptly and led a considerable force to
Antioch. The combined armies then marched on Shaizar. Shaizar was a city which,
somewhat after the manner of Damascus, had escaped the full power of the Zengid dynasty. After the death of a pro-Frankish ruler in
August 1157 and the destruction of part of the city in the earthquake of the
same month, Shaizar had fallen into a sort of anarchy. Thus the situation was
highly favorable to the Christians.
Capture of the lower city proved comparatively
easy. Tight blockade forced the citizens within the walls, and well placed
siege machines battered down the defenses. Not, apparently, warlike folk, the
inhabitants abandoned the walls after several days and retreated to the
citadel. This presented no great problem, but a most inopportune controversy
over the disposition of the newly conquered territory stalled the Latin attack.
The king intended to concede Shaizar to count Thierry, knowing that his
strength, backed by the resources of a prominent European family, would be more
than sufficient to maintain the city. Perhaps he envisaged a new Latin state
beyond the Orontes, a buffer state to replace the lost Edessa. At any rate the
plan was applauded by everyone except Reginald, who argued that since Shaizar
was a former tributary of the principality, anyone who held it must swear
fealty to him. But a count of Flanders could hardly be expected to do homage to
a minor French baron. Thierry, therefore, refused such a condition.
Unfortunately for the Franks this quarrel became so serious that the siege had
to be abandoned.
Nur-ad-Din sent an emir to take over the city.
Later, when his health was fully restored, he visited Shaizar in person, saw
that the damage caused by earthquake and siege was repaired, and had the
defenses put in order. Thus Shaizar, the last of the towns of middle Syria to
maintain some degree of autonomy, and one which might have become a Christian principality,
fell to the all-embracing power of Aleppo. Although Shaizar was lost, it was
agreed that the opportunity presented by the atabeg's illness should not be
entirely wasted. Accordingly Harim was besieged and taken after a siege of two
months (February 1158). The city was returned, this time without dispute, to
the jurisdiction of Antioch. The king and the count of Flanders returned to
Jerusalem, count Raymond accompanying them as far as Tripoli, Later in the same
year Thierry and Baldwin raided the Damascus region, forced Nur-ad-Din to raise
the siege of Habis Jaldak,
southeast of Lake Tiberias, and soundly defeated his troops. A truce followed.
Not long before the northern campaign an embassy
had been sent to Constantinople for the purpose of seeking a consort for king
Baldwin. It had been felt for some time that the royal dynasty should be
carried on, but the decision to approach Byzantium at this juncture was
especially significant. European aid was manifestly inadequate and not to be
relied upon. It was, therefore, imperative to seek assistance elsewhere. It was
probably shortly after the arrival of count Thierry in the autumn of 1157 that
the envoys set out for the Byzantine capital. After some time was consumed in
discussion it was agreed that Theodora, Manuel's niece, should be sent as a
bride for the king. Though only thirteen she was exceptionally beautiful. A
large dowry was provided, a magnificent trousseau, and high-ranking attendants
to accompany the bridal party to Jerusalem. On his part Baldwin had sent a
written guarantee accepting whatever his envoys arranged and further promising
Acre as a marriage portion in the event of his own death. The bridal party
landed at Tyre in September 1158 and journeyed directly to Jerusalem where
Theodora was married to Baldwin and solemnly crowned. Aimery,
patriarch of Antioch, who had sought refuge from Reginald in the holy city,
performed the ceremonies. The king was much taken with his young bride and
remained a devoted husband.
If Baldwin’s purpose in seeking a Byzantine
alliance is clear, it seems equally evident that Manuel was ready to resume
pressure on Antioch. In the fall of 1158 he entered Cilicia with a sizeable
army. His first objective, the recovery of Cilicia, he achieved without great
difficulty, for Toros was so completely taken by surprise that he had barely
time to escape to the mountains. When Reginald learned of the emperor’s
approach, he consulted his barons as to how he might justify his recent
conduct. He may also have appealed to Baldwin. But Manuel arrived too quickly
for the king to intervene. Reginald, therefore, set out for the emperor's camp
at Mamistra (Misis). Bishop Gerard of Latakia and a
few barons accompanied him.
In the presence of the emperor’s court, where
there were to be found not only a number of Byzantine dignitaries, but envoys
from various Moslem rulers and from the king of Georgia, Reginald publicly
repented his misdeeds. Barefooted and clad in a short-sleeved woolen tonic, he
presented his sword to the emperor, holding it by the point. He then prostrated
himself on the ground. Restored to favor by this abject submission, Reginald
swore allegiance and premised to surrender the citadel of Antioch on demand. He
also agreed to admit a Greek patriarch whom the emperor should designate. Thus
Manuel amply avenged the pillage of Cyprus and obtained a clear recognition of
his suzerainty over Antioch. Further, the installation of a Greek patriarch
would symbolize a victory for the Byzantine church.
It was not long before Baldwin arrived at
Antioch accompanied by Amalric, his brother, and by several distinguished
nobles. An embassy was sent to Manuel, who responded through his chancellor by
inviting the king to his presence and by directing that he be met by his
nephews, John, the protosebastos and
Alexius, the chamberlain, and a suitable retinue of nobles. Thus Baldwin was
received with considerable ceremony. He was saluted with the kiss of peace and
seated by the emperor’s side in a place only slightly lower than that of the
emperor himself. For ten days the two rulers held important conversations, and
Baldwin won the respect and esteem of the imperial court. Precisely what was
decided at these conferences has not been recorded. Presumably some sort of
pact was arranged whereby Manuel agreed to participate in a crusade against
Islam. Apparently Baldwin was also able to effect a reconciliation between the
emperor and Toros. The Armenian agreed to surrender one fortress, was fully
restored to favor, and took an oath of fealty. This diplomacy reflected great
credit on the king of Jerusalem and won him the gratitude of both Greeks and
Armenians.
The imperial entry into Antioch which took place
shortly after Easter (April 12, 1159) was a veritable "triumph".
Wearing the diadem of the empire, Manuel was welcomed by the king, Reginald,
their respective followers, and the city notables. He was escorted first to the
cathedral and then to the palace. For eight days the imperial standard floated
over the citadel, and gifts were distributed liberally among the population.
There were tournaments and hunting expeditions and Manuel distinguished himself
in both. When Baldwin was thrown from his horse and broke his arm, the emperor
amazed everyone by ministering to the king with his own hands, Manuel prided
himself on his medical knowledge and skill. Although these events heralded a
period of almost twenty years during which Byzantium was to dominate Syrian
politics, the emperor's actual power in Antioch must not be exaggerated. There
is no trace during these years of any direct administration in Antioch
comparable, for example, to that in Cilician Armenia. Nor did Manuel insist at
this time on the installation of a Greek patriarch. Moreover, Baldwin's part in
the negotiations should not be underestimated. As a consequence of his marriage
and through the use of considerable diplomatic finesse he had secured the
Byzantine alliance.
All these celebrations were merely preliminaries
to the serious business of planning a joint expedition against Nur-ad-Din.
Meanwhile the Moslems began preparations to resist the expected attack. The
atabeg ordered all his emirs and governors of fortified places to make their
defenses ready. He then moved with the bulk of his forces toward the middle
Orontes. If he really expected an attack in the region of Shaizar, Homs, or
Hamah, he was deceived. It was the intention of Manuel and the Frankish leaders
to strike at Aleppo, the heart of Nur-ad-Din's empire. Machines and engines of
war were assembled and the entire army proceeded to the ford of Balana some forty miles northwest of Aleppo.
At this juncture, Nur-ad-Din, evidently
concerned at the size of the forces arrayed against him, entered into
negotiation with Manuel The result was the liberation of a number of Christian
prisoners, including Bertram of Toulouse and the master of the Temple. Since
the mere appearance of the Christian armies opened the prison gates, the
consequent and expected military operations might have achieved decisive
results. But to the disgust of the Franks and for reasons not adequately
explained, Manuel returned to Constantinople. There was nothing left for the
king to do, except to withdraw likewise and to return to Jerusalem. The great combined
Graeco-Latin crusade, from which so much had been expected, thus failed to
materialize. To understand this defection on the part of Manuel it is necessary
to emphasize that the emperor's journey into Syria had as its purpose the
recovery of Cilicia and the reassertion of suzerainty over Antioch. Success in
these matters, and particularly in the latter, was in part owing to
Nur-ad-Din's pressure against the Franks. Without the atabeg’s recent
conquests, Baldwin and Reginald would probably have been unwilling to admit
Manuel's claims. The atabeg must, therefore, be restrained but not crushed.
Further, peace with Nur-ad-Din fitted in with the emperor's plans for a
reckoning with Iconium. Under the command of John Contostephanus troops from Antioch, Jerusalem, and Cilicia — evidently the alliance was still
in force — routed a pan of Kilij (or Kilich) Arslan's
army in the autumn of 1161. As Manuel moved south the sultan was encircled and
sought peace. After restoring certain captured towns and engaging to attack the
empire's enemies Kilij Arslan went in person to Constantinople and was received
as a vassal and ally. Byzantine diplomacy was grounded on an oriental balance
of power in which Moslem states were to be played against each other and
against the Franks.
It should, however, be added that the basileus
evidently had no intention of breaking completely with the Latins. Sometime in
1160 (or 1161) an imperial embassy approached king Baldwin requesting as a
future consort for the emperor one of the king's kinswomen, either the sister
of the count of Tripoli or Constance of Antioch's daughter. Perhaps in order to
avoid strengthening the emperor's claims over Antioch the king and his advisers
suggested Melisend, Raymond of Tripoli's sister. The
bride-elect was provided with a suitable retinue and expensive adornments. The
king and a number of barons assembled at Tripoli to wish her Godspeed. But the
Byzantine envoys, constantly in communication with Manuel, delayed a year. At
length a messenger was sent to Constantinople who returned with the information
that the emperor had decided against Melisend. Count
Raymond was so enraged that he ordered a pillaging expedition along the Greek
coast. The king was equally disgusted, but important developments at Antioch
required the utmost in diplomatic finesse.
In November 1160 (or 1161), perhaps somewhat
after the Byzantine embassy had left Constantinople, Reginald was ambushed and
captured. Sixteen years’ imprisonment was to be the consequence of a futile
marauding foray, sixteen years during which the Latins were at once deprived of
a valiant warrior and relieved of the embarrassment of an intemperate
adventurer.
Reginald's capture again created a vacancy at
Antioch. The barons, apparently fearing Constance's leanings toward Byzantium,
appealed to Baldwin, who was then at Tripoli. The king came directly, assumed
charge of the principality as bailli and before he returned to
Jerusalem rebuilt a fort at the "iron bridge" over the Orontes. The
patriarch, Aimery, who had evidently returned, was
temporarily placed in charge of the administration.
While he was at Antioch the king was surprised
to discover the same imperial envoys with whom he had been negotiating at
Tripoli. It had been supposed that they had gone back to Constantinople.
Instead, they had commenced discussions with Constance regarding her daughter,
Maria. It is also possible that Constance had appealed to the emperor when her
husband had been captured. Although the king feared Manuel's designs over
Antioch, he gave his consent, being unwilling to break completely with
Byzantium. Manuel and Maria were married at Constantinople on December 25,
1161.
Actually the situation in Antioch was not
stabilized until 1163, probably shortly after Baldwin's death. At that time the
barons of the principality, still suspecting Constance of complicity with
Constantinople, solicited the aid of Toros, expelled the princess, and
installed her son, Bohemond III, who had come of age.
King Baldwin's days were numbered. He had been
saddened by the death of his mother, queen Melisend,
on September 11, 1161. While at Antioch he was taken seriously ill and was
first removed to Tripoli, where he remained several months. Then, realizing
that recovery was not likely, he asked to be transported to Beirut where he
summoned the nobles and clergy of the realm. Having confessed his sins he died
on February 10, 1163. His body was borne to Jerusalem and buried in the church
of the Holy Sepulcher. As the funeral cortege passed from Beirut to Jerusalem, people
came from the towns and countryside to pay their last respects. Moslems joined
the faithful in grief. Nur-ad-Din, it was reported, indignantly rejected a
suggestion that the kingdom be invaded and spoke words of high praise of the
departed king. Baldwin III deserved well of his subjects. Faced in the early
years with the consequences of two disasters, the loss of Edessa and the
failure of the Second Crusade, he had preserved Antioch and pushed the
boundaries of Jerusalem southward. At the time of his death there was still
reason to hope that the Byzantine alliance, a product of his skillful
diplomacy, might bear fruit. He was respected by his contemporaries, Moslem as
well as Christian, Greek and Syrian as well as Latin,
To the historian William of Tyre, who probably
knew him well, Baldwin was the ideal king. Directly following his account of Fulk's death, William inserted into his history a detailed
description which, though it pictures Baldwin as a youth, was composed later
and contains many references to the king's more mature years. Apparently he was
unusually gifted. Tall and well formed, albeit somewhat heavy, he carried
himself with dignity. His features were comely. His manners were perfect, and
he was at once affable and vivacious. He was eloquent of speech and possessed
of a keen intellect and an accurate memory which were no doubt sharpened by his
devotion to reading and to converse with men of learning. His conversation
could be witty and he mingled easily with people of varied backgrounds and gave
audience whenever requested. Criticism he bestowed freely and publicly, but
never with rancor. Moreover, he could listen quietly to sharp words directed at
himself. His courage, steadfastness, endurance, his foresight and presence of
mind in war have been amply emphasized in the preceding pages. He was well
versed in the laws of the kingdom and older men often consulted him. A
Godfearing man, he respected the institutions and possessions of the church.
Though unusually abstemious in food and drink, he indulged, during his early
years, the desires of the flesh and was addicted to gambling. But these
failings diminished as he grew older and ceased altogether after his marriage.
Baldwin III was one of the great kings of Jerusalem and his reign was a distinguished
period in its history.
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