FLORENTINE HISTORY FROM THE EARLIEST AUTHENTIC RECORDS
TO THE ACCESSION OF FERDINAND THE THIRD,
GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY.
HENRY EDWARD NAPIER.
CONTENTS
BOOK I
Contemporary Monarchs during the period embraced:
—Roman and Greek Emperors, from Tiberius to Constantine, Copronimus and Leo IV.—Popes, from St. Peter to Adrian I. —England : The Romans until 448,
— Prince Arthur, supposed from 508 to 540.—Heptarchy from 555 to 827. — France:
Romans until 481.—Then the Franks from Clovis to Chilperic III in 737
Contemporary Monarchs : —Greek Emperors, from Leo IV
to the Empress Irene.—Popes, from Stephen II to Leo III.—England :
Heptarchy.—France and Western Empire : Pepin and Charlemagne.
Contemporary Monarchs.—Emperors, from Charlemagne to
Henry II., including the race of Carolingian kings, the numerous competitors
for the Italian crown, the first and last Berenger, and the three Othos.—Popes, from Leo III to Sergius IV.—England : The
Saxon kings, Egbert, Alfred, Edward the Elder, Athelstane,
Edmond, Edred, Edwy, Edgar, Ethelred.— France : From Charlemagne and his race
to Louis the Sluggard in 989.—Then Hugh Capet.
Contcemporary Monarchs.—Emperors and Kings of Germany, Henry II, III, and IV.—Popes,
from Sergius IV to Victor III.—England : Danish Kings, Sueno and Canute, Harefoot and Hardicanute; Saxons, Edward the Confessor and
Harold, then William the Norman (1066).—France : Robert the Pious (1031), Henry
I, Philip I.—Greek Emperors, Basil II, Constantino IX (1028), Romanus III,
Michael IV (1034), Michael V (1041), Zoe and Theodora (1042), Constantine X
(1054), Michael VI (1056), Isaac Comnenus (1057),
Constantine XI (1059), Eudocia (1067), Romanus III, Michael VII, Andronicus I,
Constantine XII. (1071 to 1081), Alexius Comnenus (1081)
Cotemporary Monarchs.—Emperors, Henry IV and V,
Lothario, Conrad III, Frederic I, (Barbarossa).—Popes, from Pasqual II to
Alexander III. Antipope, Victor IV.—England : Henry I,
Stephen, Henry II (The first Plantagenet.)-France : Philip I, Louis VI (1137),
Louis VII (1180). — Greek Emperors, Alexius Comnenus, John Comnenus (1118),
Manuel (1143). —Scotland: Alexander I (1106), David I. (1124), Malcomb IV. (1153), William the Lion
Contemporary Monarchs.—Emperors : Frederick I, Henry
VI, Empire vacant during the civil wars between Otho and Philip the rival kings
of Germany. —Greek Emperors: Alexius II (1180), Andronicus Comnenus (1183),
Isaac II (1185), Alexius III (1 195).—Popes: From Alexander III to Innocent III—England
: Henry II (from 1154 to 1189), Richard I (from 1189 to 1199), John.—France :
Louis VII, (Le Jeune, from 1137 to 1180), Philip (Auguste).—Scotland:
William the Lion; made prisoner, and does homage for Scotland by the treaty of
Falaise to Henry II in 1174, which Richard Coeur de Lion afterwards renounces.
Cotemporary Monarchs.—Empire Vacant.—Civil wars
between Philip and Otho.—Pope Innocent III—England : King John.—Scotland :
William the Lion.—Finance: Philip Augustus.—Greek: Emperor Alexius III.
Contemporary Monarchs.—Emperors, Philip King of
Germany, (never crowned at Rome), Otho IV and Frederic II a rival Emperor.—Pope
Innocent III.—England : King John (died 1216).—France : Philip Augustus.—
Greece: Alexius IV 1203.—Latin Emperors of Constantinople from 1204 to 1261:
Baldwin, Henry II (1206 to 1216).—Leon and Castile : Alphonso IX. —Aragon :
Pedro II.—Scotland : William the Lion, from 1166 to 121
Cotemporary Monarchs.—England : John (1216), Henry III
—Scotland : Alexander II and III (1249).—France : Louis VIII, Louis IX (1226).—
Castile and Leon : Henry I, Ferdinand III, Alphonso X (1252).—Aragon : James
I.—Germany: Frederic II, Conrad IV (interregnum from 1254). — Popes, Honorius
III (1216), Gregory IX (1227), Celestine IV (1241), Innocent IV (1243),
Alexander IV. (1254).—Portugal : Alphonso II, Sancho II, Alphonso III (1248).—
Latin Emperors of Constantinople: Peter (1216), Robert (1221), John of Brienne
(1229), Baldwin IX
Contemporary Monarchs.—England : Henry III, Edward I,
1272. — Scotland : Alexander III, 1249.—France : Louis IX, Philip III, 1270. Castile and Leon: Alphonso X., 1252.—Aragon : James I (the Conqueror),
Pedro III (the Great), 1276.—Portugal : Alphonso III, Denis, 1279. —Germany,
Interregnum. —Rudolph of Hapsburg, 1273. Popes: Alexander IV, Urban IV,
1261.—Clement IV, 1265.—Gregory X, 1271. —Innocent V, 1276.—Adrian V,
1276.—John XXI, 1276.—Nicholas III 1277.—Martin IV. 1281—Latin Emperor Baldwin
II, 1237 to 1261. —Greek emperors restored: Michael Palaeologus,
1261.—Andronicus, 1281
Cotemporary
Monarchs.—England: Edward I.—Scotland: Alexander III, Margaret, John Baliol
(1292).—France : Philip III., Philip IV. (1285).— Castile and Leon: Alphonso X,
Sancho IV. (1284).—Aragon: Pedro III., Alphoso III.
(1286), James II. (1291).—Portugal: Dennis (1279).—Germany : Rodolph, Adolphus
(1292).—Popes: Martin IV. (1281), Honorius IV. (1285), Nicholas IV.
(1287).—Greek Emperors: Andronicus (1281).
Cotemporary
Monarchs.—England : Edward I.—Scotland : John Baliol, (1292).—Interregnum to 1306.—France:
Philip IV., (1225).—Castile and Leon : Sancho IV. Ferdinand IV., (1295).—Aragon
: James II., (1291).— Portugal: Dennis, (1279).-—Germany : Adolphus, (1292).
Albert I., (1298). Popes: Nicholas IV., (1287). Celestine V., (1294). Boniface
VIII., (1294). Greek Emperor: Andronicus, (1281).
Contemporary
Monarchs.—England : Edward I, Edward II (1307).—Scotland : Robert Bruce,
(1306).—France : Philip IV (the Fair).—Aragon: Jacob II.—Castile and Leon:
Ferdinand IV.—Portugal: Denis.—Germany: Albert of Austria.—Naples : Charles II
(of Anjou).—Sicily : Frederic II (of Aragon). Popes: Boniface VIII, Benedict IX
(1303), Clement V (1305).— Greek Emperor: Andronicus Palaeologus.—Ottoman
Empire: Othman, 1306.
Contemporary Monarchs.—Edward II, England.—Scotland: Bruce’s wars.
—France: Philip the Fair [IV], (to 1314), Louis X, (to 1316).—Aragon : Jacob
II.—Castile and Leon: Ferdinand IV, (till 1312), Alphonso XI.— Portugal:
Dennis.—Germany: Albert I, son of Rudolph, (until 1308), Henry of Luxembourg
(from 1308 to 1313).—Naples: Charles of Anjou [II] (till 1309), Robert (the
Good).—Sicily: Frederic II. of Aragon.— Greek Empire: Andronicus Palaeologus.—Ottoman
Empire: Orkhan.— Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, established at Rhodes
(1310).
Contemporary
Monarchs.—England: Edward II.—Scotland: Robert Bruce.— France : Philip V, (The
Long) 1322. Charles IV, (The Fair).—Castile and Leon: Alphonso XI.—Aragon:
Jacob II.—Portugal: Denis, till 1325. Alphonso IV. The Empire distracted by
Civil War between Louis of Bavaria and Frederic of Austria.—Naples : Robert
(The Good).—Sicily . Frederic II (of Aragon).—Greek Empire: Andronicus Paleologos.—Ottoman
Empire: Othman.—Pope : John XXII.
Cotemporary
Monarchs.—England : Edward II until 1327, Edward III, —Scotland: Robert
Bruce.—France: Charles IV (the Fair) until 1328, Philip VI of Valois.—Aragon :
Jacop II till 1327, Alfonso IV.—Castile and Leon : Alfonso XI.—Portugal :
Alfonso IV.—Pope : John XXII.—German Emperor: Louis of Bavaria.—Naples: Robert
(the Good).—Sicily: Frederic II. of Aragon.—Greek. Empire : Andronicus Pakeologus till 1328, Andronicns the younger.—Ottoman Empire: Orkhan.
Cotemporary
Monarchs.—England: Edward III.—Scotland: David II.— France : Philip VI. of
Valois.—Castile and Leon : Alphonso XI.—Aragon : Alphonso IV.—Portugal :
Alphonso IV. (During this king’s reign private warfare was forbidden and the
nobles compelled to sue in the ordinary courts of justice).—German Empire :
Louis of Bavaria.—Naples: Robert (the Good).— Sicily: Frederic II. (of
Aragon).—Popes: John XXII. to 1334; Benedict XII.—Greek Empire: Andronicue the younger.—Turkish Empire : Or khan.
PREFACE.
Objections maybe made to the length and details of
this work, and they are generally grievous faults; but can a nation’s story be
well told without them? Can the character manners and customs of a people,
their laws social state, physical comforts, and moral condition, be fairly or
usefully displayed in brief descriptions of political facts or military
enterprises however agreeably related? Are not the former essential parts of
history, and the latter rather the memoirs of a few leading individuals or
particular factions, of vast importance to be known, but still only a part, and
to the philosopher and philanthropist perhaps not the most instructive or
affecting part of national history? No people can be known by riding post
through their country against time: a few striking features, many interesting
objects, may catch the eye and pass like shadows, but scarcely come home to the
understanding or leave any lasting impression on the mind. Long residence is
absolutely necessary to become familiar with the inhabitants; we must study
their mode of living, enter their society, observe their daily occupations,
join in their amusements, and mix ourselves up with them in all the little
incidents of every-day existence, to acquire a thorough knowledge of their real
condition and complexion; and but few even in our own country are thus intimate
with the classes either above or below their own. In like manner short sketchy
histories, whether profound or superficial, give a general notion of their
subject but bar our entrance into the common spirit and characteristics of the
people: we are not identified with them; their annals are like water sprinkled
in our face; they refresh without quenching the thirst. A stranger unacquainted
with national customs feels this both in travel and history; and it often
happens that the very depth, clearness, and general excellence of Macchiavelli
only make us the more regret his brevity. Past ages are as foreign countries to
the present, wherefore the frequent exhibition of those trifling incidents,
whether of manners or character, of the individual or community, which combine
to effect important results and weave the web of history; all tend to produce
that intimate acquaintance with the nation which must necessarily be omitted in
shorter narratives. To those who may be ignorant of Italian manners and history
and who read for such information, the length and minuteness of this work would
need no apology if its style and general character could hope to escape
reproach. But why write so long a story about so small a country? Because
history like learning “conveyeth medicine into men’s
minds by the quickness and penetration of examples”. Because her lessons, which
are the records of experience and the beacons of human error, may, as in the
Grecian republics, be taught with equal benefit from the acts of a small as a
great community: because Florence performed as conspicuous a part in Italy as
Athens did in Greece: because she was one of the head nurses of modern art and
science; of literature, liberty, and song; of all that improves and adorns
society; and because she probably influenced the free political destiny of many
existing nations: besides her history for a long period includes that of Italy
itself, and was intimately connected with the annals of transalpine nations
whose industry she awakened, whose taste she formed, and whose manners she
contributed to refine. No modern community of equal size has been more
celebrated than Florence: she moved alone, was peculiar in her character, and
rose amidst the ruins of more powerful neighbours: the sound of her name still
impresses our mind with a mingled feeling of admiration and respect, for she
also was the last to bend under the gusts of despotism when foreign potentates
and native princes combined against her; when abandoned by her oldest ally, and
left to fall unaided in her last and most glorious struggle for liberty.
CHAPTER XII. (FROM A.D. 1282 TO A.D. 1292.)
Contemporary Monarchs.—England: Edward I.—Scotland:
Alexander III, Margaret, John Baliol (1292).—France : Philip III, Philip IV.
(1283).— Castile and Leon: Alphonso X, Sancho IV. (1284).—Aragon : Pedro III,
Alphonso III (1286), James II. (1291).—Portugal : Dennis (1279).—Germany :
Rodolph, Adolphus (1292).—Popes : Martin IV (1281), Honorius IV (1285),
Nicholas IV. (1287).—Creek Emperors: Andronicus (1281).
CHAPTER XIII. (FROM A.D. 1293 TO A.D. 1300)
Cotemporary Monarchs.—England : Edward I.—Scotland :
John Baliol, (1292).—Interregnum to 1 306.—France : Philip IV., (1225).—Castile
and Leon : Sancho IV. Ferdinand IV., (1295).—Aragon : James II, (1291). —
Portugal : Dennis, (1279).—Germany : Adolphus, (1292). Albert I., (1298). Popes:
Nicholas IV, (1287). Celestine V, (1294). Boniface VIII, (1294). Greek Emperor: Andronicus,
(1281).
CHAPTER XIV. (FROM A.D 1300 TO A.D. 1308.)
Cotemporary Monarchs. —England : Edward I, Edward II.
(1307).—Scotland : Robert Bruce, (1306).—France : Philip IV. (the Fair).—Aragon
: Jacob II.—Castile and Leon : Ferdinand IV.—Portugal : Denis.—Germany : Albert
of Austria.—Naples : Charles II. (of Anjou).—Sicily : Frederic II. (of Aragon).
Popes: Boniface VIII, Benedict IX (1303), Clement V. (1305).— Greek Emperor :
Andronicus Palaeologus.—Ottoman Empire: Othman, 1306.
CHAPTER XV. (FROM A.D 1308 TO A.D. 1317.)
Contemporary Monarchs.—Edward II., England.—Scotland :
Bruce’s wars. —France: Philip the Fair [IV], (to 1314), Louis X., (to
1316).—Aragon : Jacob II.—Castile and Leon: Ferdinand IV, (till 1312), Alphonso
XI.— Portugal: Dennis.—Germany : Albert I, son of Rodolph, (until 1308), Henry
of Luxembourg (from 1308 to 1313).—Naples: Charles of Anjou [II.] (till 1309),
Robert (the Good).—Sicily : Frederic II of Aragon.— Greek Empire: Andronicus
Palaeologus. —Ottoman Empire: Orkhan. — Knights of St. John of Jerusalem,
established at Rhodes (1310).
CHAPTER XVI. (FROM A.D 1517 TO A.D. 1326.)
Contemporarv Monarchs.—England : Edward II.—Scotland : Robert Bruce. — France:
Philip V, (The Long) 1322. Charles IV, (The Fair).—Castile and Leon : Alphonso
XI.—Aragon : Jacob II.—Portugal: Denis, till 1325. Alphonso IV. The Empire
distracted by Civil War between Louis of Bavaria and Frederic of Austria.
—Naples: Robert (The Good).—Sicily . Frederic II. (of Aragon).—Greek Empire :
Andronicus Palaeologus,— Ottoman Empire : Othman.—Pope : John XXII.
CHAPTER XVII. (FROM A.D 1326 TO A.D.. 1329.)
Contemporary Monarchs.—England : Edward II until 1327,
Edward III. —Scotland: Robert Bruce.—France: Charles IV. (the Fair) until 1328,
Philip VI. of Valois.—Aragon : Jacop II till 1327, Alfonso IV.—Castile and Leon
: Alfonso XI.—Portugal : Alfonso IV.—Pope : John XXII.—German Emperor: Louis of
Bavaria.—Naples: Robert (the Good).—Sicily: Frederic II of Aragon.—Greek Empire
: Andronicus Paleologos till 1328, Andronicus the younger.—Ottoman Empire :
Orkhan.
CHAPTER XVIII. (FROM A.D 1329 TO A.D. 1336.)
Contemporary Monarchs,—England : Edward III.—Scotland
: David II. — France : Philip VI of Valois.—Castile and Leon : Alphonso
XI.—Aragon : Alphonso IV.—Portugal : Alphonso IV. (During
this king’ reign private warfare was forbidden and the nobles compelled to sue
in the ordinary courts of justice).—German Empire : Louis of Bavaria.—Naples:
Robert (the Good). — Sicily: Frederic II. (of Aragon).—Popes : John XXII. to
1334; Benedict XII.—Greek Empire : Andronicus the younger.—Turkish Empire :
Orkhan.
MISCELLANEOUS CHAPTER FOR
THE 13TH CENTURY
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
History should be studied with somewhat of the same
feeling that superior spirits are supposed to regard the endless progress of
man : before them, the present, past, and future are simultaneously displayed;
they at once perceive the motives, ambition, and final views of humanity; they
calmly behold those deeds that fill the earth with wonder, contemplate with steadfast
eye the birth, progress, and death of nations, and at a single glance penetrate
the chaos of human passions, while successive generations rise, flourish, and
decay. They see new actors perform the same parts with little variation; before
them the world fades and lives again, and its high and boisterous spirits sink
as if they had never been. They perceive like causes working like effects, only
modified by circumstances; everything in action, nothing permanent; happiness
blindly sought and rarely found; ambition craving and unsatisfied; good often
contemplated but seldom lasting; evil always flourishing, and religion the
consolation or the cloak of all. These things and their misty shadows on the
page of history may often tempt us to exclaim, “For what purpose are we here?”
a question more easily asked than answered. But history is chiefly useful as a
record of cause and effect, when it traces past events to their real source and
consequences; when it follows them through every turning, points to the wisdom
or folly that engendered them, and finally, offers them as a beacon or example
for posterity in similar times and circumstances. And as the great moving
principles of our nature are unchangeable, he will read history with most
profit who compares the course of other ages with the living current of his
own, who will bear in mind the character and peculiar habits of times and
countries, who will judge of individual actions by this standard, and be
neither too easily startled at its conclusions nor too heedless of the lesson
it conveys. But however striking may be this analogy, it is nevertheless rare,
in times of public excitement, that the passions and prejudice of men will
admit of a just comparison between the drama in which they themselves are
actors, and those most analogous in the history of the world. If the historian
hath shadowed out dark and calamitous conclusions, their effect is likely to be
repelled by ambition or magnified by fear, and some slight variation of
circumstances will always be seized as an excuse for neglecting the past, while
the keen edge of history is unscrupulously applied to rival politics, and
becomes alternately the mote or beam of the Evangelist.
History, if it be not thus written and thus read, and
if it serve not as an incentive to wise actions, is merely a graver kind of
novel, a production of slight labour, which can give its author no just claim
to the title of historian.
Amongst those sparks of liberty that burst from the
smouldering ruins of Rome few ascended more brightly or more rapidly than the
Florentine Republic : it shone in arts and arms, in literature and science; and
had internal union been maintained, scarcely a state in Italy could have long
withstood the genius of its citizens. A fierce and insolent nobility was in the
beginning as justly dragged from power as it was afterwards unjustly punished;
yet the people fought not as in Rome, for equal rights, but absolute
uncompromising power: they legislated in wrath, preserved a false level by
unequal pressure, and the tyrannical and once formidable aristocracy became a
degraded caste: its power terminated; its insolence stood rebuked; but much of
its military spirit was also crushed, and finally ceased to animate the general
mass of citizens. No longer trusting to native valour, licentious bands of
strangers were hired to defend the commonwealth, and less as servants than as
masters: the moral effect was pernicious, and assisted by other causes produced
an indifference to military virtue which without entirely destroying,
depreciated personal spirit and often exposed the country to humiliating
exactions.
Nevertheless we have an example in Florence of the
power which even a petty state may attain by the innate force of free
institutions acting on a manly energy of character: the first bounds of her
authority were but a walk beyond the walls, and the republican territory, even
in its most palmy days, did not exceed a third of the present dukedom; yet from
that small centre the power of Florence gradually spread over all the
neighbouring states until the sea and the Apennines became its limits.
We have in Florence also the example of a victorious
people enlarging their territory by war without any real augmentation of
national force, for it is impossible that any state should gain strength when
more exhausted by the effort to conquer than enriched by the conquest: both
Venice and Florence were comparatively more formidable in their concentrated
vigour, when the former was a simple naval power and the latter confined to a
smaller circle, than when half Lombardy and Tuscany were under their control.
By a steady advance and multiplication of her
commercial relations, the natural effect of unfettered intercourse, wealth flowed
into Florence from the distant capital of China; from the nearer provinces of
Asia; the shores of Africa, and the ruder countries of Europe. Half the world
paid tribute to her skill: her alliance was sought and the weight of her
character felt by the leading powers of Christendom, and her citizenship,
neither lightly given nor yet an unexpensive honour, was accepted with pride by
some of the noblest families in Italy. The industry of her citizens created
luxuries which their private frugality forbade them to consume, while the
wealth thus acquired not only embellished their city but enabled them
cheerfully to sustain long and expensive wars for the maintenance of Italian
equality and their own political independence. Their mental activity and subtle
intellect penetrated everywhere, and they became so universally necessary that
in 1294 the Ambassadors of twelve different States and Kingdoms, from England
to Constantinople, all Florentines, met at Rome to congratulate Boniface VIII
on his election, and occasioned his well-known saying; “that in worldly matters
the Florentines seemed to be a fifth element”
Their republic was in truth a goodly fabric, but
ambition undermined it; for those fiery spirits that scarcely shake the mass of
greater states often burst through the lighter pressure of small communities
and destroy the social edifice. Large societies are commonly less open to
personal influence; the population though divided, acts in vast bodies; its
voice however loud, is seldom the voice of faction, and its leaders are borne
on the opinion of millions. Pride, anger, enmity, ambition; all are there; but
with only a partial influence, and permanently confined to the few; dispersed
through a multitude their effects are comparatively trifling; for though great
masses follow popular chiefs it is not as vassals or clansmen; their leaders
may a while deceive, but they ultimately work themselves free. Neither do such
struggles materially affect the administration of private justice, nor are they
likely to be made a cause of persecution by the winning faction; for this their
antagonists are too strong, too numerous, and would never suffer themselves to
be thinned out by banishment and confiscation. In petty communities the chiefs
are chiefs of faction, and their success the success of a sect in which each
individual follower relies for safety and stakes his life and fortune on the
cast. Modern states have the press and impeachment; Rome had the tribunitial
power as an outlet for public dissatisfaction; Florence neither: no efficient
means were there provided to punish a powerful offender or obtain justice for a
friendless man: a culprit in authority feared no accusation, no sentence, no
judgment unsupported by physical force; and his means of defence were precisely
of the same nature: faction rose necessarily opposed to faction, the punishment
of leaders brought misfortune on numbers, the city was thinned and public good
impaired: in Rome the single transgressor suffered, and few exiles and fewer
deaths disgraced that stormy commonwealth until its liberty fell in the
struggles between Sylla and Caius Marius.
In Florence the party-leaders were not followed by
numerous public bodies, for there was no republic without the walls; a few
powerful families led the van, and the contest was confined to the citizens,
themselves only a portion of the general urban population. A faction once in
power soon became formidable: death, exile, confiscation, and imprisonment
diminished the adverse ranks, and opposition was put down by the destruction of
hostile property: what with us would be a mere change of administration was there
the cause of a sudden revolution that trampled indiscriminately on mercy,
justice, and patriotism. No great course of policy really divided the factions:
they struggled for no political principle but unmitigated power; yet always
under the standard of some popular grievance; a cause noble in itself, but
unstable as their own sincerity, seized on for the hour and crushed in the
tumult of victory. In great communities, if leaders prove false, their
followers moved by a real or mistaken sense of injustice and a community of
interest, are generally true to the cause, and their desire is rarely
destructive of liberty; though ignorant, they are naturally just; and have,
moreover, a quick perception of truth when unfolded by an honest and friendly
hand. The result is that we have a species of public principle continually
floating in the political atmosphere, a mere speck perhaps, like a balloon,
which all regard but in which few are tempted to ascend: hence the public
conduct of party in great communities, though as full of evil passions as in
smaller states is not so exclusively directed by them; nor does vengeance
follow success where reason is not overwhelmed by general frenzy. The history
of Florence is an example of one, that of Great Britain not a bad illustration
of the other; while the administration of Ireland has hitherto combined the
most noxious qualities of both.
In Florence we shall see national politics pursued
with all the subtilty of ambition and personal hatred; we shall see treachery,
injustice, persecution and tyranny attend on the ascendant faction, with fear
and suspicion for its safeguards, and a rival’s destruction the only means of
self-preservation. The junction of such materials could seldom be for public
good, a question never discussed by Florentine leaders except when external
danger or foreign conquest for a season united them. Yet beneath this stormy
surface the stream of national wealth rolled powerfully though irregularly and
measures of general interest were promulgated even in the most unquiet times:
industry was vigilantly, sometimes perhaps unwisely managed, and the great
corporate power of the trades brought commerce safely through those tempests
that seemed to threaten the very existence of society. People of all ranks and
factions were legally compelled to enrol themselves in these professional
associations if they wished for political power, and consequently a strong
corporate spirit or commercial advantages formed the real bond of public union
in Florence: moreover riches and industry were widely spread; a busy trade gave
life and vigour to the national mass, which though roughly shaken by the jar of
factions, was never completely ruined until the strong spirit of independence
had entirely evaporated. This spirit was first awakened by the struggles of
Ardoino and Henry of Bavaria for the Italian throne; it gathered latent
strength through the troubled reign of Matilda, and assumed a definite form in
the beginning of the twelfth century: severely checked by the long continued
power of the Albizzi and enfeebled by the subtle policy of the elder Medici, it
ultimately sunk under the despotism of the younger. Leopold would have revived it,
but was prematurely called to fill a higher throne; Ferdinand, with a free and
honest spirit, had neither the energy, talents nor experience of his father,
and was swept away by the great wave of western revolution ere he had time to
begin what his own natural bias would have finally prompted. Free principles
have therefore not taken deep root in Tuscany; and Florence still remains with
much dormant talent, much of the acuteness, but, excepting a few distinguished
names, none of the spirit, enterprise, or untiring industry of the ancient
republic. Ruled by a Prince, who will gain more credit and do more real service
by restoring life and population to the Tuscan marshes, than amongst the thorns
of constitutional politics, she still exhibits the most thriving and contented
portion of the Italian peninsula.
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