BOOK THE FIRST.
CHAPTER
XV.
FROM
A.D. 1308 TO A.D. 1317.
The calm but
momentary satisfaction which follows political success is quickly disturbed by
the uneasiness of those whose merit may be more highly appreciated by
themselves than their countrymen, and the supposed ingratitude of the latter is
therefore proportionably magnified. Thus it was with Corso Donati, who although
decidedly the most able man of his party was also, if not the most ambitious,
certainly the most vain, restless, and dissatisfied; those in power were ever
the objects of his jealousy, and his halls as occasion suited offered defence
and refuge to the discontented of all parties. His power talents and personal
influence were still so formidable as to make him universally feared, and when
his ruin was decreed the accomplishment was no easy matter until he had been
first rendered an object of suspicion in the public mind; he had lately married
the daughter of Uguccione della Faggiola chief of the Romagna Ghibelines and
then paramount in Arezzo, and this alone was enough to awaken public jealousy
and contaminate every action. Rosso della Tosa, Pazzino de’ Pazzi, Geri Spini
and Berto Brunelleschi formed a cabal which keeping strictly united absorbed
all the power and honours of the state to the entire exclusion of Donati, and a
private quarrel with Pazzini augmented their mutual hatred. They were far from
blameless, and Corso with great plausibility and peculiar eloquence contrived
to render them odious to many even of their former adherents; amongst these
were the Bordoni and Medici, the latter now appearing for the first time to
take a prominent part in public affairs. The Bordoni were very powerful in
Pistoia Carmignano Prato and other places: the Medici had a considerable
following, and Corso Donati himself was always surrounded by numerous retainers;
so that with the aid of other chiefs and many rich popolani his party assumed a bold and serious character. But his enemies were not idle;
reports were industriously circulated that he aspired to supreme authority, and
supported by his ambitious father-in-law was plotting against public liberty.
The accusation was probably false; but his late marriage with a Ghibeline, his
numerous retainers, and his splendid establishment, which in luxury and
magnificence surpassed every sober notion (if civic grandeur and equality, all
conspired to spread an uneasy distrustful feeling in the public mind which even
his general popularity could not overcome. Yet he had many followers amongst
the nobility; the Rossi, Bardi, Frescobaldi, Tomaquinci and Buondelmonti were ever ready to attack a popular government and the
detested ordinances of justice, and a great body of the citizens totally
disbelieved the stories that were circulated against him.
The lower
classes are commonly accused of inconstancy, but it is generally to the man,
not the cause: their chiefs betray them, or they arc made to believe so, and at
once cast them off with one of those violent bursts of feeling that belong to
an undisciplined multitude thrown suddenly on its own resources by deceitful
leaders; their object though indistinct remains unchanged and while withdrawing
their confidence hold firm to their point, although like an unskilful disputant
they may not clearly define the question; and thus did popular favour shrink
from Corso Donati from the moment he was accused of plotting against the
freedom of his country. With a large body of adherents he advanced to the
public palace and demanded a complete change in the administration; the other
party also armed, and mutual reproaches succeeded, but the factions separated
at this time without bloodshed. The popularity of Corso was now thoroughly
undermined, and the priors after sounding the Campana for a general assembly of
the armed citizens, laid a formal accusation before the Podestà Piero Branca d‘ Agobbio against him for conspiring to overthrow the
liberties of his country and endeavouring to make himself Tyrant of Florence:
he was immediately cited to appear, and not complying from a reasonable
distrust of his judges, was within one hour, against all legal forms, condemned
to lose his head as a rebel and traitor to the commonwealth.
Not willing to
allow the culprit more time for an armed resistance than had been given for
legal vindication, the Seignory, preceded by the Gonfalonier of justice, and
followed by the Podesta the captain of the people and the executor; all
attended by their guards and officers; issued from the palace, and with the
whole civic force marshalled in companies with banners flying moved forward to
execute an illegal sentence against a single citizen, who nevertheless stood
undaunted on his defence.
Corso on first
hearing of the prosecution had hastily barricaded all the approaches to his
palace, but disabled by the gout could only direct the necessary operations
from his bed; yet thus helpless, thus abandoned by all but his own immediate
friends and vassals; suddenly condemned to death; encompassed by the bitterest
foes, with the whole force of the republic banded against him, he never cowered
for an instant but courageously determined to resist until succoured by
Uguccione della Faggiola to whom he had sent for aid. This attack continued
during the greater part of the day and generally with advantage to the Donati,
for the people were not unanimous and many fought unwillingly, so that if the
Rossi, Bardi, and other friends had joined and Uguccioni’s forces arrived, it would have gone hard with the citizens. The former were
intimidated, the latter turned back on hearing how matters stood; and then only
did Corso’s adherents lose heart and slink from the barricades while the
townsmen pursued their advantage by breaking down a garden wall opposite the Stinche prisons and taking their enemy in the rear. This
completed the disaster, and Corso seeing no chance remaining fled towards the
Casentino but being overtaken by some Catalonian troopers in the Florentine
service he was led back a prisoner from Rovezzano.
After vainly endeavouring to bribe them, unable to support the indignity of a
public execution at the hands of his enemies, he let himself fall from his
horse and receiving several stabs in the neck and flank from the Catalan lances
his body was left bleeding on the road until the monks of San Salvi removed it
to their convent where he was interred next morning with the greatest privacy.
Thus perished Corso Donati “the wisest and most worthy knight of his time; the
best speaker, the most experienced statesman; the most renowned, the boldest,
and most enterprising nobleman in Italy: he was handsome in person and of the
most gracious manners but very worldly, and caused infinite disturbance in
Florence on account of his ambition”. Yet says Macchiavelli “He deserves to be
placed amongst the rarest citizens Florence ever produced, and if his party and
country suffered great evil, they also received much good at his
hands”. “People now began to repose and his unhappy death was often and
variously discussed according to the feelings of friendship or enmity that
moved the speaker, but in truth his life was dangerous and his death
reprehensible. He was a knight of great mind and name, gentle in manners as in
blood; of a fine figure even in his old age, with a beautiful countenance,
delicate features, and a fair complexion; pleasing, wise; and an eloquent
speaker. His attention was ever fixed on important things, he was intimate with
all the great and noble, had an extensive influence, and was famous throughout
Italy. He was an enemy of the middle classes and their supporters, beloved by
the troops, but full of malicious thoughts, wicked and artful. He was thus
basely murdered by a foreign soldier and his fellow-citizens well knew the man,
for he was instantly conveyed away: those who ordered his death were Rosso
della Tosa and Pazzino de’ Pazzi as is commonly said by all, and some bless him
and some the contrary. Many believe that the two said knights killed him, and I
wishing to ascertain the truth inquired diligently and found what I have said
to be true”. Such is the character of Corso Donati which has come down to us
from two authors who must have been personally acquainted with this
distinguished chief but opposed to each other in the general politics of their
country.
Gherardo
Bordoni who had fought steadily for Corso to the last also shared his fate and
fell by the spear of Boccaccio Cavicciuli degli Adimari as he was crossing the
Affrico streamlet in the plain of San Salvi; and as a specimen of party feeling
or private rancour, it may be added that the dead man’s hand was cut off by the
victor and carried in triumph like a trophy to Florence where it was nailed to
the house door of Fedice Adimari his private enemy.
A domestic calm
followed the close of Corso Donati’s tempestuous career and for a while no
symptoms of disturbance appeared; for with the aid of Uguccione della Faggiola,
who aimed at the lordship of Arezzo, Tarlati of Pietramala was overcome and
exiled by the Guelphs of that city. They immediately made peace with Florence
and sinking all party differences amongst themselves endeavoured by a coalition
with the Ghibelines to rule under the name of the “Green Party”. This however
could not last, and in April; only four months after their expulsion; the
Tarlati returned in force, drove the Guelphic and green party from Arezzo with
considerable bloodshed and broke the peace with Florence. About the same period
the Bianchi and Ghibelines of Prato overcame the Guelphic faction but with the
aid of Florence and Pistoia it was quickly reinstated Florence remaining in
possession of the town. An expedition was afterwards sent into the Aretine dominions which performed the usual round of
insults and devastation up to the city walls; but the most interesting event of
this period was the spontaneous, general and successful resistance of the
Pistoians against a barbarous attempt of the Lucchese to destroy their half of
the city, an attempt which even by Florence was stigmatised as infamous and
finally defeated.
Ever since its
fall Pistoia bad been governed with excessive rigour and even cruelty by both
nations; the podestas and captains from each republic practised one continued
system of spoliation oppression and outrageous insult; every successive
magistrate enriched himself at the expense of the community and even the very
wives and daughters of the citizens were forcibly taken from their homes to
satisfy the cupidity of their oppressors. By continuing this tyranny, with a
civil war raging around; deprived of their territory; their ramparts
demolished; and their city open to every Ghibeline incursion, the inhabitants
of Pistoia had been brought to such a state of misery and desperation that they
were ready to rush into any action however desperate to break away from their
tyrants. The Lucchese were even more hated and tyrannical than the Florentines
and had so exasperated their victims that on the appearance of a new governor
of no substance and low condition they plumply refused to receive him, certain
that he was only sent to batten on public peculation and injustice. Instantly;
as we are told by the anonymous cotemporary author of the “Istorie Pistolesi;” “As if by the will of God there arose a
great rumour in the city which seemed like a divine voice from heaven, so that
everybody cried out: ‘Let the town he fortified’. And without any deliberation,
men, women, children, and nobles seized on planks, iron, and timber, and laying
them all round the city began a wooden rampart on the site of its ruined walls.
This was commenced about nine in the morning, and at evening prayer the whole
town was palisaded; they then commenced the ditches on the side of Lucca.”
The new
governor, Tornuccio Sandoni,
on seeing this burst of feeling hastily retired and fresh troops were soon in
full march from Lucca to crush the revolt; but the citizens being resolved on a
bloody resistance assembled all their rural adherents, sent away their children
with every moveable of value declaring that it was better to die once than be
murdered a thousand times.
It was at this
crisis, when the Lucchese army had arrived at Pontelungo two miles from Pistoia, that Lippo Vergellesi the Florentine commander at
Sambuca with the sanction of his government interfered, and by persuasion and
threats succeeded in arresting their march: they accordingly retired to
Serravalle and ambassadors from Siena arriving as peace-makers it was finally
settled that the barricades should be instantly destroyed and remain so for
eight days under the protection of Siena to satisfy the honour of Lucca; after
which the Pistoians were at liberty to re-erect their walls, and although still
bound to have a Lucchese podesta they themselves were permitted to choose him.
The Senese ambassadors returned home but discord still continued in Pistoia
between the peace and the war party; for scarcely had fear subsided when old
contentions arose, and the everlasting contest once more convulsed that
unfortunate community.
The deaths of
Albert of Austria, Charles of Naples, and Azzo of Este all occurred about this
period and considerably affected the politics of Italy: from the house of Este
sprung the first of those tyrants that afterwards became so notorious
throughout the cities of Lombardy: Azzo VIII made his natural son Fresco’s
child heir to his property in preference to his own brother Francesco, and a
family struggle was the consequence: this suited the ambition of Venice which
immediately sent assistance to Folco the grandchild, while the pope declared
for Francesco from similar motives. The pontiff however soon claimed the city
of Ferrara as a possession of the church by virtue of imperial diplomas, and
the selfishness of Venice became soon apparent; Cardinal Arnaud de Pellagrue, Clement the Fifth’s nephew, was invested with
both temporal and spiritual power to prosecute the ecclesiastical claims, which
he promptly exercised by preaching a crusade against the Venetians. The
Florentines tired of their own excommunication, and superstitious about the
success of an anathematised nation’s affairs, seized this occasion to reconcile
themselves with the church, and sending a considerable reinforcement to the
papal army were, along with the Bolognese, principally instrumental in gaining
a complete and bloody victory over the Venetians on the seventeenth of
September 1309, with the destruction of six thousand men. The city, and all its
allies for six years back, was of course immediately absolved and once more the
Florentines rejoiced to find themselves in their natural position as friends of
the Holy See.
Robert Duke of
Calabria succeeded Charles II of Naples and in June 1309 was crowned at Avignon
by Clement V; but the death of Albert King of the Romans was a more important
event in Italian politics: Albert had been exclusively employed in extending
his personal authority and aggrandising the house of Austria; his ambition was
great and his injustice proportional: Vienna and Styria had revolted; he was at
war with the Swiss republics of Berne, Zurich, and Friburg,
and attempted the subjection of Uri, Schwitz, and Underwald,
which driven to extremities expelled his ministers and founded the Swiss
Confederation. Having also cheated his nephew John of Austria of his
inheritance and insulted him by biting expressions, the young man with some
other discontented gentlemen murdered him at the passage of the Reuss between
Stein and Baden, almost under the walls of Habsburg, and in sight of all his
attendants, who had just crossed over to the opposite bank of the river.
Philip the Fair
on hearing of this, instantly demanded the pope’s aid in securing the empire
for his brother Charles of Valois who had already made himself so notorious at
Florence; but Clement hated and feared the destroyer of Boniface, and advised
by the Cardinal of Prato gave an empty assent, while by a secret despatch he
urged the electors to an immediate choice if they wished to escape French
influence, indicating Henry of Luxembourg as the man in every respect best
adapted to their interests. This election accordingly took place in November
1308, and Henry was crowned the following April at Aix-la-Chapelle with the
pope’s approbation.
Henry VI among
the emperors and the seventh of that name amongst the kings of Germany, had
little or no power but his connexions and personal character gave him
considerable influence; not for the extension of his authority in Germany, for
there was too much jealousy in that quarter, but for an entrance into the
long-neglected field of Italy which since the death of Frederic II had been
utterly abandoned by the emperors and completely severed from the empire. Yet
the magic of the imperial name, the title of the Roman Casar, still retained a
strong hold on the obedience of Ausonia, and even adverse states opposed him
with a consciousness of their own impropriety.
During all this
time hostilities continued between Florence and Arezz0 month and in the
month of June when the former was preparing a formidable armament an imperial
messenger arrived to forbid any further prosecution of the war, for Arezzo, as
he asserted, belonged to the emperor who would restore tranquillity on his
arrival in Italy. This startling announcement caused some alarm at first but it
was finally disregarded; the army marched, and after insulting Arezzo and
committing the accustomed outrages returned to the capital leaving however a
strong redoubt well garrisoned within two miles of that city which would itself
have fallen if some of the Florentine nobles had not found the war too
lucrative to allow of its being promptly terminated.
Henry of
Luxembourg advanced during the summer as far as Lausanne where he received
ambassadors from most of the Italian states and factions; all parties hoped
something from his coming; those in authority for its continuance through his
favour, those in exile for a restoration to their home; the Guelphs from his
alliance with the pope, and the Ghibelines from his imperial dignity. The
cities of the Guelphic league had also prepared their embassies but becoming
aware of his high pretensions and determination to restore the exiled faction
they unwisely resolved to keep aloof for awhile and act as circumstances wight
dictate; this alienated the emperor who before was indisposed to disturb them,
while the Pisans with better policy sent him sixty thousand florins and a warm
invitation to cross the Alps. He made this passage in the month of September,
and in October was joyfully received at Asti although accompanied by a slender
retinue: all the Lombard tyrants were soon in motion and eager to court him; Guidotto della Torre of Milan offered boastingly to lead
him over Italy with his hawk on his glove and the rest sought him in a similar
manner. Henry made no exclusive professions, or any distinction of party, but
admitted chiefs of every faction into his council; promised his favour and
protection to all, but distinctly announced that no authority was legitimate
that did not emanate from the empire: wherefore every city was formally
summoned to re-enter under that dominion and all exiles were recalled. He knew
this to be popular with the citizens generally, but the great rulers of
Lombardy reluctantly saw themselves compelled to resign their dignities and
receive them again as imperial fiefs: Guidotto della
Torre alone demurred; he had formed an alliance with the Guelphic League of
Tuscany, had as great an army and more money than the emperor, in whose court
were his own nephew the Archbishop of Milan with whom he had quarrelled, and
his arch-enemy Matteo Visconti. After two months spent in reforming Piedmont
and everywhere substituting imperial Vicars for Podestàs,
recalling exiles and assuming the supreme government of the cities, the emperor
moved on towards Milan, haughtily commanding that his quarters should be
prepared in the public palace then occupied by the Torriani,
and that these chiefs should meet him unarmed at the head of the citizens
outside of the town. Henry came with the most exalted notions of divine right,
yet willing when not opposed to govern as justly as any prince was expected to
govern in those days.
“He came down”
says Dino Compagni, “descending from city to city and bringing peace to each as
if he were an angel of God, and receiving the faith of all until he arrived
near Milan.” The people everywhere had hailed him as a benefactor, and Guidotto della Torre knowing that his townsmen also entertained
similar opinions prudently determined to take the lead of all and obey the
mandate. The example of Milan was followed by the rest of Lombardy; deputies
poured in from every state to assist at the coronation and swear allegiance to
the emperor: this ceremony took place on Christmas-day. Genoa and Venice alone
refusing under various pretences to take the oath. To please the citizens Henry
was crowned at Milan instead of Monza with the ancient iron crown, which was an
imitation of “laurel leaves in thin steel, polished and shining as a sword, and
with many large pearls and other stones”.
Early in 1311
the Florentines foreseeing what a dangerous use might be made of their own
exiles by a prince so bent on vindicating the imperial authority, issued a decree
by which on payment of a trifling fine all, with certain exceptions, were
restored; a selection was made of those who were thus allowed to return and
another decree promulgated, by which the excepted families under the formal
denomination of “Escettati” were declared for ever
incapable of pardon, and even the sound of their names was forbidden in the
public councils. Ever afterwards when a general indemnity was proclaimed for
the “Fuorusciti” or exiles, the clause “Salve le famiglie escettati” was
invariably introduced.
Henry was
indefatigable in business and made rapid progress in the work of pacification;
the Guelphs and Ghibelines mutually complained of his partiality while calmer
people gave him credit for his even justice; but the Guelphs in consequence
held back and the emperor must have soon discovered that the opposite faction
were his only real adherents as having everything to hope and nothing to fear
from his protection. Verona would not listen to his proposal of recalling the
Guelphs after a banishment of sixty years, and Can della Scala and his city
were much too strong for any attempt to enforce it; this chief was one of
Henry’s earliest adherents, and the emperor however well disposed to neutrality
must have felt internally pleased with the resolution: besides both himself and
his followers were poor and supplies could be more easily procured by good-will
than coercion.
Money was as a
matter of course demanded freely of the different states, and the Visconti and Torriani of Milan each eager for the emperor’s support, or
his expulsion, vied with each other in augmenting the original demand which by
their rivalry was doubled to the utter dismay of the citizens, who vainly
implored some abatement from the emperor. Hostages were required from both
parties as honourable attendants on the court, amongst which were included the
rival chiefs, and the dissatisfaction arising from this act was used by Matteo
Visconti, (a much abler as well as a more cunning man than his opponent) to
excite an insurrection against the Germans by a pretended coalition with him;
in the midst of the tumult however he suddenly quitted the Milanese side and
joining the emperor’s party defeated the credulous Torriani,
burned all their houses and finally drove them from the town, of which the
Visconti became from that moment masters.
This revolt
although unsuccessful was followed, principally through Florentine influence,
by similar insurrections in all the Guelphic cities; the lately restored exiles
were again banished and the imperial vicars deposed; but being executed
suddenly and without concert the risings were weak and unstable : Crema,
Cremona, Lodi, and Como all submitted and some were treated with great cruelty:
Brescia alone stood firm, and under the unfortunate Teobaldo Brusati made a
gallant resistance against all the efforts of Henry. Teobaldo was taken
prisoner in a sally but like Regulus he scorned to save his own life by urging
his countrymen to peace, and writing from his prison to inspire them with new
courage was put to a scarcely less cruel death. Immediately after, no less than
sixty Germans were seen dangling in retaliation from the battlements of
Brescia. The emperor’s brother subsequently fell; the summer was now spent,
Henry found himself baffled by a single city and his honour involved in its
capture; yet impatient to get to Rome he wished to try the force of spiritual
arms but the legates who accompanied him refused, because excommunication when
men’s passions were inflamed with civil war failed they said in its effect, but
they tried the milder course of persuasion and succeeded. A capitulation was
signed which saved the imperial reputation and put sixty or seventy thousand
florins into his treasury while the Brescians after severe suffering preserved
their lives and property.
He then
repaired to Genoa which was convulsed by quarrels between the Ghibeline house
of Spinola and the Guelphic families of Doria, Fieschi, and Grimaldi. For the
first time this proud republic submitted itself to a foreign master, not
through fear or compulsion, but from a conviction of its utility in the
suppression of domestic factions and as a public testimonial of gratitude for
the impartial exertions of Henry to restore public tranquillity. The Genoese
sovereignty was given to him for twenty years and Uguccione della Faggiola made
his vicar; but money was again required and again by means of Florentine
intrigue and subsidies new disorders broke out in Lombardy.
Robert King of
Naples also became alarmed and dispatched ambassadors to Henry at Genoa which
in the beginning promised peace, but Rome being almost simultaneously occupied
by Prince John of Naples with a strong force to oppose Henry and the
Ghibelines, they prudently withdrew and both sovereigns prepared for
hostilities.
The Guelphic
league of Tuscany of which King Robert was the acknowledged leader, had sent
troops in the previous October to occupy the passes of the Bolognese Apennines;
also to Sarzana and the Lucchese territory in order
to stop the emperor’s advance, and Henry had about the same time dispatched
Pandolfo Savelli and Niccolò Bishop of Botronte as
his harbingers into the states of Bologna and Florence; but their approach
excited a tumult in the former city and they were repelled with some personal
danger. Shaping their course for the latter they arrived at Lastra when the
agitation became extreme and the presence of all the Florentine exiles in the
imperial army set the current of public opinion strong against them.
Their advent
had been previously announced by a special messenger and a council was
assembled which after long debate made proclamation that these were ambassadors
from the tyrant king of Germany who had destroyed as many as he was able of the
Lombard Guelphs, and was now on his way to ruin the Florentines and restore
their enemies, while by an embassy of priests he wished to destroy Florence
under shadow of the church; therefore full liberty was given to any one to rob
and outrage them with impunity. Their envoy who had retired to his inn was
afraid to move, and the. ambassadors although warned of their danger by the
exertions of a friend, foolishly remained at Lastra for the night; a mob
quickly assembled; and, as Villani asserts, with the secret not the open
sanction of the priors; attacked, insulted, plundered, and would probably have
murdered them if the Podestà, pressed by another tumult in their favour and at
the intercession of the above-named friend, had not recovered their property;
but refusing to hear their mission they were escorted beyond the frontier where
Counts Guidi gave them honourable welcome in the name of both Guelph and
Ghibeline. Safe in these lords’ territory they made it a rallying point against
Florence, established an imperial tribunal at Civitella, between Siena and
Arezzo, before which these two republics as well as Florence and several other
cities were summoned and the disobedient condemned for contumacy: except
Florence Siena Chiusi and Borgo San Sepolcro, all
acknowledged the imperial mandate so that the insulted deputies were enabled to
rejoin the emperor at Pisa in the month of March with a respectable body of
Tuscan auxiliaries.
The empress
died in the previous November at Genoa and about the same period the
Florentines, a detachment of whose troops had joined King Robert at Rome, were
cited to appear at the imperial court within forty days, under pain of
condemnation in goods and person wherever they should be found. The mandate
remained unheeded but an order was immediately dispatched to warn the merchants
of their danger, and soon after a reinforcement of two hundred Neapolitan
men-at-arms joined them.
In this state
of things Henry of Namur arrived at Pisa by sea with a few followers and
commenced hostilities against Florence: the emperor followed in March round
whom the Pisans flocked with a frank generous enthusiasm, and devotion to his
cause that far surpassed anything he had hitherto met with in Italy. They
supplied him with galleys, troops, and money; made him absolute Lord of Pisa,
offered to suspend their constitution in his favour, and instantly renewed
hostilities, with Lucca, Florence, and the Tuscan league: Henry remained with
them until the 22nd of April collecting soldiers and at the head of fifteen
hundred men-at-arms marched on towards Rome. He was opposed at the Ponte Nolle
by Prince John of Naples but easily forcing this passage, crossed the Tiber and
entered the capital. In conjunction with the Colonna faction and Senator he
soon mastered the greater part but could make no impression on the quarter of
the Vatican which was defended by Prince John, and therefore on the 29th June
and against all ancient usage was compelled to have his coronation performed in
the Lateran.
The city was
divided in feeling, and the emperor’s position so precarious that he retired to
Tivoli at the end of August and moved towards Tuscany ravaging the Perugian territory on his way, being determined to bring
Florence and all her allies to submission. At Arezzo he was honourably welcomed
and thence marching along the left bank of the Arno invaded the Republic: Caposelvole immediately surrendered, Montevarchi resisted bravely for three days; San Giovanni next fell; Fegghini soon followed, and all the Florentine troops amounting to eighteen hundred
men-at-arms were concentrated round Incisa on the Arno to dispute the imperial
progress. Satisfied with a sullen opposition they refused the offered combat,
for their allies had not yet joined neither were they regularly commanded: the
emperor on seeing this immediately turned the fortress of Incisa by difficult
mountain passes and under the guidance of Florentine exiles pushed forward a
detachment to occupy Montelfi which a strong body of
the enemy were approaching for the same purpose. The Florentines were attacked
suddenly and driven back on the main body of their army at Incisa where they
remained that night entirely cut off from Florence, while the imperial army
took up a position two miles nearer that capital and after a short consultation
marched directly towards it. At San Salvi they encamped, and a sudden assault
would probably have carried the city, for the inhabitants were taken by
surprise, were in a state of consternation, and could scarcely believe that the
emperor was there in person: their natural energy soon returned, the
Gonfaloniers assembled their companies, the whole population armed themselves,
even to the bishop and clergy; a camp was formed within the walls, the outer
ditch palisaded, the gates closed, and thus for two days they remained hourly
expecting an assault. At last their cavalry were seen returning by various ways
and in small detachments: succours also poured in from Lucca, Prato, Pistoia,
Volterra, Colle, and San Gimignano; and even Bologna,
Rimini, Ravenna, Faenza, Cesina, Agobbio, Citta di
Castello with several other places rendered their assistance: indeed so great
and extensive was Florentine influence and so rapid the communication, that
within eight days after the investment four thousand men-at-arms and
innumerable infantry were assembled at Florence!
As this was
about double the imperial cavalry and four times its infancy the city gates
were thrown open and business proceeded as usual except through that entrance
immediately opposite to the enemy. For two and forty days did the emperor
remain within a mile of Florence ravaging all the country but making no
impression on the town; after which he raised the siege and moved to San
Casciano eight miles south of the capital, where receiving reinforcements from
Pisa and Genoa, the Florentines thought it necessary to strengthen their
defences on the left bank of the Arno. The war was then carried on by frequent
skirmishes, until winter and sickness forced the imperialists into Poggibonzi, which was restored to its original position on
the hill and took the name of “Poggio or Castello Imperial”. Here the emperor
remained, suffering much from want and continual alarms; with Siena in his rear
and Florence in front; all the roads occupied, both flanks infested, his
detachments cut off, and a continual waste of men and money until the ninth of
March, when he moved to Pisa and prepared for a new campaign.
The Florentines
had thus from the first, without much military skill or enterprise, proved
themselves the boldest and bitterest enemies of Henry; their opposition had
never ceased; by letters promises and money, they corrupted all Lombardy;
Ghiberti of Parma, Guidotto della Torre, Cremona,
Brescia, Reggio, the cardinals, the long of France and even the pope himself
were all assailed by Florentine subsidies and Florentine intrigue: for this the
people were pressed to the utmost, but believing that it was for the
maintenance of their liberty were cheerful givers. Yet party quarrels did not
cease: to the four former chiefs of the Neri had been added Tegghiaio
Frescobaldi and Gherardo Ventraia; these six
compelled the Podesta to decapitate Masino Cavalcanti and one of the
Gherardini; they ruled the priors at their pleasure, disposed of every office
in the state, condemned or absolved whom and when they pleased and were
absolute masters of the commonwealth. The chief of these, Rosso della Tosa,
died from the effects of a fall in 1309. “God,” says Dino Compagni, “had been
expecting him a long time for he was above seventy-five years old.” “He was an
able-minded knight, the source of discord in Florence, an enemy of the people,
a friend of tyrants. This was he who separated the entire Guelphic party into
Bianchi and Neri; he it was that kindled civil dissension; this was the man
that with cares intrigues and promises kept others under him. True to the black
faction he persecuted the white; on him the circumjacent states of his own
party depended and with him alone did they treat.” “His two sons and a young
relation were afterwards made knights by the influence of his party; much money
was given to them on this occasion and they were called “The Knights of the
Spinning Wheel”, because their pensions were charged on the earnings of poor
women who lived by such employment.”
In the
following February Betto Brunelleschi the hardest,
most insolent, and most imperious of the black faction also disappeared. “He
was of a Ghibeline family,” says Dino, “rich in money and possessions, but
hated by the people because in times of scarcity he used to lock up his corn;
saying, ‘I will have such a price for it or not sell it at all.’ He persecuted
the Bianchi and Ghibelines for two reasons; first to gain favour with the
dominant faction, and secondly because he never could hope forgiveness for his
apostacy.” “He was an eloquent man, much employed in embassies, intimate with
Boniface VIII, was the principal author of Corso Donati’s misfortune, and so
addicted to evil that he cared neither for God or the world but veered about as
suited his own inclination. He died by the hands of two young Donati while
engaged in a game of chess to the great joy of many, for he was an infamous
citizen”.
The third of
the four rulers of Florence Pazzino de’ Pazzi soon followed his companions; he
also was the victim of domestic vengeance; the death of Masino Cavalcanti was
neither forgotten nor forgiven by that powerful family which could muster sixty
men-at-arms of the name alone and held the ruling powers in detestation. In
January 1312 Paffiera Cavalcanti hearing that Pazzino, attended only by one
servant, was gone out to try a falcon on the dry bed of the Arno near Santa
Croce, instantly mounted and followed him with some of the Brunelleschi who
attributed the death of their kinsman Betto to his
contrivance. Pazzino soon guessed their errand and fled towards the stream but
was overtaken by Cavalcanti’s javelin and afterwards dispatched in the water.
The Pazzi and Donati who had become friends instantly armed and the Cavalcanti
in their turn were attacked; barricades sprang up in a moment, friends mustered
hastily on every side, the della Toss, die Tomaquinci,
the Scali, the Agli, the Lucardesi and many others
were in arms; the people seemed to have joined willingly in this strife, three
palaces of the Cavalcanti were again burning and the town once more in wild
disorder.
After
tranquillity had been partially restored the Pazzi accused their adversaries
before the priors and forty-eight of the Cavalcanti were immediately condemned
in person and property and that family again expelled from Florence. Two sons
and two kinsmen of Pazzino were made knights by the people, for he was
generally popular, as a reward for his services, and even pensioned at the
public charge by those whom he ruled and favoured while alive.
Geri Spini
alone remained of all the chief persecutors of Corso Donati, and he lived in
doubt and anxiety from the recent honourable restoration of that family with
the Bordoni and their friends to a country whence they had been so lately
banished with shame and injury. Not content with their revenge on Bette
Brunelleschi, the kinsmen of Corso Donati determined to pay those honours to
this chief’s memory which their sudden exile had before rendered impossible :
wherefore assembling all their friends and followers they issued in complete
armour from the houses of the Donati, proceeded direct to the church of San
Salvi and disinterring the old chieftain’s festered corpse bore it away to
Florence in martial pomp and sullen triumph; as their fathers had that of
Rustico Marignolli. Torches, priests, and funeral
songs did honour to the dead; bands of armed knights guarded the bier, and
while the sacred rites continued, drew round the church in menacing array, with
solemn defiance to their enemies. In this impressive mode were the last duties
performed for him whose life had been a continued scene of armed tumult, and
who even in death seemed to be denied the quiet of the grave; for the insatiate
spirit of Donati they said still walked the earth crying for vengeance on those
false friends who first deserted him, then conspired against him, and finally
brought him to an ignominious end. “Thus,” exclaims Dino Compagni at the end of
Iris chronicle; “Thus our city continues tormented; thus obstinate in evil
deeds remain our citizens; and what is done today is blamed tomorrow. Sages are
wont to say that a wise man does nothing
to repent of.’ But in this city and by these citizens nothing is done however
praiseworthy that is not blamed and stigmatised as evil. Men kill each other
and no law punishes the criminal, but according as he hath friends or money to
spend, so is he acquitted of the crime. O wicked citizens! Ye that have
corrupted and vitiated mankind by your evil customs and unhallowed gains! Ye
are those who have introduced every evil habit into the world, and now the
world will reward you! The emperor with all his powers will come upon you and
plunder you by sea and land”.
The devastation
of the country by imperial armies fully accomplished this prediction but
neither filled the emperor’s coffers nor saved his troops from disease and
suffering. An embassy from Frederic King of Sicily brought him a small supply
at Poggibonzi and enabled him to move to Pisa where
he immediately issued a process against the Florentines depriving them of every
honour and jurisdiction, displacing their judges and notaries, fining the
community one hundred thousand marks of silver, condemning the principal
citizens in goods and person; forbidding the republic to coin gold or silver
money, and allowing Ubizzino Spinola of Genoa and the
Marquis of Monferrato to counterfeit the golden florin of the republic.
Against King
Robert of Naples similar denunciations were directed all of which were
subsequently annulled by the selfarrogated power of
Clement V. Some irregular hostilities were maintained by partisans during
Henry’s stay at Pisa, which gave Pietrasanta and Sarrezzano to the imperialists; but the emperor now turned
all his energies to the conquest of Naples as the first step towards that of
Italy itself. For this he formed a league with Sicily and Genoa, assembled
troops from Germany and Lombardy; filled his treasury in various ways, and soon
found himself at the head of two thousand five hundred German cavalry and one
thousand five hundred Italian men-at-arms, besides a Genoese fleet of seventy
galleys under Lamba Doria and fifty more supplied by the King of Sicily who
with a thousand men-at-arms had already invaded Calabria by capturing
Reggio and other places. On the 5th of August the emperor marched from Pisa by
the Vale of Elsa towards Siena; near which some skirmishing took place and
passing forward encamped at Monteaperto where an indisposition which he had
previously felt at Pisa began to gather strength : from Monteaperto he moved on
to the baths of Macereto in the plain of Filetta and thence to Buonconvento twelve miles from Siena where the illness gained ground and he expired on the
24th of August 1313.
The
intelligence of this event spread joy and consternation amongst his friends and
enemies; the army soon separated, and his own immediate followers with the
Pisan auxiliaries carried his body back to Pisa where it was magnificently
interred.
Thus died Henry
of Luxembourg an able prince who accomplished great things with scanty means:
he is described by cotemporary writers as wise, just, and gracious, a good
catholic, sincere in mind, magnanimous in heart, and strong and secure in arms;
of the middle size with good features but a slight cast in the eye. Possessed
of great talents and perseverance he was active and indefatigable in business,
temperate, loving peace, never depressed by misfortune nor elated by success,
wherefore he was feared beloved and reverenced. Lord of a small and powerless
state he was placed on the imperial throne to serve a political purpose; but
without money authority, or any other influence save that of his personal
character and kindred. He nevertheless allayed the jealousy of the German
princes, reconciled their mutual contentions, and directed his whole thoughts
to the recovery of Italy; arriving without army or resources he yet managed by
the single force of his genius to raise the one and accumulate the other. He
pacified factions, restored exiles, vindicated the imperial authority, gained
friends and allies and finally equipped an immense army for the conquest of
Naples where Robert had no equivalent force to oppose him, and would probably
have retired to France for personal safety.
The Florentines
have been accused of causing his death by bribing a Dominican friar to give him
a poisoned wafer in administering the sacrament; but there seems no just reason
to credit this tale: his health began to sink under the effects of fatigue and
suffering at the siege of Florence; perhaps even at Rome or under the walls of
Brescia, and although he at last expired suddenly and unexpectedly the full
extent of his malady was probably concealed while at Pisa and on the march, in
order not to dishearten his soldiers.
Death saved the
Italians from his sovereignty, but his life might have made them a strong,
united, and ultimately an independent people: Florence also was saved, for such
talents so supported must have finally triumphed.
Nevertheless
the republic occupied a noble position. Putting themselves,
says Sismondi, at the head of the Guelphic party, the Florentines embraced in
their negotiations the politics of all Italy. Already leagued with Lucca,
Siena, and Bologna they sought the friendship of Guido della Torre in 1311
before his expulsion from Milan by the Visconti and did not desert him in his
misfortunes: they not only excited Brescia to revolt but supplied the
inhabitants with money against the emperor who besieged it in person; they
kindled a spirit in Padua that Can della Scala could not easily extinguish;
they bribed Parma to make an open declaration against the German Prince and
even sent troops to Rome to oppose his coronation. Lastly they extended their
negotiations to the courts of France and Avignon and were apparently the first
to conceive the notion of connecting together all the members of the great
European republic by a balance of power that might secure the general
independence. Those who now see nothing but inconvenience in the system of
annual parliaments would do well to consider that these enlarged views and
plans of universal politics, more or less followed by European statesmen ever
since the fourteenth century, originated in a shopkeeping democracy whose
executive government was changed six times a year in all its principal
branches, and in which the ministers who commenced any negotiation or other
important matter could scarcely have expected to be in office at its
termination. Florence was small but free, and more than commonly enlightened
for the age; its people of an acute and searching intellect, full of industry
and elasticity, and perfectly comprehending the general interests of the
commonwealth: its counsels were exclusively guided by the most able heads of
those branches of commerce by which it was enriched: popularly chosen, they
expressed the will of their constituents but did not allow the especial
concerns of their trade to overlay those of the community, nor was there, save
the national but impolitic principle of exalting manufactures above
agriculture, any demand for exclusive protection from particular branches of
industry; each ceded a little and the machine rolled smoothly on until
extraneous accidents paralysed its more wholesome action. The leading trades
were then at Florence what they now are in England, united and powerful bodies
with many followers; but inclosed in the narrow
precincts of a single city and sharing directly in the government they both
imbibed and imparted knowledge at home while their feelers extending over all
the known world directed a stream of riches and intelligence to the centre.
Nor, until the Medici sapped the republic, after the aristocracy and Ghibelines
fell, was there any party that from mere faction or love of political power
vitiated the measures of the state in its exterior policy; because, with the
exception of a certain number of noble families, every citizen might expect to
be called in his turn to the head of affairs, while the regular emoluments were
too small, the period of office too short, and the duty too severe to make
public employment on these accounts alone the object of illegitimate ambition.
Florence showed
great moral courage in her determined opposition to Henry VII but her military virtues,
in the opinion of Sismondi, had already begun to decay; yet nearly four hundred
gentlemen of the highest rank and most distinguished families (their names are
still extant) perished or were taken prisoners in the bloody battles of
Montecatini and Altopascio affording ample proof of their courageous spirit;
and nearly six hundred more belonging to the contado may be added to the number who thus suffered for their country; all serving
gratuitously!
Their
tranquillity during the siege was calculation, not cowardice; they had double
the emperor’s numbers, but the Germans were always more formidable troops than
the Italians; a defeat would have lost the city where the party of their exiles
was strong; yet their gates were never shut nor their usual business
interrupted: the result justified this caution for public safety, not a
brilliant victory, was their object.
The pernicious
system of employing foreign mercenaries had nevertheless been long gaining
ground amongst all the Italian states; they were at this period called “Catalan”,
but although adopting the name were totally unconnected with that fierce
company of all nations who under Roger de Flor still held together when
dismissed in 1302 by Frederic of Sicily and carried terror and desolation
through Greece and Asia. They may be considered as the first “Condottieri”
having been employed by the Greek Emperor Andronicus against the Turks and
Bulgarians: their less famous imitators, composed of French Spanish and other
adventurers, sold themselves at a given price to any purchaser without having a
spark of the nobler and more generous feelings of a soldier.
This system
swelled gradually from the few retainers of turbulent citizens like Corso
Donati, to the subsequent employment of large public armies; and the despicable
character of men who thus sold their blood and conscience, together with the
influence of increasing trade the natural enemy of war; besides other causes;
gradually brought the profession of arms into disrepute at Florence: but it was
not until after the middle of this century that the military spirit received
its greatest shock; the warlike nobility was then completely subdued; long and
expensive contests began with Milan, soldiers became more plentiful than money,
and the military service of country gentlemen was allowed to be exchanged for
an equivalent pecuniary contribution. This gradually deadened national spirit
and encouraged the employment of mercenaries with all their train of necessary
evil.
There are
periods when the general cause of liberty may be supported on a foreign soil;
when native tyranny may be best opposed in the ranks of a stranger; when the
universal rights of man, of the weak and the injured, may be vindicated by
assisting a country in which we have no apparent interest, or even where the
art of war may be learned by those destined to defend their own. These are
generous and legitimate motives for assistance; but the mere gladiator who
changes sides as the scale preponderates, and kills for gold alone, is only a
tolerated ruffian on a larger scale and disgraces the name of soldier.
With such
companions the Florentines became everr day less
inclined to serve, more especially as the general belief in their own opulence
had raised the market price and therefore increased the difficulty of procuring
their ransom far above that of any other Italians; so that various
circumstances concurred to change the ancient military spirit and substitute
foreign mercenaries for the unpaid valour of devoted citizens.
The sudden
death of Henry VII elated the Guelphs as much as it depressed the Ghibelines
and completely changed the political position of Italy: but the Pisans had most
cause to mourn, for they joined him with a generous confidence, stipulated
nothing for themselves, expended two millions of florins in his service,
supplied him with ships and soldiers, made his cause their own with a zeal that
springs only from unity and sincerity of heart; and after all this they found
themselves exposed single-handed to the resentment of those they had provoked
for his sake.
Perplexed but
not daunted, they soon resumed their native energy and even endeavoured to
retain the imperial army in their pay: but the Germans indisposed to war after
the emperor died, were far more anxious to recross the Alps than remain any
longer in Italy. Frederic of Sicily, who had landed at Pisa to ascertain the
truth of what he had heard while at sea, was not bold enough to undertake their
defence and declined the honours of the commonwealth; so after the Count of
Savoy and Henry of Flanders had successively refused this dangerous
distinction, the Pisans confided their city to the care of Uguccione da
Faggiola then imperial vicar at Genoa and one of the ablest of Ghibeline
captains, who with a thousand German horse cheerfully undertook its defence and
fully redeemed his pledge.
Arriving at
Pisa in September 1313 he immediately marched against Lucca and after ravaging
the whole country mocked :md insulted the citizens even under their walls:
civil discord between the Obizzi and Bernarducci
repressed the wonted energy of Lucca and disgusted Florence, which thus bore
all the burden of war on its own shoulders, for the King of Naples wholly bent
on recovering Sicily was anxious for tranquillity in the north, and the Pisans
in general far from being blinded by success were eager to be friends with a
sovereign whose power was extremely formidable.
Robert was now
senator of Rome, and besides Provence and Naples had been acknowledged Lord of
Romagna Florence Lucca Ferrara Pavia Alexandria and Bergamo besides several
fiefs in Piedmont; and the pope was about to create him imperial vicar in Italy
during the vacancy of the empire. An ambassador was dispatched from Pisa to
Naples and a treaty concluded which promising to reestablish general
tranquillity, began by restoring the exiled Guelphs of that republic to their
country.
But peace was
not the object of Uguccione; his trade was war, and as Podestà of Pisa at the
head of a thousand men-at-arms besides a private council of his own creation
invested with all the powers of the state, he felt himself strong enough to
rule it, and determined to renew the war with fresh vigour. Pisa could scarcely
have selected a man more fitted to retrieve her affairs or extend her fame or
usurp her liberties. Born, as is supposed, of an obscure but rather opulent
family amongst those Apennines that border on the city of San Sepolcro he had been from childhood both a Ghibeline and a
soldier; he took an active part in the civil wars of Arezzo and full of courage
and ambition had proved himself one of the ablest men of his day either in the
field or the cabinet. Of a fierce aspect, proud demeanour, and unrelenting
heart, he was admirably adapted to the spirit of the age in which he lived: he
wore more ponderous arms, was stronger and taller than the usual measure of man
and as much celebrated for his personal prowess in the field as for the nobler
qualities of a general and a statesman. His individual feats were sometimes
magnified into superhuman exploits resembling the fabled deeds of ancient
Paladins and excited the admiration of the soldiers as much as his military
talents commanded their respect and confidence. In one battle we are told that
being on foot, wounded in the knee, and alone amidst the enemy; he yet made
good his retreat and rejoined his companions with a well-battered helmet and no
less than four battle axes and thirteen arrows fixed in his long and heavy
buckler. No chief was better fitted to restore confidence to a dispirited
people than Uguccione da Faggiola, and all the power of Pisa was frankly
intrusted to him: he was the first to discontinue the ancient mode of going out
to war at fixed seasons and finishing the campaign at certain stipulated times;
on the contrary, by keeping the field throughout the year and merely using the
capital as a camp to retire upon he so harassed the Lucchese that they were
compelled to sue for an ignominious peace, a peace too that disgusted Florence,
not only by its hard conditions but more particularly by the restoration of all
the Ghibeline exiles, with Castruccio Castracani at their head. Through their
agency he subsequently mastered Lucca and plundered it for eight successive
days without intermission or mercy, not even sparing the papal treasure
deposited in the church of San Frediano; a crime considered of so dark a nature
as almost to eclipse the rapine rape and murder of his licentious soldiery. The
booty was enormous, the pope’s treasure alone amounting to a million of golden
florins: but besides this the citizens were extremely rich, for Lucca was then
equal if not superior to Florence in the number and opulence of her bankers who
under the name of “Barattieri” fall peculiarly under
the lash of Dante in the twenty-first canto of his Inferno. The capture of
Lucca and sudden filling of Florence with the fugitives startled the community
yet ultimately produced great benefit, for they brought with them superior
knowledge in the art of manufacturing silk, and formed a new epoch in the
annals of that trade amongst the Florentines as well as at Venice and Milan,
and even in Germany France and England.
Before Henry
VII’s death Robert had accepted the government and checked to a certain point
the free republican action of Florence, for he was in a manner lord also of the
national purse but far more interested about Sicily than Tuscany; nevertheless
on the first alarm a Florentine army had been dispatched to the aid of Lucca
but arriving too late to save that city turned into the Valdarao and secured most of the Guelphic towns while all Tuscany once more prepared for
war. The king of Naples was intreated to send reinforcements and Piero his
youngest brother arrived with three hundred men-at-arms on the eighteenth of
August about two months after the devastation of Lucca: Piero soon won all
hearts by his wisdom affability and personal graces, and so warm and general
was the friendship of these democrats that if he had survived the war the
lordship of Florence would probably have been conferred on him for life. A
dangerous feeling, springing perhaps from an involuntary desire of repose after
republican turbulence, whenever a chief could be found to whom the public
liberty might be safely intrusted; yet an experiment the effects of which they
had afterwards good cause to rue in the person of Walter de Brienne the titular
Duke of Athens.
One of Piero’s
first acts was to secure the neutrality of Arezzo by a treaty of peace with the
Guelphic league so as to leave a fair field for the Pisan war which was making
rapid progress: Uguccione had not only recovered all that portion of the
ancient territory which had been held by Lucca since Ugolino’s time, but had also ravaged the country of Volterra, and even penetrated into
that of Pistoia to Carmignano, only thirteen miles from Florence: he had
besides overrun the Maremma, assaulted Samminiato, took Cigoli and other places of its district, and finally
captured the Florentine town and castle of Monte Calvi. He also claimed half of
Pistoia in right of conquest as Lord of Lucca and pursued his successful course
by investing Montecatini, a well-defended fortress in the Val-di-Nievole which the Florentines had occupied ever since the
downfall of that republic. This rapid succession of events created so much
alarm that distrusting the extreme youth and inexperience of Piero when opposed
to so formidable an enemy, the Florentines with his own consent again demanded
assistance from Robert whose brother Philip Prince of Taranto was at their
earnest request dispatched with five hundred men-at-arms, but against the
king’s judgment, who knew him to be unwise, rash, and unfortunate in war.
Meanwhile
Uguccione pressed the siege of Montecatini where besides the power of Pisa and
Lucca he had assembled all the Ghibelines of Tuscany, the exiles of Florence,
the Count of Santa Fiore and Maffeo Visconte’s auxiliaries; and notwithstanding
recent treaties the independent Bishop of Arezzo also joined his ranks; so that
his cavalry amounted to two thousand five hundred men-at-arms with a
proportionate number of infantry making in all about twenty-two thousand seven
hundred soldiers.
The Florentines
summoned their adherents from Bologna, Siena, Perugia, Citta di Castello, Agobbio, Romagna, Prato, Pistoia, Volterra, Samminiato and all the other Guelphs of Tuscany, which
added to eight hundred Neapolitan men-at-arms under the two princes, formed a
body of three thousand two hundred mounted men and a very numerous infantry,
the whole amounting as is said from fifty-four to nearly sixty thousand; but
this is probably an exaggeration of the victors: thirty thousand of all arms,
as stated by Pignotti, might perhaps come nearer to the truth.
With this fine
army commanded by Philip Prince of Taranto his son and brother, did the
Florentines march to raise the siege of Montecatini. The Pisan general expected
them to advance by the Fucecchio road across the marshy plains of that district
to cut oft his communications with the two capitals and force him to a battle
on unequal terms with the hostile garrison of Montecatini in his rear: he had
therefore occupied the passes in that direction but unnecessarily; for the
allies having taken the road of Montesummano left his
communications free and to his great satisfaction took up a position in front
of the Pisan army on the left bank of the Nievole a
small stream that now only divided the hostile forces. The Nievole was a great obstacle to men-at-arms in which the principal strength of armies
then consisted; the Pisans were intrenched, and “Battifolli”
or works of circumvallation, surrounded the place, by means of which Uguccione
without wishing to fight determined to maintain the blockade and if possible prevent
the besieged from receiving any assistance. Skirmishes were frequent, and
neither party being willing to come to a general battle they remained several
weeks in this threatening attitude, during which the Prince of Taranto detached
a part of his army to occupy the country about Monte Carlo for the purpose of
intercepting the enemy’s convoys and thus compelling him to raise the siege.
San Martino the headquarters of Uguccione’s escorts was attacked and taken, all
the passes occupied in his rear, the Guelphs immediately round Lucca were in
arms, supplies stopped, and every direct communication with the besieging army
entirely cut off while its commander was unable to spare a single soldier for
the purpose of reestablishing them.
For two days
the troops had been without any fresh supply. Uguccione was unusually
thoughtful, and the army with all its confidence became alarmed when the order
to retreat was given, not so much from fear of the enemy as from apprehension
that with so powerful an encouragement to the Guelphic faction the safety of
Lucca itself might have been endangered. On the morning of the twenty-ninth of
August a little before daylight Uguccione broke up the camp and marched in
order of battle but resolved not to seek it if the enemy would allow him to
retire quietly on Pisa: his retreat was soon observed and gave fresh spirit to
the allies who instantly attempted in a hurried disorderly march to occupy
Borgo a Buggiano before him, but they moved on the
arch, Uguccione on the chord, and he thus gained the position. Perceiving that
a battle was inevitable he halted at La Selva de’ Trinciavelli opposite Buggiano where selecting a body of one
hundred and fifty Feditori amongst the bravest of his
followers, and forming his advanced guard into a second line of support, he
suddenly gave the signal to charge ere the enemy was well in order, at the same
time exclaiming that “as his adversary declined paving a road of gold for their
retreat which he might more wisely have done, they would themselves endeavour
to open one with their swords and show the prince that all his regal splendour
was only a vain and useless bauble amidst the shock of soldiers and the clang
of arms.” “To remind you of your duty,” he continued, “is superfluous, for no
army was ever better known to its general than you to me, nor any captain
better known to his army than I to you: to say nothing of older things, have we
not together restored the Ghibelines to Lucca, taken most of her towns and
maintained the authority and dignity of Pisa? we have now only to make Montecatini
as glorious to the Pisans as Arbiato the Senese, and
for once at least, humble the proud spirit of the Florentines; too vain at
having twice baffled the attempts of two imperial Henrys. Nor will it be a
trilling glory if after so many years we should revive in Tuscany the almost
extinguished name of Ghibeline and open a road for future emperors to
reestablish Italy in her antique grandeur under the Caesarian sway, by the unassisted strength of our own right arms.”
Thus saying he
ordered his own son and Giovanni Malespini a Florentine exile, to lead the Feditori, and bade the charge be sounded. The attack was
fierce and effectual; one chief carried his own and his father’s glory on his
lance, the other fought to be restored to his country; they were followed hv
the flower of Pisan gentlemen; the adverse line composed of troops from Siena
and Colli, first bending to this storm, broke after a short struggle and
uncovered the allies’ main battle where Piero Count of Gravina stood with all
the Florentine chivalry. Spent and breathless the victors were now met by a
line of daring soldiers armed like themselves, steady, fresh, and in superior
numbers; this unequal contest was soon decided, but not a knight turned back,
each fell in arms and died as he was, victorious; none shrunk from their
leaders, the chiefs themselves fell bravely with their followers and nearly all
were slaughtered.
Meanwhile four
thousand Pisan cross-bowmen in three divisions sent a continual flight of
arrows against their enemy; one mass charged their cross-bows while the next
took a steady aim and the third shot, and thus left no respite to their adversaries,
bolt followed after bolt in one unmitigated shower and horse and man reeled
under the iron tempest. Uguccione seeing the enemy’s first line thus broken
turned suddenly to his eight hundred Germans, saying, “The glory of the field
is reserved for your nation.” They were the remnant of Henry VII’s army, all
old soldiers well skilled in war and detesting the Florentines for past events
and as was believed, for the untimely death of their emperor. Their charge was
terrible; but proud of an ancient name and the presence of three royal princes
in her ranks Florence remained unbroken; yet the rage of battle did not reach
its full height until certain intelligence of his son Francesco’s death reached
the Pisan general: all paternal emotions were at once enveloped in one deep
feeling of revenge; at the head of his remaining horse Uguccione dashed madly
into the thickest of the fight shouting out “no prisoners!” “no prisoners!”
until his voice sank under the louder and deadlier tumult. The battle now
became general and the allies struggled long and hard for victory, but the
genius of Faggiola prevailed; the bravest knights and chiefs of Florence fell
one after another and disheartened the survivors; their efforts gradually
relaxed, they first wavered, then suddenly gave way and immediately a wild and
universal flight proclaimed the victory and triumph of Pisa.
Many soldiers
fell in the conflict, but more were lost in the Gusciana marshes as they fled
towards Fucecchio; and it is related that the Nievole was so encumbered with dead bodies that instead of the fulness of its usual
stream it crept sluggishly along in rivulets of blood!
The pursuit was
closely followed up as far as the heights of Monsummano;
two thousand men were killed in battle or drowned in the marsh, and amongst
them one hundred and fourteen of the noblest Florentine families: fifteen
hundred prisoners were taken, but chiefly after the action: Piero Count of
Gravina who led the Florentine battle lost his life, and his body was never
found; Charles the son of Philip shared his fate and Carlo Count of Battifolle
with many other Italian nobles of the highest rank saw their last sun on this
disastrous day: at Siena, Perugia, Bologna, Florence and Naples there was
public mourning for the victims of Montecatini: Uguccione lost his son,
Lucchino Visconti was wounded, and Castruccio Castricani,
a man destined to eclipse even his master’s glory and to whom some ascribe the
credit of this day’s victory, did not escape untouched.
The Prince of
Taranto saved himself by flight and although too ill to command in person
carried with him all the disgrace of this unfortunate encounter: the fugitives
sought refuge in Fucecchio, Pistoia, and Cerbaia;
Montecatini, which had been victualled by Simone di Villa during the first
movement of the enemy, immediately surrendered; Monsummano was soon after taken; Vinci next fell; Cerretoguidi followed and the whole country trembled; yet Florence was not dismayed: rousing
herself as was her wont, she made fresh levies reinforced her defences, quieted
some peccant humours amongst the citizens, again demanded troops with a more
experienced chief from King Robert and prepared for active war.
Misfortune is
rarely unaccompanied by discontent and in great national affairs, whether
unavoidable or not, always becomes the pivot of faction: the disaster of
Montecatini though it neither damped the spirit nor even interrupted the usual
business of the Florentines yet served to raise a strong opposition to the
continued rule of Naples. The ancient alliance of the two states; the benefits
received from the first Charles; the continued friendship of the second; the
prompt and distinguished aid of Robert; all were now forgotten, and a powerful
faction alike reckless of the foreign enemies and domestic strife whether from
party or patriotism, determined to make a change. Count Novello d’ Andrea was
about this time appointed Viceroy of Florence upon which the citizens
immediately split into two factions each led by a member of the same family,
one calling itself the friend, the other the enemy of Robert: the former was
directed by Pino, the latter by Simone della Tosa with the Magalotti,
and other popular families of great influence who then ruled Florence and who
would willingly have renounced King Robert and expelled his party had not their
apprehensions of Uguccione da Faggiola restrained them. Philip of Valois and
the Count of Luxembourg were successively but ineffectually invited to assume
the supreme authority and public defence, wherefore the ascendant party
resolved to place a creature of their own at the head of affairs. The viceroy
had but little influence against such opposition and on his arrival was
compelled to promise that he would not meddle with the executive government of
Gonfalonier and Priors, or any other official appointment; never to impede the
execution of any law or order made by the citizens; and resign his own office
at the end of four months instead of twelve.
Lando d' Agobbio a rapacious and merciless foreigner but a willing
tool, was made Bargello or Executor of Florence with new and unlimited powers:
this man was attended by five lictors with axes who waited at the palace gate,
the ready instruments of his and his employers’ will: at a sign from the
tyrants any citizen was dragged without pretence, trial, or formality, to
instant execution while spies were stationed in every quarter like spiders to
catch the unwary. No man dared speak to his neighbour; the whole population
high and low, Guelph and Ghibeline lived in terror and suspicion, and such was
the Bargello’s insolence that he coined base money on his own authority and
issued it at one-half more than its value without a single citizen daring to
raise his voice against the deed. At last Pino della Tosa and the king’s party
sent secretly to demand Count Guido da Battifolli, a
powerful neighbour, as royal vicar and he was so thoroughly Guelph, so
generally respected and so well acquainted with Florentine affairs that their
antagonists could make no reasonable objection to the appointment: but Lando
the minion of the seignory being zealously supported by the Gonfaloniers of
companies was still too powerful for bold and open war.
While thus
tormented the daughter of Albert of Germany passed through Florence previous to
her marriage with Prince Charles of Naples and was honourably received,
especially by the king’s party, who seized this occasion for explaining to her
the real state of Florentine affairs and the tyranny of Lando d’ Agobbio. Upon this Robert partly by threats and the aid of
pope John XXII who resided at Avignon; partly by the influence of his own vicar
backed by Lando’s enemies, succeeded in expelling that monster; but gorged with
blood and treasure; and reestablishing his own authority.
This occurred
in the month of October 1310 and by a reform which immediately followed, all
Robert’s powers were continued for three years longer with a more pliant seignory,
for as the seven priors were enemies six more were cunningly added on the
king’s part, and these at the succeeding election managed to return the whole
thirteen. This change continued but a short time when they were again limited
to the original number of seven, and after the expulsion of Walter de Brienne
augmented to twelve in order to admit four nobles; these . were however soon
expelled and the number thus reduced remained permanent as will hereafter be
noticed.
There is
perhaps no such thing as unmingled evil, and the government of Lando d' Agobbio was not an exception to this rule, for a great
portion of the city wall was completed and many private feuds entirely pacified
by his influence or authority: this was no trifling or easy task, for enmities
were deep; great families had great followings, and their dissensions often
threw the whole community into disorder.
The public
revenues had during this period of war and confusion diminished so much as to
make an extraordinary supply necessary and the government adopted a not unusual
mode of raising money which the continual revolutions of Florence rendered
sufficiently effective. All persons, with some permanent exceptions, who were
either in banishment, or in any wav condemned to pecuniary penalties were if
Florentine citizens absolved and permitted to return on paying five per cent,
of the original fine before a certain day, and half that amount if belonging to
the contado or district, any friend or
relation being allowed to pay the money on their behalf the sum being limited
to a certain amount whatever might have been the first penalty. This and two
other decrees of the same nature restored many exiles to their country while
they supplied its immediate necessities; but being accompanied by a degrading
ceremony the high-minded Dante disdained to stoop and preferred exile to
acknowledging himself a culprit before the very men who had injured and
persecuted him.
Prosperity when
it seems to be most firmly riveted is often on the verge of destruction, and
thus it was with Uguccione della Faggiola who after the battle of Montecatini
becoming for a while almost absolute in Pisa dreamed not of sudden change, but
on the strengthening of his power and extending his dominion over all Tuscany.
When Corso Donati was accused of aiming at the lordship of Florence and the
rest of Tuscany in conjunction with his father-in-law the notion was ridiculed
by most of the citizens as chimerical, but the Aretines subsequent career
opened their eyes to the possible achievements of talents and ambition, united
in favourable times and circumstances. Pisa humbled and terrified by the
emperor’s death cast about for a protector and found a master; expecting to be
instantly crushed by her enemies she yet rose superior to all and conquered her
bitterest foe; but no glory fell to the people; they felt that it was the work
of a foreign master whose personal benefit became the end and object of all
their efforts: Lucca was his, not theirs, the blood spilt at Montecatini ended
in his aggrandisement, not their advantage. Liberty was nothing but a name; the
tyrant’s power had bound her in her own ornaments, and with an outward respect
to all the forms and trappings of freedom turned everything to his personal
ambition. In Lucca he was also a tyrant but at the head of a faction, and a
conqueror; but both cities loved their independence, felt their subjection, and
hated him as a taskmaster.
This state of
things was taken advantage of by two monks who had been concealed in that city
since 1315 on a secret mission from Robert for detaching the republic from
Sicily and reducing it to his own devotion. Being Guelphs themselves they were
welcomed by that faction and an envoy was sent without the knowledge of the
Anziani to treat with a monarch who without either genius or inclination for
war was yet a formidable enemy. These men were sedulously endeavouring to
undermine Uguccione’s influence by persuading the citizens that his aim was to
be Tyrant of the republic, (for thus as in ancient Greece these Italian lords
were denominated), the whole power of which was already in his hands. Their
arguments were successful not only from their truth but because they touched
the pride and passions of the people and had real grievances to work upon
without which agitators can seldom make permanent impressions.
The chiefs of
this opposition were Banduccio Buonconti a citizen of
high rank and popularity and his son Piero then Gonfalonier of Justice, both
actively employed in managing the treaty with Robert: this which contemplated
the entire pacification of Tuscany, was after some difficulty concluded, to the
great discontent of Florence as well as of many Pisans, but particularly of
Uguccione himself, who was too deeply indebted to war willingly to relinquish
the sword. As no powerful man is too wicked to have adherents all the
popularity and influence of the Buonconti were
required to force this treaty through the councils where it was impeded and
denounced by Uguccione and his friends, perhaps not unreasonably, as an attempt
to surrender the liberties of the republic into the hands of King Robert after
the example of Lucca and Florence. When he saw no chance of preventing the
ratification, which he finally signed as Podesta, he endeavoured to excite a
tumult by shouting out treason, ordering his Germans and other troops under
arms, himself carrying a living eagle, the Ghibeline emblem, about the streets
on a lofty pole and furiously threatening the Guelphs with death as disturbers
of public tranquillity. Success would probably have attended this if the
Gonfalonier had not calmly opposed him by persuading the soldiers not to act
without orders from the Anziani: meanwhile Banduccio met the German veterans
and with a commanding resolute air and haughty words rebuked their audacity.
His high rank and influence gave effect to his speech, upon which Uguccione at
once arrested the agitation and returning to the public palace consulted with
his council on the necessary steps to be taken. As it was an evident struggle
between the Buoniconti and himself he quietly sent for them the following morning
on pretence of discussing some public business and threw both into prison; then
giving a traitorous signification to Banducci’s speech made it the foundation
of a formal process by which he convicted them of conspiring to betray their
country and deliver it into the hands of Naples. They were immediately
beheaded; but two days after, alarmed at the universal disgust which his
conduct had excited a general council was assembled in the cathedral, where by
a short address he endeavoured to prove the necessity of such extreme rigour.
“Believe not, O Signores,” said he, “that I either
capriciously or vindictively have condemned the Buonconti but solely to deliver you from a great and impending ruin. Robert King of
Naples has often, as you well know, attempted to possess himself of Pisa and
never yet succeeded. It is known to me by many secret letters that the said Buonconti, and other nobles who hold the magistracy, had
agreed to deliver the city into his power on conditions hurtful to the people
because the nobility alone were to participate in the public honours and
government; and in short, the Guelphs were to prevail and the Ghibelines be
trampled in the dust and treated like slaves. Wherefore I having detected this
conspiracy exerted myself to arrest its progress, but perceiving that nothing
else would do I resolved to crush it at once by the death of the two Buonconti in order to avoid the certain ruin winch their
machinations had prepared for us. Neither had I ever an idea of usurping “ your
liberties and making myself tyrant of your city, but rather to preserve it as
the future effects will certify. Be ye therefore vigilant and with keen regards
watch narrowly the proceedings of your country’s enemies, and do not allow
yourselves to be deceived”. Whether Uguccione was right or wrong he failed in
convincing the Pisans and therefore artfully changed the mode of electing the
seignory, which he knew was extremely unpopular, by restoring the ancient form,
restricting as in Florence all public honours to tradesmen alone; and he
moreover made it incumbent on future candidates to prove that they had always
been Ghibelines. This very popular and important reform lulled the murmurs of
the citizens while it exasperated the nobles, few of whom condescended to
trade, and sharpened their enmity against him. The city was therefore ripe for
revolt because the people though pleased with the restoration of their rights
were no less inimical to the reformer, and a timely insurrection at Lucca which
was probably concerted with the Pisan malcontents soon offered a favourable occasion.
Castruccio
Castracani of the Interminelli family after thirteen
years of banishment adventure and military knowledge in France and England, was
restored with the other Ghibelines in 1314 and very soon acquired an extensive
influence over his countrymen, for he was the ablest man of the age and with a
longer life would probably have subjugated Italy. Macchiavelli says that he
equalled Philip of Macedon and Scipio, and would have surpassed both had he had
as wide a field of action there is so much error or imagination mixed up with
the truth in this great man's romance of Castruccio that it cannot be easily
quoted except for extreme beauty of style: but such an opinion from the
Florentine secretary would have been alone sufficient to immortalize the
Lucchese hero if every record of his own actions had been obliterated.
A shrewd
experienced soldier like Uguccione must have very soon detected the ambitious
nature and extraordinary talents of his officer, and after the late victory, to
which Castruccio mainly contributed, his increasing influence at Lucca gave
much uneasiness; for besides the possession of that city he probably owed much
to Castracani’s ability; and the consciousness of
obligation to a possible rival whose superiority he must have felt would have
been even still more irksome and more willingly got rid of than is usual.
After the
battle of Montecatini it does not appear that Castruccio enjoyed any public
command; but rich, powerful, and confident, he was not long in giving
justifiable cause of offence: the people of Camajore or Massa del Marchese had in some manner injured him and he took a bloody
revenge by killing twenty-two of them who had taken refuge in a church. It
suited Uguccione to be indignant at this breach of the peace, but as there was
danger in braving Castruccio he directed Neri to invite him to an entertainment
and in this way he is said to have been treacherously arrested; according to
Macchiavelli it was because he gave protection to the murderer of a gentleman
who was much respected in Lucca and repelled the officers of justice until the
former escaped : both are probable, more especially as Villani asserts that he
committed many robberies and murders against the will of Uguccione.
On hearing of
his arrest the latter marched from Pisa at the head of a strong detachment of
Germans with the intention of executing his prisoner, but a mutual
understanding between the malcontents of either city, which are only ten miles
apart by the nearest road, defeated Ids plan. He had scarcely arrived at the
baths of St. Julian about three miles from Pisa when the conspirators flew to
arms and letting loose a bull which they kept in readiness at the gate of St.
Mark chased him with arms concealed under their cloaks, through the street of
Saint Martin crying out “The Bull, the Bull” until a dense crowd had collected;
then changing their tone and brandishing their arms they with one voice shouted
“Liberty, liberty, long live the people and let the tyrant die”. The flame
spread rapidly and Uguccione’s palace, which was in the Via Santa Maria at the
corner of Lo Scotto, with all its inmates soon fell a prey to their fury: the
public palace of the Anziani next surrendered after much fighting; the
commander of the Pisan Masnade while preparing to do
his duty was persuaded to remain neuter, and the revolution became complete, as
all the other troops had submitted. The Lucchese revolted the same day, either
before Uguccione’s arrival or after he had quitted it to repress the Pisans,
and with loud cries demanded Castruccio who was at once given up to them or
else rescued from prison by force of arms: but being still in fetters they were
instantly broken and served as a standard of triumph for his countrymen in their
attacks on Neri della Faggiola, who was finally expelled. Neri joined his
father and both ultimately became refugees in the court of Can della Scala at
Verona where in company with Dante Alighieri they had full leisure to moralize
on the instability of fortune.
The Pisans
immediately elected Gaddo della Gherardesca as their chief magistrate while Lucca appointed Castruccio to a similar office
for one year; both subscribed to the general peace and for a while were quiet;
but Castracani’s ambition was too fierce to smoulder,
and he soon became ono of the bitterest foes that Florence ever experienced,
except her own citizens, as will be shown in the following chapter.
Contemporary Monarchs.—Edward II, England.—Scotland: Bruce’s wars.
—France: Philip the Fair [IV], (to 1314), Louis X, (to 1316).—Aragon : Jacob
II.—Castile and Leon: Ferdinand IV, (till 1312), Alphonso XI.— Portugal:
Dennis.—Germany: Albert I, son of Rudolph, (until 1308), Henry of Luxembourg
(from 1308 to 1313).—Naples: Charles of Anjou [II] (till 1309), Robert (the
Good).—Sicily: Frederic II. of Aragon.— Greek Empire: Andronicus Palaeologus.—Ottoman
Empire: Orkhan.— Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, established at Rhodes
(1310).
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