Amongst the Italians of this age and for centuries after, private offence was never forgotten until revenged, and generally involved a succession of mutual injuries; vengeance was not only considered lawful and just, but a positive duty dishonourable to omit; and, as may be learned from ancient private journals, it was sometimes allowed to sleep for five-and-thirty years, and then suddenly struck a victim who perhaps had not yet seen the light when the original injury was inflicted. With a combination of such individual feelings it was unlikely that Florence as a community would forget the unprovoked attack of Arezzo in aid of Count Guido; or that Count Guido would easily forgive the destruction of Monte Croce; his frequent inroads on the Florentine territory quickened this feeling and an alliance of these two powers caused war to be declared against Arezzo.

A body of troops immediately marched on that town whose citizens disdaining the shelter of their walls at once offered battle: fortune was unfavourable and they were beaten with great loss both in killed and prisoners: to ransom these a truce was requested, and granted by the victors on condition that they renounced Count Guido's alliance and maintained the peace with Florence.

The cordial assistance given to Pistoia in the Prato war although just, had disturbed the recent harmony between Siena and Florence, and no friendly feeling returned until the publication of Barbarossa’s intention to be crowned at Rome arrested their hostilities, and made them join the Tuscan states in preparing against this enterprise.

According to the chronicle of Pistoia as quoted by Salvi, two separate leagues were then formed by the Tuscan states to defend themselves against German insolence and rapacity: in one was comprised the cities of Lucca, Florence, Prato, and the lords of Garfagna: in the other; Pisa, Pistoia, Siena, Arezzo, and the Counts Guidi of Modigliana.

The love of liberty and national independence was now vigorous and enthusiastic; it glowed in separate and often adverse breasts upon the Tuscan soil; but throughout there was a strong national feeling which gave life and nourishment to the mass and for a while united it against every foreign intruder: private dissensions were wisely dropped on the appearance of public danger; and those primitive times of liberty gave an example of political union that if it had been subsequently followed might have changed not only the fate and character of Italy but the whole history of Europe.

The close alliance between Lucca and Pistoia convinced Pisa of the advantages likely to accrue from her own connexion with Florence which was now confirmed by stricter ties, and engagements were made to protect Florentine subjects in person and property throughout the Pisan territory for a term of forty years; to grant them a permanent residence within the city for the pursuit of commerce; and to freight Pisan merchant vessels with Florentine goods and persons at the same rate of duty as was charged to native citizens. They also engaged to assist them with a body of four hundred horse in any Tuscan war except against the Bishop of Vol terra Count Ildebrandino and Count Alberto; and in case of an invasion of the Florentine territory all their military force was to take the field within eight-and-twenty days after the first requisition. They moreover bound themselves not to make peace with Lucca or any enemy of Florence without her sanction and to renew this treaty every ten years, but reserving their allegiance to the Emperor.

All the Italian cities even the most determined of the Lombard league were willing to respect what they deemed his legitimate prerogatives and only withstood encroachments: in doing so they exhibited a bold and proud independence worthy of admiration from freemen of every age and country; as an instance, it may be here mentioned that the very next year after this loyal reservation of the Pisan commonwealth, when Barbarossa dispatched the Archbishop of Mainz to reduce and tranquillise Tuscany, all the deputies assembled at San Genisio, or Siena, were willing to accept his arbitration except those of Pisa and Florence, wild declared themselves both able and determined to govern without imperial interference. For this audacity both were imprisoned, but not without war on the imperial vicar which was carried on until he yielded, even with the force of Lucca at his side, to the energy of these infant republics, by releasing their ambassadors unconditionally.

In the year 1170, according to the old chronicles, but Ammirato says in 1174, a war broke out between Florence and Siena, the immediate and nominal cause of which was a dispute about the petty castle of Staggia on the Siena road, but really the increasing power and ambition of both commonwealths; while it was yet peace Siena alarmed Florence by suddenly investing the city of Montepulciano which the Florentines succoured with a well-protected convoy of provisions; these troops were fiercely though unskilfully attacked at Asciano on their return but repulsed the enemy with great loss. The victors continued their march until they arrived at the Borgo di Marti or Marturi a small frontier town where a Florentine’s ill-usage of one of their women caused a furious attack by the people who killed many of the former, and feeling insecure against Florentine vengeance prepared to shift their abode. The latter pursued their march but the Marturini united with eight of the neighbouring communities and for greater safety all agreed to demolish their villages and concentrate in one community on an adjacent hill belonging to a neighbour called Bonizzo, and this from its original appellation of “Poggio Bonizzo” received the present name of Poggibonzi although its site was subsequently changed.

One street of the new settlement was appropriated to the inhabitants of each village with their parish church; the place was defended by walls and towers, and the general detestation of Florence signalised by an immediate alliance with Siena and ceaseless molestation.

In this account of Poggibonzi’s origin Villani differs from the Sienese historian Malavolti who refers it to a much earlier though uncertain date by speaking of that town as a stronghold of long standing in 1148, without mentioning his authority; but the anecdote is interesting as an example of the rise of small Italian communities: it shows how men were forced to quit the plain and congregate in small towns on strong positions, a necessity which may have produced that marked difference of character now so conspicuous between the stillness of Italian landscape and the bustling animation of our own, where no such need existed

Seeing what a nest of hornets their own licentiousness had engendered the Florentines united with two of those fenced towns called “Castelli”, situated in the Val di Pesa, and joining their population to that of some neighbouring villages, founded the present city of Colle in Val d’ Elsa, and it is a curious trait of then existing manners, that the lime of the foundation-stone was slaked with blood from the arms of two Florentine commissioners who superintended the work, as a mark of perpetual amity between the republics.

On the rumour of Barbarossa’s fourth visit to Italy Florence and Siena once more abjured all private differences at the altar of Tuscan independence by a truce which afterwards ripened into a solid peace, with engagements for mutual support: half of Poggibonzi was now ceded to Florence, Siena still keeping the church of Saint Agnes which along with the town belonged to her, though not to the diocese, by the donation of a Count Guido; and this circumstance would seem to prove the existence of Poggibonzi before the date assigned by Villani.

Peace was scarcely re-established when divers calamities in succession disturbed the current of public happiness, and were followed by domestic quarrels the harbingers of long enduring misery. Twice in the year 1177 did the town become a prey to fire : in the month of August all between the old bridge and Mercato Vecchio was consumed, and only a few days after the whole mass of buildings, then principally of wood, between the present Strozzi palace, San Martino del Vescovo, the cathedral and the royal gallery became one vast mound of smoking ashes. Scarcely was this ruin cleared and men were beginning to look cheerful when winter brought additional misfortunes: the Arno swoln with mountain rains rushed down on Florence in a heavy flood, drove wildly through the town, destroyed the Ponte Vecchio with a fearful crash and rolled its beams and timbers to the sea. This was the only bridge and its loss completed the general dismay; the public mind already weakened by previous calamities, became gloomy and superstitious and these events were believed to be palpable manifestations of divine anger and precursors of greater evil.

The unavoidable accidents of nature although productive of extreme momentary and partial suffering are soon repaired by the mental elasticity and energy of man; but when misfortunes spring from the mind itself; when they originate in morbid feelings, oppression, or uncontrolled passions, then misery assumes a more fearful and decided aspect and with the peace of individuals destroys the peace of nations.

Such was the fate of Florence, which hitherto as her great poet tells us had remained undisturbed.

With these old denizens and such as these

I saw our Florence in such calm repose

That no occasion offered for her tears.

With these old denizens I also saw

Her ancient people, glorious, free, and just,

So that her lily flag was ne’er reversed,

Nor yet by civil discord changed to red.

                                      Dante, Paradiso, Canto XVI

The commentary will soon be manifest: “These misfortunes”, says Malespini, “were a judgment of God; for the Florentines had become very proud from their success; and full of sins, dishonest practices, and ingratitude amongst themselves, and full of dissensions that ever after continued, the sad consequences of riches luxury and repose.”

At the annual election of consuls on the twenty-fifth of March which commenced the Florentine year, the potent family of Uberti which had been hitherto accustomed to govern these nominations, found itself for the first time in a minority from the unlooked for opposition of other powerful citizens who would no longer submit to such dictation. Angry at defeat and resolved to recover their influence, the legality of this election was impugned by the Uberti, while their antagonists on the contrary maintained it to have been in strict conformity with ancient custom and would thebefore be supported. Passions ran high; resolution and anger soon led on to Blows; each faction armed, all Florence joined in the inflict and the battle raged long and fiercely for many days. The Uberti at length yielded and retreating to their towers prepared for new struggles: their rivals were no less determined; they declared it shameful for a free people to be thus ruled by the obstinate ambition of a few private individuals, to the detriment of a whole community: the former still maintained it to be contrary to the spirit of their constitution that under the specious names of liberty and the people, an oligarchy should wantonly domineer over the Florentine Republic: neither party would give way and both prepared for a storm which like the first eruption of Vesuvius burst in terror and desolation over a peaceful country.

It was not the simple movement of one great body against another; not the force of a government in opposition to the people; not the struggle of privilege and democracy, of poverty and riches, or starvation and repletion; but one universal burst of unmitigated anarchy. In the streets, lanes, and squares; in the courts of palaces and humbler dwellings, were heard the clang of arms, the screams of victims and the gush of blood: the bow of the bridegroom launched its arrows into the very chambers of his young bride’s parents and relations, and the bleeding son, the murdered brother, or the dying husband were the evening visitors of Florentine maids and matrons, and aged citizens. Every art was practised to seduce and deceive, and none felt secure even of their nearest and dearest relatives. In the morning a son left his paternal roof with undiminished love, and returned at evening a corpse or the most bitter enemy! Terror and death were triumphant; there was no relaxation, no peace by day or night: the crash of the stone, the twang of the bow, the whizzing shaft, the jar of the trembling mangonel from tower and turret, were the dismal music of Florence not only for horn’s and days, but months and years. Doors, windows, the jutting galleries and roofs, were all defended and yet all unsafe: no spot was sacred, no tenement secure: in the dead of night, the most secret chambers; the very hangings, even the nuptial bed itself were often known to conceal an enemy.

Florence in those days was studded with lofty towers; most of the noble families possessed one or more, at least two hundred feet in height, and many of them far above that altitude. These were their pride, their family citadels; and jealously guarded; glittering with arms and men, and instruments of war. Every connecting balcony was alive with soldiers, the battle raged above and below within and without; stones rained in showers, arrows flew thick and fast on every !ide; the “seraglj” or barricades were attacked and defended by chosen bands armed with lance9 and boar-spears: foes were in ambush at every comer watching the bold or heedless enemy; confusion was everywhere triumphant, a demon seemed to possess the community and the public mind reeling with hatred was steady only in the pursuit of blood. Yet so accustomed did they at last become to this fiendish life, that one day they fought, the next caroused together in drunken gambols, foe with foe, boasting of their mutual prowess; nor was it until after nearly five years of reciprocal destruction, that from mere lassitude they finally ceased thus to mangle each other and, as it were for relaxation, turned their fury on the neighbouring states.

Faction for a season was exhausted, but the ambitious Uberti failed in recovering their former influence, and the consular government remained in full vigour and purity; but “these disturbances”, says Malespini, “were the cradle of those cursed factions that afterwards arose in Florence”.

Why Nerli, Macchiavelli, and other writers, leave such events unnoticed and fix upon Buondelmonte’s death as the beginning of Florentine troubles is not easy to guess except as a more romantic opening to Florentine history. Malespini was almost a contemporary and might easily have known some of the actors even in his own family; and his transcriber and continuator Villani could, if false; have corrected him; for these occurrences in his younger days were probably familiar to every one.

That the death of Buondelmonte was the spark which fired up two adverse factions then for the first time assuming the party names of Guelph and Ghibeline in Florence, may without hesitation be admitted; for faction must have a name, and these had long been used in Italy: even as early as 1174 Guglielmo Adelardi was Guelphic chief at Ferrara; but it does not appear that they had yet openly infused their venom into Florence although the church and imperial factions had already divided public opinion there.

The Italian nobles were generally imperialists for the sake of their feudal independence, which had originally been exempt from civic dominion: the citizens on the contrary in achieving their own liberty also determined to reduce those places which had formerly belonged to the ancient Counts’ jurisdiction; and by thus forcing the rural nobility to obey, indirectly opposed themselves to the Emperor from whom all baronial exemptions and privileges were derived. At first the Counts’ jurisdiction was in general coincident with the diocese, even where the bishop and that officer were not identical; but portions of the county had been from time to time separated and bestowed by imperial grants on certain gentlemen with the title and privileges of Counts, and commonly called “Rural Counts” to distinguish them from the governors of cities. Many of those small fortified towns and communities already mentioned under the name of Castelli” acquired either by grant or force a certain degree of internal liberty, and elected their own consuls; in many instances without renouncing the paramount authority of their Counts ; so that the contado of every great city was chequered with independent jurisdictions which it became expedient for any dominant state to reduce to a general level of obedience.

In Florence the Uberti were Ghibelines from the natural affinity between nobility and royalty, from their German descent, as rural counts; and finally from their own ambition, which led them to oppose a government that they had no longer strength to control, and which had ever been thoroughly attached to the church: for; says Malespini in speaking of Buondelmonte’s death: “Long ere this there were sects amongst the said parties on account of the said quarrels and questions between the Church and the Empire.”

The general condition of Italy was this year improved by the reconciliation between Alexander III and Frederic Barbarossa at Venice; if that can be called so which makes a stern and haughty monarch bend before the angry countenance of a prouder priest, and offer his head as a footstool to the Roman bishop! “I Kill tread, upon the aspic and basalisk” said the pontiff as he placed his foot upon the emperor’s neck, “and the lion and the dragon will I trample beneath my feet”. “Non tibi sed Petro” replied the prince. “Et mihi et Petro” haughtily returned the priest while he pressed more firmly on the humbled monarch. Alexander had the singular fortune to survive two Antipopes and force a third, after humbly resigning all his honours, to lie prostrate, in company with a powerful emperor, at his feet; and moreover to exact that emperor’s renunciation of all the three.

In 1179 for the better regulation of papal elections and the prevention of popular tumults which left only a nominal freedom of choice, he abolished the turbulent voting of the clergy and people and restricted the right of election to the College of Cardinals, which consisting of bishops, priests, and deacons; and being chosen from all nations was in a manner the representative body of the catholic church and the supreme pontifical council. Two-thirds of these votes were made necessary for a papal election; and, as no “Conclave” then existed, it was often delayed by private interests or political enmity to an indefinite period. A vacancy of three years preceded the election of Gregory X in 1270, and induced him to issue a bull which not without some opposition finally established the “Conclave”. By this nine days are allowed for the arrival of absent cardinals; on the tenth they are locked up (and hence the appellation of Conclave) with one attendant each in a common apartment having one window for the supply of their wants and guarded by the city magistrates: after three days they are reduced to a single dish at dinner and supper, and beyond the eighth to bread and wine and water alone. During the vacancy most political functions were denied them, all promises amongst themselves declared invalid, and an oath of integrity was taken by all: some relaxations have subsequently been introduced but the principle of confinement remains in pristine vigour, and the practice of secret voting preserves general urbanity.

After thus depriving the Romans of the high privilege of choosing their own prince and bishop, Alexander III expired in 1181, and so closed a long series of troubles, sufferings, and final victory.

In Florence, where civil contests had continued from a point of honour after the general hatred was exhausted, the people wakened as from an uneasy dream and resumed their accustomed employments, amongst which the subjugation of neighbouring powers was not the least conspicuous. The people of Monte Grossoli in Val di Chanti were spirited enough to wish for liberty and reject Florentine domination but brought a heavier yoke upon their necks: Empoli, from force, intimidation, or perhaps really desiring the protection of Florence, next acknowledged her ascendency, engaged to assist in every war except against Count Guido, and offer annually a waxen torch at the Baptist’s shrine greater in value than that presented by the neighbouring people of Pontormo who had also been reduced to obedience.

The next year was tranquil, and during this period the Bishop of Florence exerted himself to heal the remaining wounds of civil war; but external hostilities were still continued, and the capture of Castello di Pogna added another considerable possession to the republican territory. Count Albert of Prato held numerous fiefs of the empire in the vicinity of Florence, and amongst them Pogna, a strong town with a daring and restless population which infested all between the rivers Elsa and Pesa; even in the Florentine territory both merchants and travellers were plundered while the thieves found shelter within its walk. As complaints were useless the Florentines assembled a strong force and suddenly invested Pogna which being destitute of food, after a short blockade surrendered at discretion, and the Count who happened to be there was also made prisoner. To destroy the walls of Pogna with the exception of his own fortified palace, to lower the towers of Certaldo, Semifonte, and other strongholds, and never make war on Florence, was the price of his ransom; besides which a secret assurance was given that he would sell his jurisdiction over the town of Semifonte and its district, and thus Florence prepared for an extension of her power on the north-west frontier of Siena, whose jealousy they had already awakened in that quarter.

In addition to the above stipulations, Count Albert, his Countess Tabernaria, along with their sons Guido and Mainardo obliged themselves to protect all Florentine subjects and deliver one of the towers of Capraia into the hands of that community for the purpose of retention or destruction as best suited them: they also submitted to the imposition of a new tax upon all their possessions between the Amo and Elsa, possibly without much reluctance as a moiety was for their own benefit without the odium of its imposition: they further engaged to pay four hundred lire of “good Pisan money” to make war or peace at the pleasure of Florence, with the obligation of annually residing there for two months in time of war and one during peace.

Pisa and Lucca having concluded a long course of hostilities, a treaty was also signed by the latter with Florence in which Lucca engaged to protect the persons and property of Florentines within their state; that no debtors of either people should be arrested until after two months’ warning were given to their own government, and even then the imprisonment was to be effected in a manner best suited to spare the honour and sensibilities of the unfortunate: that for twenty years Lucca would hind itself to assist the Republic in any war within the dioceses of Fiesole and Florence, especially against Pistoia, their contingent of troops being bound to keep the field for twenty days; and in every other war at the simple request of the consuls, podestà, or other rector of Florence, a hundred and fifty horse with five hundred foot and crossbow-men were to be furnished at the latter’s expense, without whose permission the Lucchese were to make no separate peace. Lucca further engaged not to give any assistance, even by advice, in the rebuilding of strongholds within the Florentine diocese, more especially between the Elsa and that city, within which limits the Lucchese were to make no acquisitions, but on the contrary restore those they had already made, even though they belonged to the church. They further promised not to prevent foreigners from proceeding to Florence, unless enemies of their own people; and after excepting everything from the treaty tending to endanger the peace with Pisa or Genoa, or interfere with the imperial rights, it was sworn to by sly hundred citizens of Lucca and its renewal every five years agreed to by both parties.

Count Albert’s recent humiliation probably induced the inhabitants of Mangone to place all the external affairs of their community in the hands of Florence, and acknowledge all their possessions to be held of that state, besides promising the yearly tribute of a pound of silver, a waxen torch at the Baptist’s shrine, and the maintenance of a permanent dwelling in their town for the Florentine consuls. This treaty was continued by Alberto and his family, as regarded peace and war with a further engagement that its provisions should be rigidly observed as well by Mangone as by the people of Vernio and Ugnano.

These contracts have been minutely stated not only because they afford a glimpse of national customs in that remote age, but also because they partly unfold the nature of Florentine policy, which leaving the vanquished in full enjoyment of their own laws, and not unfrequently with additional privileges, endeavoured to secure their fidelity by a light and almost nominal subjection. These acquisitions became in fact integral parts of the dominant state which thus increased its force and reputation while the subdued barons being compelled to maintain an establishment in the capital with all the duties as well as the power and honours of citizenship, augmented the national greatness by the re-annexion of property formerly alienated for the personal aggrandisement of themselves or their forefathers.

This system was not confined to places acquired by capitulation; its principles were also applied to those taken by storm or purchased, as will be seen hereafter in the war of Semifonte. By steadily pursuing this ambitious course Florence, in less than eighty years had conquered the citadel of Fiesole, confirmed her rule over Prato, taken Monte Orlandi, Monte Cassolli, Monte Buoni, Monte di Croce, Monte Grossoli and Pogna with their respective territories and dependencies : she had vanquished the Senese armies, received many towns under her protection such as Empoli, Pontormo and Mangone; defeated the Aretines, and brought Arezzo to her own conditions; made advantageous treaties with Pisa and Lucca and had rapidly advanced to a degree of power that filled her neighbours with jealous apprehension and its attendant hate. The latter saw that no moral consideration would restrain the ambition of a republic which by conquest or intimidation was rapidly absorbing all the lesser states and lordships, destroying those towns it deemed impolitic to retain, and as it were steadily place after place into its own accumulating mass. Wherefore in a secret meeting of the feudal chiefs and communities it was decreed that ambassadors should be dispatched to the emperor, then on his march towards Naples, with a strong memorial of their fears and grievances and a prayer for redress. Frederic soon after arrived at Florence, which he disliked for its Guelphic principles, and gave a public audience to these complainants. The deputies led by those of Siena, dwelt on the alarming increase of Florentine power, and declared that the object of that ambitious people was no less than a complete subjugation of Tuscany. That they were moreover determined enemies of the empire and had proved it by their unrelenting persecution of the Guidi, a charge that Count Guido Guerra, then present in the imperial service, could amply corroborate by his own individual sufferings : that one of their proudest feasts was the repulse of the emperor’s predecessor with dishonour from their walls; and finally, that pride so overbearing required a prompt rebuke from imperial power while a strong lesson of obedience should be enforced, ere they became bold enough as they soon would, to fling a gauntlet in the face of the emperor himself. “It was not”, they significantly added, “It was not the bright and cheerful blaze of the great hall fire, to which the whole household looked, but the little hidden and neglected spark that set the mansion in a flame; and if to the acuteness of Florentine intellect were added extensive power, military reputation, dominion, and a close alliance with the church, the northern Caesars might at once bid adieu to all their Tuscan influence and abandon that province to the Florentines.” The truth of this reasoning was apparent even to an unprejudiced mind and it struck with peculiar force on the willing ears of Frederic who without hesitation convicted Florence of having presumed to usurp imperial rights and seize on other people’s possessions without the imperial sanction. She was accordingly deprived of all her jurisdiction and every foot of territory beyond the walls; an imperial vicar administered the general government within the city, and individual justice throughout the district.

The patriotic union of 1170 no longer existed, for patriotism was nearly melted in the heats of faction, therefore Florence was not the only sufferer on this occasion; all the Guelphic cities of Tuscany fell more or less under the imperial lash; and Siena herself although then essentially Ghibeline excited Frederic’s indignation by refusing to admit him or his troops within her walls. The result was a siege, and Henry King of the Romans who remained to conduct it, having failed in his attacks relinquished the enterprise and rejoined his father at Viterbo; but the Senese on making a slight apology were, two years after, readmitted to imperial favour.

While Barbarossa was yet in Florence the Senese deputies informed him of a report that Count Albert intended to cede the town of Semifonte to that state, and procured an imperial mandate against the purchase; also alarmed at such a neighbour they endeavoured to secure themselves by exciting Semifonte to revolt and independence.

The death of Pope Lucius III, successor to Alexander, made room for Urban III between whom and the emperor disputes arose about the inheritance of Countess Matilda; or as it was commonly called the Patrimony of Saint Peter, which Frederic still retained. Other ecclesiastical grievances fostered this quarrel; but Urban’s anger principally rested on a contract of marriage which Frederic after great difficulty had concluded between his son Henry and Constance, daughter of Roger King of Sicily whose grandson William II was then reigning. Constance was at this time about one and thirty years of age and presumptive heiress of both the Sicilies; she had long resided in a convent without having taken the veil although for party purposes called a nun. The kingdom of Sicily, ultimately to be her dower, was a prize worth Barbarossa’s ambition and the pope’s resentment; it consisted, besides that island of Calabria, Naples. La Puglia, and the principality of Capua, and Urban regarded with an evil eye this ecclesiastical fief slip quietly into the hands of a race of Ghibeline emperors even without his having been consulted on the subjects; hence new aliment for existing faction and future war, as from these, “unholy nuptials” sprang the Emperor Frederic II a more able and more bitter enemy than his grandfather to superstition priestcraft and the See of Rome, of which he was at first the child and champion.

Pope Urban died in 1187 of grief, as we are told at the fall of Jerusalem and general success of the Infidels: he was replaced by Gregory VIII, who instantly began to rouse up all Italy to the rescue; but death overtook him too scarcely two months after his elevation while personally superintending the equipment of an armament at Pisa against the Saracens. Gregory was succeeded by Clement III, who zealously following up the views of his predecessor made peace between Pisa and Genoa and preached a third crusade in Christendom. He was well answered by the religious and restless spirit of the time, and Florence roused by the Bishop of Ravenna’s eloquence poured forth her enthusiastic sons with an ardour worthy of more rational and legitimate objects although then considered one of the most sincere demonstrations of pure religious feeling.

Pleased at this devotion Clement immediately induced Barbarossa to enlarge the forfeited Contado to a distance of ten miles from Florence; and that emperor himself, old, experienced, and sagacious as he was; he who had bearded priestcraft in its den and laughed at the infallibility of popes; he also caught up the burning spirit of the age, assumed the cross, and at the head of a hundred and fifty thousand followers marched to Palestine.

Fifty two Pisan galleys under Bishop Lanfranco joined the Venetians and sailed for Syria; neither was Genoa backward in the race, and legions after legions followed from every state of Christendom; lastly the English Richard and Philip Augustus of France with their numerous and hardy followers augmented this roaring torrent of catholic devotion.

The emperor never returned; he was either drowned in Arminia, or died from the effects of checked perspiration by plunging suddenly into the chilling waters of the Saleph: the whole movement was disastrous; much blood was spilt; a long-enduring misery desolated Asia and Europe; few pilgrims returned with the tale of their misfortunes; the east was ruined and the west impoverished; neither religion nor morals were immediately improved, but a new and ameliorating intercourse was opened between man and man, remote nations became acquainted, and in a manner united by commercial intercourse, which, with its full share of crime, promoted general civilisation, and is still working beneficially for the world.

Frederic was succeeded by his son Henry VI, who had more than his father’s ferocity without his talents, and when Barbarossa’s death became known the electors at once advanced him to the throne of Germany where he made preparations for an immediate coronation at Rome.

It would have been difficult, says Ammirato for the most valuable gift to produce such joy in Florence as the restoration of her territory; yet that which was shown about the same period on receiving the arm of Saint Philip the Apostle was immeasurably greater. This precious relic was procured by the exertions of Monaco Patriarch of Jerusalem, and received by the whole Florentine population in solemn procession with deep reverential awe; but such devotion produced the Crusades and excuses many of the extravagancies of that age.

Pope Clement III died in 1191 and was succeeded by Celestine III, the sixth pontiff within ten years: he postponed his own inauguration on purpose to retard the coronation of Henry who with Queen Constance was on his way to Rome; but after the settlement of certain important conditions connected with the Sicilian succession it was allowed to take place.

Tusculum, then a town of some consequence, was given by agreement to the Germans and they with Celestine’s connivance afterwards abandoned it to the Romans by whom this ancient city was destroyed in one of those frantic outbursts of popular passion that mark the age and country and to which Rome above all other Italian cities was peculiarly subject. The miserable inhabitants constructed temporary huts in the neighbourhood with “Frasche” or branches of trees, which subsequently became permanent dwellings, and gave their name to the still existing town of Frascati.

From Rome Henry proceeded to occupy the kingdom of Sicily in right of Constance the heiress of her nephew William II, deceased in 1189, but Tancred Count of Lecce, the illegitimate son of Roger Duke of Puglia, a man of great talent and virtue, was with Celestine’s concurrence placed on that throne by the Sicilian Barons who indignantly refused to let their country be degraded to a German province.

Tancred was well worthy of their choice and defended his kingdom with various fortune but always with valour and ability: Henry after a while retired by Genoa into Germany leaving Constance in charge of the Salernians by whose treachery she became a prisoner to Tancred but was generously treated and finally released without a ransom.

This prince died in 1194 of a broken heart for the loss of his eldest son Roger, who expired in 1193, leaving his widow Sibilla and her infant boy an easy prey to the arts and treachery of Henry. The latter had just received from Leopold of Austria one third of Richard Coeur de Lion’s almost incredible ransom of a hundred thousand marks, which enabled him to pursue the Sicilian conquest; with the aid of a Genoese fleet he besieged Gaeta, took Naples, captured Ischia, and destroyed Salerno with such barbarity that it never afterwards recovered; pushing rapidly on through both Calabrias he passed the Faro intimidated Messina and lodged himself without resistance in that city.

When this was known at Palermo Sibilla fortified herself in the royal palace and sent her son to the strong castle of Callatabillotta, but was soon beguiled by Henry’s artful promises to give him the county of Lecce and the principality of Tarento. Mother and son surrendered on this condition and the emperor was crowned King of Sicily, where his treachery rapacity and tyranny soon became proverbial: friends and foes suffered equally; from his allies the Genoese to the unhappy Queen; her child and the Sicilian people.

About this time also the Empress Constance was delivered of a son who afterwards became so celebrated under the name of Frederic II, the cherished pupil of Holy Church and successively her tool, her champion and her bitterest enemy.

When Henry had partly satiated his vengeance on Tancred’s Sicilian adherents he passed into Italy and held a parliament in Puglia where amongst other occurrences his brother Philip was married to Irene the widow of Tancred’s son, and daughter of the Greek Emperor; Philip being simultaneously created Duke of Tuscany and invested with all the Countess Matilda’s estates in that province. Loaded with the plunder and ruin of thousands the rapacious emperor then returned to Germany accompanied by Queen Sibilla, her son and three daughters all of whom he kept closely confined until his death at Messina in 1197 or 1198.

This slight and general sketch of mixed German and Italian politics is requisite to a clearer view of Tuscan affairs of which political mutability and domestic troubles were the strongest characteristics.

In 1186 the Florentines were governed by three Consuls with the title of “Messere” given as Ammirato conjectured either from their having been Judges or Knights, or because that appellation might have been conceded to the office of supreme magistrate itself, as “Noble” and afterwards “Magnifico” was in Genoa, according to Uberto Foglietta. Neither can the former minute and indefatigable historian assign any certain cause for that continual fluctuation in the number of governing Consuls already mentioned, who within two years diminished from twelve to three, the year 1193 having been remarkable for the cessation of this office and the substitution of a Podestà; but the very next year the Consular Magistrates again assume their station, and as already remarked were probably the experiments of a young, unsettled, and now somewhat tumultuous community, in which the most efficient form of civil government was yet an unsolved problem : for a long time must generally elapse before the absence of restraint, which is not liberty, can subside into the sober reality of manly freedom. We have the example before us of almost all the South American Republics in a similar state of uneasiness and vacillation, but entirely from the virulence of faction which will neither allow foreigners or natives to repose in safety. “Self-tormented,” says President Jackson, “by domestic dissensions, revolution succeeds revolution; injuries are committed upon foreigners engaged in lawful pursuits; much time elapses before a government sufficiently stable is erected to justify expectation of redress. Ministers are sent and received, and before the discussions of past injuries are fairly begun fresh troubles arise; but too frequently new injuries are added to the old to be discussed together with the existing government, after it has proved its ability to sustain the assaults made upon it; or with its successor if overthrown.” But the subsequent history of Florence will furnish stronger resemblances to this melancholy picture of a state of society that makes the enemies of liberty rejoice, and its friends blush for the name.

The death of Henry VI offered an occasion for the recovery of lost independence not to be neglected by Tuscany: while framed and tormented themselves by the hard rapacity of imperial Vicars and provincial Dukes, the Tuscan Republics saw Lombardy enjoying unmolested liberty without even the shadow of a trans-Alpine tyrant to cool its ardour; they had been successfully outraged by Frederic, by Henry, and by Philip; but the last being now called away to contend with Otho of Saxony for the German sceptre, they were left comparatively free. Encouraged by this protracted struggle and the support of Innocent III, who had just succeeded to the papacy, a “League” or “Company” of all the Tuscan states was formed under his auspices, and signed at Borgo  San Genesio ,near San Miniato Tedesco then in the Lucchese territory; from its central position the usual place of public meeting to discuss the affairs of Tuscany. The two Cardinal Legates Bernardo, and Pandolfo (the same who played so conspicuous a part in King John of England’s reign) were witnesses on the part of Innocent to the formation of this company which included Florence, Lucca, Siena, Prato, San Miniato, and the Bishop of Volterra as temporal lord of that city by the donation of Countess Matilda; at the same time reserving places for Pisa, Pistoia, Poggibonzi, the Counts Guidi and Alberti, and other Tuscan Barons. It was agreed that each of the confederates should appoint a deputy called “Captain” or “Rector,” and these assembling every four months were to elect a President under the title of “Prior of the Company” whom all were to obey. They reciprocally engaged to acknowledge no emperor, king, prince, duke, or marquis without the pope’s approbation, who moreover was to be succoured whenever he demanded aid from them. Two days after its signature the league was sworn to at Florence in the church of San Martino del Vescovo by sixteen consuls of the confederate cities; but the Pisans who with Pistoia enjoyed many privileges under imperial favour and had escaped Barbarossa’s persecution refused to associate with a confederacy so purely Guelphic.

This in fact may be called the Guelphic League of Tuscany, for the names of Guelph and Ghibeline had now become general and a boundary was clearly marked between those who adhered to the church for the sake of civil liberty and political independence, and those who with narrower views attached themselves to the emperor. Count Guido Guerra, then called Count of Tuscany, and Count Albert of Prato soon after subscribed to the confederacy; Pistoia probably followed the steps of Pisa but there appears to be no notice of any further adhesions and Count Guido Guerra’s reasons for so unusual a junction are not recorded.

Florence which was considered the leader of this confederacy being now relieved from imperial subjection began once more to look about her, and had already passed a law which authorised any community to sell itself to the Republic although actually subdued and occupied by her arms. This left no excuse for subsequent revolt, and in 1197 Monte Grossoli which Barbarossa's decree had probably set at liberty, seems to have been the first acquisition under so prudent and wise a regulation for the peaceful holding of conquered lands. The Castle of Figlini was afterwards reduced either by force or persuasion, under an engagement to make peace or war at the command of Florence and pay an annual tax of twenty-six danari for every hearth, but those of priests and soldiers, in the town and district; to surrender half their tolls and market-dues and obey all orders from Florence except such as might require the destruction of any portion of their town. Certaldo soon followed the example as regarded peace and war besides an annual tribute at the Baptists’ shrine, and renouncing even the pontiff’s power to absolve her from this engagement; but the Castle of Frodigliano not being disposed to resign its independence was besieged and totally destroyed: and many others as we are gravely assured, “continued very obstinate in wishing to preserve their freedom notwithstanding these examples of rigour and clemency.” Amongst these was the town of Semifonte which by the arts of Siena had achieved its liberty, and on which according to some authors an unsuccessful attack was made this year by Florence: the people of San Genesio retired in alarm to the adjoining stronghold of San Miniato destroying the former place which according to Malespini had been rebuilt only two years before, and rebuilding what they had already demolished of the upper town: “thus,” he adds, “committing two great follies in a small time.”

The failure of Florentine arms before Semifonte, if it ever occurred, only produced more formidable preparations for the conquest of that state and the first step was an endeavour to seduce their nearest friends and neighbours; Hildebrand Bishop of Volterra, the well wisher and advocate of Semifonte, was persuaded to unite with Florence and not only renounce its alliance, but in case of war to join with her for fifteen days or longer at the head of a thousand foot and two hundred horse, in any expedition between Elsa and the capital; Siena and other specified places being excepted. Count Albert was a willing coadjutor in the subjugation of his revolted subjects; he invited every remaining adherent to quit the place and relinquished the town and territory to Florence who engaged to assist him in any war except against an ally of the republic.

This ceaseless round of quarrel, war, and conquest was now agreeably broken by a treaty purely commercial, or at least a treaty the object of which was to protect trade alone, and therefore shows the rising prosperity of Florence. In the “Mugello” and other districts on the line of commercial intercourse with Lombardy, Venice and Bologna, the trade had been much interrupted; but by this convention certain chieftains of the Greci and Ubaldini clans to whom most of the province belonged, agreed with Stoldo di Musetto and Ranieri della Bella, consuls of the merchants’ company of Florence, to obey the commands of the Podesta Pagano de’ Porcari and the counsellors or priors; to protect the Florentines and their merchandise throughout all this feudal territory, and consider any damage received by the traders while within their jurisdiction as an injury offered to themselves: also to supply them with intelligent and trusty guides, and finally to make all their vassals swear to these obligations. Thus were lawless mountain clans tamed down by the magic of a beneficial commerce to the level of surrounding civilisation. Peace, friendly intercourse and general refinement which commerce breeds and feeds on, are its essence; war its bane; yet commerce is often taunted as the cause of war! It is so, like other rights : when violated: it is so, as Christianity has been and is still the cause of wo! But neither Christianity nor commerce are blameable.

 

 

BOOK 1. CHAPTER VIII. FROM A.D. 1200 TO A.D. 1203.