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VOLUME XXIV. CLEMENT VIII (1592-1605)

CHAPTER XI.

Clement VIII and Learning.—Torquato Tasso.

 

The predilection for scholars and writers which Clement VIII had already displayed while a Cardinal, was continued after he had become Pope. How highly he esteemed intellectual ability is shown by the preference for scholars which he displayed in conferring the highest ecclesiastical dignities. At his very first consistory the purple was conferred on Francisco Toledo, who was looked upon as the most learned man in Spain. So in subsequent creations men of learning were always taken into consideration : for example, in 1596 the Oratorian Francesco Maria Tarugi, the canonist Francesco Mantica, and the greatest historian of his time, Cesare Baronius. The most distinguished of the theologians of the day, Robert Bellarmine, received the red hat in 1599; at the same time there were admitted to the senate of the Church Silvio Antoniano and Domenico Toschi, who was well known everywhere as a canonist. In the conferring of the purple on Du Perron in 1604, a decisive factor were the scientific attainments of this man, who was called the Augustine of France.

Among the men who formed the entourage of the Pope there were to be found men of distinction and great literary culture, such as Guido Bentivoglio and Giampietro Maffei. Clement VIII liked to have scientific works read at table ; thus, for example, the works of the celebrated English theologian, Thomas Stapleton, who was looked upon as one of the best controversialists against the reformers whom the Church possessed.

Clement VIII took a prominent part in the activities of the intellectual life of the time, and a number of theologians were honoured by him with special briefs on account of their works. Writers who had returned to the Church, after having hitherto employed their talents to the injury of the Catholic religion, were invited by him to labour on her behalf. The Pope showed special interest in continuing the publication of the works of the great Doctors of the Church, begun under Sixtus V. Of the edition of St. Bonaventure, the third, fifth, sixth and seventh volumes appeared in 1596. The two last volumes of the works of St. Gregory the Great had already appeared in 1593. The Pope caused study of the best manuscripts to be made writh a view to a complete edition of the writings of St. Athanasius. He also took a keen interest in the collection of General Councils suggested by Cardinal Santori in the time of Gregory XIV. By his command Christopher Clavius published a defence of the Gregorian Calendar. The Theatine Antonio Agellio was given the bishopric of Acerno in reward of the services which he had rendered as an exegetist. Antonio Maria Graziani was made nuncio at Venice, and also honoured in other ways. Giovanni Francesco Bordini, who had done good service to the memory of Sixtus V, received in 1597 the archbishopric of Avignon, while the Augustinian, Angelo Rocca, the founder of the Angelica Library, was appointed Bishop of Tagasta.

Among all these scholars, after Antoniano, the dearest to the Pope were Baronius and Bellarmine; they were consulted in all matters of importance, and often had to preach before him. Both were shining lights in the Sacred College, and were pioneers in the world of scholarship.

Robert Bellarmine, one of the most learned and outstanding theologians of his time, and above all of modern times, was born in 1542 at Montepulciano, and in 1560 entered the Society of Jesus. It was a decisive factor in his future intellectual activities when in 1569 his superiors sent him as preacher and professor to Louvain. Bellarmine thus found himself in surroundings where the struggle against Luther and Calvin played an all important part. After his return to the Eternal City in 1576 he was recognized as a man able to give the students of the German and English Colleges the necessary training for their intellectual struggle against the heretics in their own countries. For fifteen years Bellarmine devoted himself to this work with all the thoroughness which characterized him; copies of his lectures were very soon much sought after in Germany and England, and from these there gradually grew up his great work on the religious controversies in which “the defence of the Roman Church was at the same time made use of as a weapon of attack against his adversaries, with greater power, exactitude and skill than was done by others, both before and after him. The assertions and arguments of the Protestants are used in this very fully and in their own words ; to learning there is added facility of expression, order and a pleasing style; his zeal is manifested with such well-weighed moderation that the supreme disdain which the author feels for Protestantism cannot be looked upon as an instrument of passion, but only as the expression of his own convictions. His work thus afforded abundant materials for the weapons which, towards the end of the last decade of the century, were employed by the German Jesuits in their ever renewed attacks upon the Protestant Church.”

When Bellarmine began the publication of his “Controversies” many champions had already arisen in defence of the ancient faith. In the treatment of individual questions enough had already been done, especially in the countries bordering on Germany, by the Polish Hosius and the Netherlander Lindanus, while at Louvain the Englishman Stapleton, leaving details aside, had struck at the roots of the differences between the old and the new faiths, treating of them “in a way not as yet surpassed” in his masterpiece on the sources and rules of faith. There was still needed, however, a work which should review all these special studies, and which should, concisely and clearly, gather together their final results. Bellarmine set himself to do this,1 but he quickly realized that a mere collection of the works that had already been composed would not suffice, since, as he wrote later on, “concerning the Word of God, the controverted points had been dealt with by many persons, but concerning the Church and the Pope by few, and concerning the remainder by hardly anyone.” Many questions had therefore to be dealt with which so far had not been touched upon in controversial works. During the struggles of the XVIth century only this or that divergent doctrine had been dealt with; the fundamentals had been left on one side, and thus the whole doctrine of the faith had to some extent to be brought under discussion. “Thus Bellarmine includes almost the whole field of dogma, in a manner entirely in accordance with this particular purpose.” It is possible to gather from the very extent of the work how much it contains that is new ; in spite of its concise nature as far as details are concerned, it extends to three heavy folio volumes, the contents of which were afterwards divided into four.

Bellarmine realized well enough the difficulty of his undertaking; in his opinion it called for almost unlimited learning; but he had the necessary equipment; acuteness of intellect, soundness of judgment, knowledge of languages, together with an acquaintance with the Fathers of the Church and with more recent theologians, such as to excite constant wonder; it seemed as though he retained indelibly in his memory everything that he had ever read.

An especially attractive characteristic of Bellarmine, both as a scholar and as a man, was his simple frankness. An episode belonging to the days of his studies is characteristic in this respect of the whole man; at one of the disputations which were customary for the intellectual training in philosophical and theological studies, he could not find an answer to a certain objection, and the professor suggested that he might get out of the difficulty by calling upon his adversary to prove a thesis for which the latter was probably not prepared. But young Bellarmine would not hear of this, and made reply that the thesis was true, and preferred to take upon himself the humiliation of not being able to reply, than to make use of a means which did not seem to him quite honest. Thus the simple frankness which characterized him was shown in his relations with others. It was in a like spirit that he came forward in the world of learning ; he sometimes admitted that not everyone had been happy in their refutations of Calvin. In no part of his great work does he look upon the struggle with his adversaries as easy; he always quotes their own words, and admits that part of them which is true, and allows himself no rest until he has clearly shown their weakness. This very fact explains the extraordinary success of the work. In 1588 men wrote to the author from Mayence that at the Frankfort fair the second volume had been bought up as soon as it was published; if the printer had had two thousand copies he would have sold them all down to the very last. The three or four huge folio volumes had run through about thirty editions by the end of the XVIIth century; they formed the pivot upon which the controversy with the innovators turned, in a almost incalculable number of works on either side. Many Protestants, convinced by the reasoning of Bellarmine, returned to the ancient Church. Cardinal Du Perron, who, like Stapleton and Bellarmine, was one of the greatest controversialists against Protestantism, called Bellarmine and Baronius the two stars of the Church in his time, and was of opinion that the articles of Bellarmine concerning the Eucharist contained all that was best that had been written on the subject for the last five hundred years. Baronius, in his Annals, twice, so to speak, went out of his way to extol his friend Bellarmine. The exegetist Cornelius a Lapide, was of the opinion that from the beginning of Christianity there had been no work comparable to that of this theologian. It may be added that by his defence of the Papal authority he aroused the opposition, not only of the Protestants, but also of the Gallicans. His first volume was prohibited in France.

After the completion of the second volume of the Controversies, Bellarmine gave up lecturing. In 1589 Sixtus V appointed him theological adviser to Cardinal Errico Caetani, on his mission to France. After his return, the General, Aquaviva, employed him in the government of the Order; he probably saw in him his own successor, and wished to give him an opportunity of acquiring experience in questions of administration. Thus in 1592 he was able to complete the third volume of the Controversies, but was then appointed rector of the Roman College, and soon after, in 1594, superior of the province of the Order in Naples. But Aquaviva’s plans were never realized; the Holy See had cast its eyes upon the clever scholar, and employed him in the preparation of the edition of the Vulgate, and in the work of the Inquisition. When the death of Toledo had left vacant the post of a Jesuit Cardinal, Clement VIII conferred the red hat upon him in 1599. “We have chosen him—the Pope said on that occasion—because in the Church of God there is no one equal to him in doctrine, and because he is the nephew of Marcellus II.” How highly Clement VIII esteemed him at that time may be seen from a treatise on the duties of a Pope, which he allowed Bellarmine to present to him, and in which he wrote replies to certain remarks. A catechism which Bellarmine had drawn up for the instruction of the people was made obligatory by Clement VIII. for the whole of the States of the Church. In 1602 he was appointed Archbishop of Capua; the Pope himself consecrated him. It was only natural that a Pope with such great knowledge of history as Pius XI. Should have held up Bellarmine as a star of the first magnitude in the firmament of the Church, and as one of the most energetic champions of Catholic doctrine.

How dear to Clement VIII was Cesare Baronius, may be seen from the fact of his having chosen him as his confessor. Clement took a keen and active interest in Baronius’ monumental work, the Annals of the Church. He summoned the learned Benedictine, Constantino Gaetano, to Rome to assist him in his laborious task. Baronius showed his gratitude for the extraordinary interest taken by the Pope, a thing which he also showed in other ways, by dedicating to him the fourth, fifth and sixth volumes of his gigantic work, which, drawing as it did upon an enormous treasury of documents, formed an entirely new basis for the history of the Church. The Catholic point of view was rigorously adhered to and courageously maintained against the attacks of the Protestants; at the same time, however, Baronius did not shrink from frankness and even severity in his judgments; his great work is still today of great value to scholars. The fear which was expressed by some that his elevation to the cardinalate would hamper the great historian in his continuation of the Annals was fortunately not verified. The seventh volume appeared in 1596, which, like the eighth, published in 1599, was dedicated to Clement VIII. After the sudden death of the learned Cardinal Colonna, in May 1597, Baronius was able to thank the Pope for his appointment as head of the Vatican Library.

The precious collection of manuscripts which Cardinal Sirleto had increased to a considerable number, now possessed, thanks to the care of Sixtus V, a magnificent home in the Papal palace; united to them was also a part of the Papal Secret Archives. How much importance Clement VIII attached to increasing these treasures may be seen from the invitation which he addressed to all the bishops of the Papal States to send to the Vatican Library all the manuscripts and documents which came to their knowledge, so that a selection might be made of those which were of value. Those which were preserved at the Vatican were not to be a buried treasure. By the order of Clement VIII, and under the superintendence of Baronius, the custodians of the Library, who belonged to the Rainaldi family, laboured with unwearied and altruistic zeal to render it available, and above all Domenico Rainaldi, who in the time of Clement VIII worked with such delight in cataloguing the manuscripts and printed books, and the material in the archives, that in this respect as well the Vatican was able to take the first place among all the collections of manuscripts in the world.

At the same time Domenico Rainaldi set in order the Archives of the Castle of St. Angelo, for which Clement VIII, soon after his election, prepared as a resting place a special hall on the upper floor, which was richly decorated and furnished with valuable presses. With this measure, which was immortalized in a poem by Mafieo Barberini, was connected a plan for placing all the archival treasures of the Holy See in this safe place. Even though this plan was not fully realized, nevertheless not a little was done to make the collection in the Castle of St. Angelo a real State Archivium. Innumerable documents were removed thither from the Guardaroba, accompanied by copies of documents on a large scale. The Papal treasurer, Bartolomeo Cesi, who was the real originator of this great and useful project, was appointed prefect. After his appointment as Cardinal, on June 5th, 1596, Domenico Rainaldi took his place, which he filled with great zeal. It is almost impossible to do justice to the importance of the collection of documents and acta on the most important questions of the day furnished by this indefatigable worker for the purposes of the Secretariate of State. They were of inestimable value, together with the memorials attached to them, in the questions of the absolution of Henry IV., the acquisition of Ferrara, the discussions concerning the Papal election, and the controversies with Spain. Again in 1604 the Pope caused documents to be brought to Rome, so that copies might be made of them.

It was of highest importance for the Vatican Library that the librarian of the Farnese, Fulvio Orsini, who after the death of Muret held the first place in the world of letters, left a legacy in 1600 of his most precious collection of manuscripts and books to the library of the Pope.1 The former custodian of the library, Tommaso Sirleto, also gave his manuscripts to that collection. The acquisition of the legacies of Aldus Manutius and the learned Dominican Alphonsus Ciaconius added to its wealth. Some Persian manuscripts were also acquired.

Closely connected with the Vatican Library was the Vatican Press, which was directed by Domenico Basa, and from 1596 by Bernardo Basa. Sixtus V had united several benefices for the maintenance of the correctors of this institution, the revenues of which, however, were employed in other ways by Gregory XIV. Clement VIII therefore took steps to remedy the lack of skilled correctors of the press, by abolishing certain posts in the library, and founding in their place five posts for correctors of Latin and Greek works, and on August 20th, 1593, he conferred these for life on the Benedictine Adriano Cipriano, the Florentine priest Giovanni Battista Bandini, the doctor in theology Francesco Lamata, a Spaniard, and on Gerhard Vossius of the diocese of Liege. When this scholar, who had done good service as editor of the works of the Fathers of the Church, resigned, his place was taken by Maurizio Bressio. There were also employed Federico Metio, and lastly, as unpaid corrector, the Augustinian Angelo Rocca. These six correctors were also to work in the library, as these two institutions were connected with each other.

Clement VIII concerned himself in various ways with the Roman University; he confirmed the union established by Sixtus V between the rectorate and the College of Protonotaries, and carried on the new buildings of the university. In his pontificate the great hall, which was adorned with an artistic carved wooden ceiling and a magnificent pulpit, was completed.

Clement VIII did good service by summoning the celebrated botanist and physiologist Andrea Cesalpino from Pisa to the Roman University, where that scholar also held the office of principal physician to Clement VIII, an office which he held with the greatest success until his death in 1603. Giulio de Angelis, who was also summoned by Clement VIII to the medical faculty, was less celebrated than Cesalpino, but he too was one of the Pope’s physicians and accompanied him to Ferrara. A disciple of Cesalpino, Michele Mercati, had been since the time of Pius V director of the botanical gardens of the Vatican, and professor of botany at the Roman University. In 1593 he was succeeded by Andrea Bacci, then by Castore Durante, and lastly by the celebrated German scholar Johann Fabri of Bamberg. The summoning of the Platonist, Fr. Patrizi to be professor of philosophy in the spring of 1592, was not a success, as he passionately attacked Aristotle as an enemy of the faith. The attitude adopted by the Pope in this dispute is clearly shown by the fact that after the death of Patrizi in February, 1597, he appointed his opponent Giacomo Mazzoni to his office at the Sapienza, assigning to him the large annual stipend of 1,000 gold scudi. Great patrons of Mazzoni were the two Aldobrandini Cardinals, who also generously supported scholars and poets in other ways. The best known of the poets who entered the service of Pietro Aldobrandini was Giambattista Marini. Cinzio Aldobrandini established an Academy in his palace, to which belonged the most distinguished scholars, such as Antonio Quarengho, Patrizi, Giovanni Battista Raimondi, and also the composer, Luca Marenzio, who was named “the most sweet swan” and who from 1595 was organist at the Papal Chapel; later on there were Battista Guarino, the author of the celebrated pastoral drama II pastor fido, Guidobaldo Bonarelli and Tasso.

Just as was the case with Cardinals Pietro and Cinzio Aldobrandini,2 many works were dedicated to the Pope himself. Among the prose works the greater number were religious and ecclesiastical ; not a few were concerned with the Turkish peril, and some of the acquisition of Ferrara. The most important dedications, after the Controversies of Bellarmine, was that of the Annals of Baronius. During one of his sojourns at Frascati the Pope obliged Bellarmine and Silvio Antoniano to engage in a poetical contest, in which the palm was to be given to the one who composed the most beautiful poem on the saint of that day, Mary Magdalen.  This was the origin of Bellarmine’s magnificent hymn, Pater superni luminis, which was afterwards inserted in the Breviary.

As Clement VIII had a great liking for poetry, very many poems were dedicated to him. Among these were one by Maffeo Barberini on the Pope’s gout, and another on the new archivium in the Castle of St. Angelo. Mention must also be made of how Orlando di Lasso, who, with Palestrina and Marenzio, was the most celebrated musician of the time, had in 1597, a short time before his death, dedicated to the Aldobrandini Pope his last composition, Le Lagrime di san Pietro. To the Jesuit Pietro Maffei, who had made a name as an historical writer, Clement VIII. assigned an apartment in the Vatican, and charged him to write the history of his pontificate, a task which unfortunately was never carried out, owing to the death of Maffei in 1603.

The name of Clement VIII is also connected with that of Torquato Tasso. The great poet had known the Pope as a Cardinal and had received various favours from him. From Naples, where he was then living, he had at once celebrated his election in a poem, in which he makes all the virtues from heaven descend upon him. He composed an Italian sonnet for the anniversary of his coronation, and a longer Latin poem in which he extols the ecclesiastical and civil power of the head of the Church. In this he does not omit mention of the nephews of Clement VIIi, to whom there are also addressed three other sonnets, probably composed on this occasion. After this Tasso received an invitation to go to Rome, where he arrived at the beginning of May, 1592. As had been the case in the time of Sixtus V, he took up his abode with his former patron, Cardinal Scipione Gonzaga, in the Via della Scrofa, but as early as June he had removed to the palace of the Pope’s nephew, in the Via dei Banchi, where there was an open house with scholars and poets. When in November, 1592, Cinzio Aldobrandini removed to the Vatican, Tasso was invited to follow him. Then the poet took up his residence in the most beautiful palace in the world, where he was waited upon with all honour, invited to the tables of Cardinals and princes, and honoured and distinguished in every way.

If, with all this, a certain melancholy and restlessness, and a morbid desire for change did not leave him, this was an evident sign of his melancholia (periodical dementia), which, however—so closely akin are genius and madness—did not in any way interfere with his literary activity. Cinzio Aldobrandini, who had a sincere veneration for the sorely tried poet, felt a sincere compassion for him. He efficaciously promoted the re-writing of Tasso’s Gerusalemme liberata, giving him in the person of Angelo Ingegneri an amanuensis, who was able to decipher with facility the difficult hand­writing of the poet.

Besides his masterpiece Tasso also composed with feverish activity other poems in which he has given expression to his deep sense of religion. Thus there were written at that time the pathetic verses on the Santa Croce and Le lagrime della beatissima Vergine. The inspiration for the last named was drawn from a picture attributed to Albert Diirer, which was in the possession of Cinzio Aldobrandini.

To this exalted patron Tasso dedicated the new version of the Gerusalemme liberata, which was at last completed in May, 1593, and was given the title of Gerusalemme conquistata. The printing was begun in July; the expenses were borne by Cinzio Aldobrandini, while the profits were all to go to the author. Cinzio, who became a member of the Sacred College on September 17th, 1593, saw to it that he received the necessary privileges to protect his rights as author. The first copies of the work, from which there had been removed all the tributes to the House of Este, originally in connexion with the character of Rinaldo, but which were now replaced by others to the Cardinal nephews and the Pope, were able to be issued in the early days of December. Of greater importance than these external changes were the internal ones, by which the new poetical work was intended to be distinguished from the former one, as the heavenly Jerusalem from the earthly one. In conformity with this idea the religious character of the Crusades was emphasized, by means of a dream of Godfrey de Bouillon, with the purpose of introducing a magnificent description of heaven, and unfolding a grandiose prophetic vision of the future development of Christendom. The episode of Olindo and Sophronia was omitted, but in so doing Tasso was rather influenced by literary considerations, since a long digression such as this did not seem opportune, especially at the beginning of the poem. Literary considerations also led to the curtailing of the romance of Rinaldo and Armida, as well as that of Tancred. If the work thus received' unity and harmony, on the other hand it suffered by the omission of certain beautiful passages, such as the magnificent description of the sea voyage of the two heroes, when seeking for Rinaldo on the enchanted island. How unfortunate was such a change from the original form of this  first daring outburst of genius” was proved by the wretched success of the Gerusalemme conquistata, which was unable to overshadow the Gerusalemme liberata, which was entirely permeated by the enthusiasm of youth.

Stricken once more at the beginning of 1594 by illness, Tasso resolved to seek repose at Naples, whither he was also drawn by a long-standing law-suit concerning the inheritance of his mother. He passed the summer and autumn at the Benedictine convent of S. Severino, engaged, despite his bad state of health, in constant literary activity. While he was still in Rome he had already completed a long Latin poem on Clement VIII. Cardinal Cinzio Aldobrandini, to whom Tasso dedicated his Discorsi del poema eroico, insisted in September on his return to the Eternal City; Tasso agreed to do so, but only after his law-suit had been happily terminated by means of a compromise. On November 10th he wrote from Rome: “I have returned; alive it is true, but very ill.” A week later he expressed the wish that all his works might be printed at Venice, either before or after his death. The poet, who was at that time once again living at the Vatican, finished during that time a religious poem on the Creazione del Mondo, and composed two sonnets for the anniversary of the Pope’s coronation. The latter was so enthusiastic about these poems that he assigned to the author, out of his privy purse, an annual pension of 200 scudi, which was afterwards followed by other gifts of money. For a long time past a special honour had been projected for him, namely his coronation at the Capitol, a thing that had not been done in the case of any poet since the time of Petrarch. The news of this had been so widely spread that it was spoken of as an accomplished fact. The ceremony was probably to take place after Easter, which in 1595 fell on March 26th. In the meantime the poet was constantly harassed by the thought of death. On March 15th Cardinal Altemps died, and the sonnet which he composed on this Prince of the Church was probably the last of Tasso’s poems. When his health became worse after Easter he addressed a touching letter of farewell to his friend Antonio Costantini at Mantua: “What will Signor Antonio say—this states— when he hears of the death of his Tasso? I do not think that the news will be long delayed, for I feel myself at the end of my life, and have not been able to find any remedy for my wretched indisposition, which has supervened upon my many usual ailments, like a swift stream by which, without being able to find any foot-hold, I plainly find myself being carried away. There is no longer any time for me to speak of my hapless fortune, to say nothing of the ingratitude of the world, which has willed to triumph over me by bringing me to a beggar’s grave, when I had thought that the glory which, despite those who do not so desire, the world will have from my writings, would not leave me in some way without guerdon. I have had myself brought to this monastery of S. Onofrio, not only because its air is praised by the doctors above that of any other part of Rome, but as it were to begin in that sublime eminence, and helped by the conversation of these pious fathers, my own conversation in heaven. Pray to God for me, and rest assured that if I have always loved and esteemed you in this life, I will still do so in that other more true life, where veritable and not feigned charity is to be found. And I recommend you as well as myself to the divine grace.”

Cardinal Aldobrandini did all that lay in his power to preserve this precious life, or at any rate to alleviate the sufferings of the poet, who was not only racked by fever, but by attacks of melancholy. The Cardinal gave him two servants and sent to him his own physician and that of the Pope, but all was in vain. The few days that still remained to the sick man were passed by him in prayer and pious meditation. It is not possible to visit without deep emotion the simple room, in which the poet passed his last days; later on it was transformed into the “Museo del Tasso.” The poet left to the convent of S. Gregorio as well as to that of S. Onofrio money for the celebration of masses for his soul, while to the latter he left the bronze crucifix which had been given him by the Pope. On April 24th he received Holy Viaticum and Extreme Unction with touching piety; on hearing of this Cardinal Aldobrandini hastened to the Pope to ask for a blessing and absolution for his dying friend. Deeply grieved, Clement VIII. granted the request of his nephew, who then went in person to S. Onofrio to give the dying man, in proof of the favour of the head of the Church, this last consolation. “This is the coach—exclaimed Tasso— in which I shall go, not as a poet to the Capitol, but as one of the blessed to heaven.” Ever praying, and meditating on his last moments, the poet felt the approach of death on the morning of April 26th. Kissing the cross, he began to repeat the words of Christ : “ Into Thy hands, O Lord ...” but his words went no further, and without any agony he breathed forth his noble soul.

His burial, according to Italian usage, took place the same evening. After a cast of his face had been taken in plaster, his body was taken with princely pomp to the parish church of S. Spirito in Sassia, and in the cortege were to be seen the retinues of the Cardinal nephews, many members of the Papal court, the professors of the University, and many other scholars, nobles, priests and religious. All of them, after the obsequies, followed the dead poet to S. Onofrio, where the burial took place. Tasso’s brow was girt with the coveted laurels, while in his joined hands he held the sign of the Redemption, of which he had once sung :

To the Cross my heart I consecrate, and hymns ;

Victory’s great standard, and the sign

In which weak men still triumph over death.

Tasso died a fervent Catholic, as he had always lived. He had dedicated magnificent poems, filled with the deepest feeling, to the Queen of Heaven. All the ardour of his faith found most heartfelt expression in the sonnet in which lie venerated the Most Holy Sacrament. His most celebrated work, La Gerusalemme liberata, is entirely penetrated with Catholic sentiment. This was already clearly shown in the first draft of the poem, which was intended to describe the struggle between Christendom and Islam, in its most sublime chivalrous achievement:

Arms, and the chief I sing, whose righteous hands

Redeem’d the tomb of Christ from impious bands ;

Who much in council, much in field sustain’d,

Till just success his glorious labours gained ;

In vain the powers of hell opposed his course,

And Asia’s arms, and Libya’s mingled force ;

Heaven bless’d his standards, and beneath his care

Reduc’d his wandering partners of the war.

                                          (Hoole’s Tasso.)

 

It has been rightly pointed out to what a high degree the revival of Catholic consciousness was reflected in Tasso’s immortal poem. Like Petrus Angelus Bargaeus, he too was of the opinion that it is better “to treat of an historical event in a Christian manner, than to seek by deceit for a glory that is unchristian.” Therefore he did not draw his heroes from mythology, but from Christian history. It was the great Christian epoch that attracted him ; and he gave his hero the impress of a true Christian. Blameless, brave, wise, humble, generous, careless of earthly glory, filled with the true faith and a deep love for Christ and his Church, Godfrey de Bouillon is put before us almost in the guise of a saint. By placing this hero in the forefront of his poem, Tasso fulfilled in a high degree the task of composing a Christian epopee. He completely turned his back on ancient pagan mythology, except for a few passages of secondary importance. In his poem he accepted prodigies in the Christian sense as an indispensable part of epic poetry, but out of deference for Italian taste adopted a prudent middle course. Entirely Christian in sentiment is the struggle of Godfrey de Bouillon with his fanatical Mohammedan adversaries, which was willed by God, for which reason the paladins of God on earth must have by their side the great spirits of heaven, though they too must experience the operations of the enemies of God and of their followers. The whole power of hell is enlisted to turn aside the crusaders from their sublime goal, and it can find no better weapon than an abandoned woman, to confound the noblest heroes with the pleasures of sense, until the strength of the enemy should be so increased as to render the conquest of Jerusalem impossible. But however great is the part played in the epic by the most powerful of all the passions, Love, by which the heroic song of the holy war is to a great extent transformed into a romance of chivalry, yet it is conceived and developed in an absolutely moral way. The transgressions of Rinaldo are not extolled in a single verse, and the latter abandons the beautiful she-devil Armida, who is depicted in the most vivid colours, and cleanses his conscience by confession to Peter the Hermit :

But think not yet, impure with many a stain,

In his high cause to lift thy hand profane.

All the Christian combatants too prepare themselves by confession and communion for the decisive attack. The assault begins : victory follows the standards of the Christian army : Armida herself, held back from her intended suicide by Rinaldo, is converted, and the poem, suddenly cut short, concludes with the celebrated strophe of the entry into Jerusalem :

Thus conquer’d Godfrey, and as yet the day

Gave from the western waves the parting ray :

Swift to the walls the glorious victor rode,

The domes where Christ had made  His blest abode ;

In sanguine vest, with all his princely train,

The chief of chiefs then sought the sacred fane ;

There o’er the hallowed tomb his arms display’d,

And there to heaven his vow’d devotions paid.

In spite of its numerous episodes, the classical unity of the epic remains inviolate, for the recovery of the Sepulchre of the Saviour shines forth throughout as the dominant idea of the poem. The strong relief into which the religious aspect of the Crusade is thrown is not indeed in accordance with history, but rather with the new spirit of religion which had become predominant in Italy.

When the inspired poet sang his song of Gerusalemme liberata, founded upon a great act of Christian heroism, he bestowed the aureole of poetry upon one of the most sublime aspects of the Catholic restoration, and upon the idea fostered by all the Popes of the time, the defence of Christendom against Islam. Tasso had been living as a young man in Rome on the glorious day of Lepanto, the greatest success ever won by Christian arms, and his celebrated poem reflects the jubilee that filled the Catholic world on that day. The triumph that it met with was fully deserved, for it contained immortal beauties. Few creations of secular literature equal it in depth of conception, in the intensity and variety of its episodes, in the magnificent and impressive animation of its characters, in the strength and veracity of its descriptions of scenery, in its delicate touch of true lyric life, and in irresistible charm of style. It holds an eminent place in the splendid culture of the epoch of Catholic restoration. It is no longer the worldly Ariosto, but the grave Tasso, so profoundly religious, who was the chosen poet of that time. Even in the XVIIth century the Gerusalemme liberata became the popular epic, and was printed and sung in all the principal dialects of Italy. It also became the inspiration of the music1 and art of the time.

 

 

CHAPTER XII.

Clement VIII. and Art.