CRISTO RAUL.ORG |
READING HALLTHE DOORS OF WISDOM |
HISTORY OF THE POPES FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES |
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BOOK VIII
INNOCENT VIII. A.D. 1484-1492.
CHAPTER I.
Disturbances in Rome during the Vacancy of the Holy See.— Election of Innocent VIII and First Years of his
Pontificate.
THe news of the death of Sixtus IV which had taken place on the 12th August, 1484,
set all Rome in commotion, and the most violent disturbances among the troops
with which the city was scantily garrisoned, were the immediate result. A
strong movement in favour of the Colonna and in opposition to the chief
favourite of the late Pope, Girolamo Riario, soon made itself felt. With wild
shouts of “Colonna, Colonna,” the infuriated populace invaded the palace of
Girolamo on the 13th August, and devastated it so completely that nothing but
the bare walls remained; the rabble vented their rage even on the trees and
shrubs of the adjacent garden.
The
compatriots and partisans of the Ligurian Pope fared no better than the nephew;
on the very same day the granaries in Trastcvcrc as well as two ships laden
with wine which belonged to Genoese, were seized by the infuriated mob. No
Ligurian property in Rome was now safe; even the Genoese hospital was
destroyed. The provisions which Caterina, the wife of Girolamo had stored up in
Castel Giubileo shared the same fate; they were either destroyed or carried
off. Caterina herself, full of courage, hastened to the Castle of S. Angelo,
deposed the Lieutenant-Governor, and declared that she would give up the stronghold
to no one except the newly-elected Pope. The Cardinals, a number of whom
assembled in the Palace of the Camerlengo Raffaele Riario, did their utmost to
re-establish order in the city, but for the present they were powerless before
the prevailing excitement.
Girolamo
Riario on hearing the sad news of the death of Sixtus IV, had immediately
raised the siege of Paliano, and his retreat was so hurried as to bear all the
appearances of a precipitate flight. Artillery, ammunition, tents and horses
were left behind. On the Eve of the Assumption, Girolamo arrived with his
troops before Rome, and by order of the cardinals encamped at Ponte Molle,
where he intended to remain until the election was over. It was feared that the
Pope’s nephew would use force to ensure the nomination of a Pontiff of his own
choice, and indeed the courage of the Count by no means failed him; he trusted
in his army, in the power of the Orsini and the possession of the Castle of S.
Angelo, Riario also expected to be supported by some members of the College of
Cardinals. However, after two days, he deemed it advisable to retreat to Isola
Farnese; the old castle, which was situated in the vicinity of the ancient
Veii, belonged to Virginio Orsini. This change of tactics must be ascribed to
the fact that the fortunes of his enemies were improving from day to day. The
inhabitants of Cavi, Capranica and Marino had recalled the Colonna; in Rome
Cardinal Giovanni was received with enthusiasm. Prospero and Fabrizio Colonna
also returned there with a powerful army. In a short time the city, to which
all the armed vassals of both parties flocked in crowds, had become an open
camp. Civil war threatened to break out every moment. All shops were closed; no
one could venture into the streets without endangering his life. The palaces of
the Cardinals were changed into small fortresses; according to the account of
one of the ambassadors, the owners seemed to be prepared for an immediate attack.
The Cardinals Giuliano della Rovere and Rodrigo Borgia especially had filled
their houses with troops, had erected outworks and provided themselves with
artillery. In Trastevere bridges and gates were closed, so that all traffic was
stopped. The Orsini had entrenched themselves in Monte Giordano, for they
expected every moment to be attacked. The whole town was in arms and uproar.
Suchwas
the state of Rome when the obsequies of Sixtus IV began on the 17th August,
1484. Only a few of the Cardinals were present. Giuliano della Rovere did not
leave his strongly fortified palace on the heights of S. Pietro in Vincoli. The
Cardinals Colonna and Savelli likewise refused to go either to S. Peter’s or to
the conclave in the Vatican, as long as the Castle of S. Angelo was in the
hands of the energetic wife of Girolamo Riario. Not content with the number of
their adherents who had flocked to Rome, they sent for troops from Aquila,
Terni, Amelia, and other Ghibelline cities. The majority of the Cardinals,
especially Cardinal Cibó, shared the opinion of the former, that it was
absolutely necessary to secure a safe place for the Papal election. In the meanwhile,
the excitement and confusion increased from day to day. A double election and
an impending schism were already talked of, when, owing to the energetic
interference of Cardinal Marco Barbo, affairs assumed a more promising aspect.
This prudent and universally esteemed prelate possessed the confidence of all,
even of Giuliano della Rovere. He began by bringing about an agreement with
Girolamo Riario. In return for the payment of 8000 ducats and other concessions,
he obtained the surrender of the Castle of S. Angelo, which was entrusted to
the Bishop of Todi, in the name of the Sacred College. It was further stipulated
that Girolamo should repair to his own States, and Virginio Orsini with his
adherents to Viterbo, whilst the Colonna were to evacuate the city, and Giacomo
Conti was to give up the guard of the Palace; a truce was also concluded which
was to begin on the Coronation-day of the new Pope and to last for a month.
When
order had thus, to a certain extent, been reestablished, it was possible to
think seriously of making preparations for the Conclave in the Vatican. On the
25th August the obsequies of Sixtus IV. were finished, and on the day following,
the 25 Cardinals present in Rome went into Conclave.
For
many years the number of the electors had not been so considerable; at the
Conclave of Nicholas V, Pius II and Sixtus IV, only 18 Cardinals had been
present; at that of Calixtus III only 15; at the election of Paul II, 20. With
regard to the different nationalities, the proportion was about the same as in
1471; the Italian Cardinals had a complete majority over the 4 foreigners,—2
Spaniards, Borgia and Moles; 1 Portuguese, Giorgio da Costa, and 1 Frenchman,
Philibert Ilugonet.
We
have sewn in our account of the Pontificate of Sixtus IV the disastrous effects
of his having augmented the number of the worldly-minded Cardinals. The Conclaves
of 1484 and 1492 arc among the most deplorable in the annals of Church History.
The
first step taken by the Cardinals in Conclave was to draw up an election
capitulation; in doing so, they openly disregarded the prohibitions of Innocent
VI. This capitulation, which was signed by all the Cardinals on the 28th
August, shows a notable increase in their demands; the monarchical constitution
of the Church was to be changed into an aristocratic one, and the personal
interests of the electors were the primary consideration. The first clause in
the document provided that each Cardinal should receive every month 100 ducats
from the Apostolic Treasury, unless he had a yearly income of 4000 ducats from
his own benefices. The next regulation, a new one, secured a complete indemnification
for such Cardinals as might be punished by secular Princes for their vote, with
the confiscation of their revenues. Not till these matters have been settled do
the really salutary measures affecting the public welfare appear, such as the
vigorous prosecution of the war with the Turks, the reform of the Church, the
convocation of a Council, the suppression of nepotism. “It does not seem to
have occurred to the Cardinals that the good election of a worthy Pope would
have been a much more efficacious remedy against abuses than the most detailed
election capitulation.”
There
existed a great divergency of opinion as to who would be raised to the
Pontifical dignity. The Mantuan Envoy reported on Aug. 15th that Cardinal
Stefano Nardini had the best chance, because he was popular with the people of
Rome, and favoured by a great number of the Cardinals. “Others mention the old
Cardinal Conti who belongs to the party of the Orsini, a worthy man whose
clever brother is held in high esteem. Cardinal Moles’ Spanish descent is
objected to, but as he is a good and venerable old man, and a stranger to all the
intrigues carried on at Rome, many think that he stands a good chance of being
elected. Marco Barbo is also spoken of as a candidate; he would make an excellent
Pope, because of his noble character, his ability, and the general esteem in
which he is held, “but,” the Envoy adds, “he is a Venetian”. We have already
mentioned the valuable services rendered by Barbo in the time of confusion
after the death of Sixtus IV; his election would no doubt have proved a
blessing for the Church. Other contemporaries are of the same opinion. “All the
courtiers,” writes the Sienese Envoy, Aug. 22nd, “and those who are not blinded
by passion, are anxious for the election of Barbo or Piccolomini in the
interests of the Church. Piccolomini is supported by Naples, Barbo by Milan;
Cardinal Borgia is zealously canvassing for himself.” The party of the Orsini,
leagued with Count Girolamo, had exerted all their influence in favour of Borgia
and eventually of Conti, ever since the death of Sixtus IV.
Italian
diplomacy was of course not idle. All the States which had been in alliance
before and through the peace of Bagnolo, joined hands to procure the Tiara for
a friend of the Italian League, or at least for one who would be neutral.
Venetians, Genoese and Ultramontanes (non-Italians), were to be excluded; but
with regard to individual candidates, there was a great divergency of opinion
among the allies. The personal ambition of the Cardinals also played an
important part in the contest. Arlotti, the Envoy of Ferrara, says in a despatch
of Aug. 26th: “The competition may possibly become so hot, that in the end a
neutral candidate like Moles, Costa, or Piccolomini—all worthy men—may be elected.”
Alfonso, duke of Calabria and Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Bari, Vice-regent of
Milan, tried to influence the electors more directly by a letter sent to their
ambassadors at Rome, August 26th. It contained express orders to request
Girolamo Riario and Virginio Orsini to use all their influence to oppose the
election of Cardinals Costa, Cibo, Savelli and Barbo, without, however, having
recourse to violence. In this document, six other Cardinals are recommended;
unfortunately, however, their names are not mentioned. On the same day a
corresponding despatch was sent to the Cardinals Giovanni d’ Aragona and
Ascanio Maria Sforza, to be handed at the Consistory to all the Cardinals, and
to be read there in public. If this document had arrived in time, we should
have the first instance of a formal interference, both exclusive and inclusive,
by a Government in the Papal election.
The
real leader of the Cardinals who sided with the league, was the Vice-chancellor
Rodrigo Borgia. All the reports agree in stating that this ambitious prelate
was trying his utmost to obtain the Tiara. As early as August 18th, 1484, the
Florentine Envoy reports that Borgia was working hard for his own election, and
that he had promised the post of Vice-chancellor and his own palace to Cardinal
Giovanni d’ Aragona, and 25,000 ducats and the Abbey of Subiaco to Cardinal
Colonna, and that he had held out similar bribes to Cardinal Savelli. “Rodrigo
Borgia certainly is one of the most active competitors,” says the Envoy from
Ferrara, three days later; “however, it is impossible to give a decided opinion
as yet, as to what his chances are.” The Envoy then recalls the Roman proverb,
which is here perhaps mentioned for the first time in writing. “He who enters
the Conclave a Pope, leaves it a Cardinal.” Giovanni d’ Aragona, the son of Ferrante
of Naples, Ascanio Sforza and the Camerlengo Raffaele Riario were entirely on
the side of Borgia; the latter counted with such certainty on success, that he
had made all necessary preparations for protecting his magnificent palace
against the pillage which generally followed the election. However in spite of
all his promises of money, lands and benefices he was unable to obtain the
decided majority. “Borgia has the reputation of being so false and proud,” the
Florentine Envoy writes, August 21st, “that there is no danger of his being
elected.” He had given them a specimen of his faithlessness immediately after
the death of Sixtus IV. Hitherto he had always sided with the Colonna, he now
went over to the Orsini through whose help he hoped to secure his election; but
at last he recognised the impossibility of attaining his object; he therefore
began to promote that of his countryman Moles, whose age and infirm health
would probably soon entail a fresh Conclave. The head of the opposition party,
Giuliano della Rovere, found himself in a similar position. He could only
count with certainty on the Cardinals Savelli, Colonna, Cibò and the two La
Rovere. The weakness of both parties became apparent in the first scrutiny on
the morning of the 8th August: Cardinal Barbo obtained ten, or according to
other accounts eleven or twelve votes. Jakob Burchard, the master of ceremonies
reports that for fear of Barbo obtaining the necessary seventeen votes it was
resolved that in the first scrutiny there should be no accessit.
Giuliano
now began to bestir himself in earnest. His candidate was a man who owed
everything to him: Giovanni Battista Cibò, Cardinal of S. Cecilia and Bishop of
Molfetta. He threw himself into the contest with all the unscrupulous energy of
his nature and did not hesitate to have recourse to bribery in order to attain
his object. The worldly-minded Cardinals were all the easier now to win over,
because they were afraid that he might ally himself with the Venetians, in
which case Barbo, whose principles in morals were very strict, would have ascended
the chair of S. Peter. Giuliano succeeded first in gaining the Cardinals
Orsini, Raffaele Riario, then Ascanio Sforza. Sforza was followed by Borgia,
and the latter persuaded Giovanni d’Aragona to join their party. Jakob
Burchard, who took part in the Conclave, relates that Cardinal Cibò won the
votes of his future electors by signing petitions for favours which they
presented to him during the night in his cell. The negotiations had lasted through the whole
night: by the morning of 29th August, 1484, Giuliano della Rovere had secured
eighteen votes for Cibò. The opposition party now gave up all resistance as
useless. At 9 o’clock a.m. Cardinal Piccolomini was able to announce to the
crowd assembled outside the Vatican, that Cardinal Cibò had been elected and
had assumed the name of INNOCENT VIII. The people burst forth into
acclamations, the bells of the palace of S. Peter’s began to ring, and the
thunder of cannons resounded from the Castle of S. Angelo.
The
newly-elected Pontiff, who, for the first time, again assumed a name borne by a
Pope during the Schism, was 52 years old. He was above middle size, strongly
built, and his face was full, his complexion strikingly fair, and his eyes
weak. He was descended from a Genoese family of good position, who were related
to the wealthy Doria. In the accounts of his genealogy there is much that is
legendary, and it remains uncertain whether the Cibò are of Asiatic origin, or
whether they are connected with the Tomacelli, the family of Innocent VII; but
Aran Cibò is mentioned in Genoese documents of 1437 as having been made Anziano in that city, and employed for
some time both in the government and the administration of justice at Naples,
and also as having been a Roman senator in 1455. He married Teodorina de’ Mari,
a Genoese lady of patrician birth; Giovanni Battista Cibò, born in 1432, was
the issue of this marriage. He studied at Padua and at Rome, and in his youth had
no intention of taking Orders, and his life at the licentious court of Aragon
was no better than that of many others in his position. He had two illegitimate
children, a daughter, Teodorina, and a son, Franceschetto. It is characteristic
of Cardinal Giuliano, that he did not scruple to help in promoting a man of
such antecedents to the supreme dignity. However, it is certain that from the
moment Giovanni Battista entered the ecclesiastical state, all the accusations
against the purity of his private life cease. The fact also that the
irreproachable Cardinal Calandrini took him into his service seems to indicate
a reform in his morals. In April 1469, Paul II bestowed on him the bishopric of
Savona, which he exchanged under Sixtus IV for that of Molfetta (situated near
Bari on the Adriatic). Cibò formed a close intimacy with Giuliano, the nephew
of Sixtus IV, and to him especially he owed his speedy promotion. The Pope
liked the Bishop of Molfetta because of his gentle amiable character; he made
him his Datary, and gave him the Red Hat on the 7th May, 1473. Cibò was
generally called Molfetta from the name of his bishopric.
In
the exercise of his ecclesiastical ministry, Cibò gained great popularity.
“Nobody left him without being consoled,” says a contemporary, “he received
all with truly fatherly kindness and gentleness; he was the friend of high and
low, of rich and poor.” Sixtus IV thought so highly of him, that at his
departure from Rome in June 1476, he left him behind as Legate. Cibò filled
this post, an extremely thorny one in the state of affairs at that time, to the
complete satisfaction of the Pope.
All
accounts agree in praising the kindness, the benevolent and amiable
disposition of the newly-elected Pope, but they are equally unanimous in condemning
his want of independence and weakness. “He gives the impression of a man who is
guided rather by the advice of others than by his own lights,” says the
Florentine Ambassador of him, as early as Aug. 29th, 1484, and he also speaks
of him as wanting in solid education and experience in political affairs. It is
not surprising that Giuliano della Rovere, to whom Cibò owed his promotion to
the dignities both of Cardinal and Pope, obtained an unbounded ascendency over
a character of this kind. “While with his uncle he had not the slightest
influence, he now obtains whatever he likes from the new Pope,” remarks the
Envoy from Ferrara, Sept. 13th, 1484. “Send a good letter to the Cardinal of S.
Peter,” the Florentine Envoy writes to Lorenzo de’ Medici, “for he is Pope and
more than Pope”. The practical result of these relations was that Cardinal
della Rovere came to reside in the Vatican, while his brother Giovanni, already
Prefect of Rome, was named Captain-general of the Church, in December.
Immediately
after his election, Innocent VIII. had pledged his word to the magistrates to
bestow all civic offices and benefices on Roman citizens only. It was his
failure in keeping this promise, which so incensed Infessura, the secretary of
the Roman Senate, that he composed a series of caustic epigrams against him. In
judging this matter we must consider, however, that it was very hard for the
Pope “to keep his promise in the face of the claims of the greedy prelates”.
The electors and their adherents had to be rewarded, personal relations and
friends to be considered; but the just complaints against this unpromising
beginning of his Pontificate were kept in the background for the time being, by
the brilliant festivities of the Coronation and the possesso.
On
Sept. 11th, all the preparations for the Coronation, in which artists like
Perugino and Antoniasso Romano were engaged, were completed. The ceremony
itself took place on the following day. In the morning the Pope went to S.
Peter’s, celebrated High Mass there, and gave his benediction to the people.
Then Cardinal Piccolomini crowned him outside the Basilica. After a short
interval, he went in solemn procession to take possession (possesso) of the Lateran Palace. The homage of the Jews usual on such occasion
took place in the interior of the Castle of S. Angelo; the object of this
arrangement was to protect them against ill-usage from the populace. Burchard
gives a minute description of the magnificent procession to the Lateran, and
there exist several other accounts of it in Italian, and one in German, so that
we possess ample information in regard to all its details. An immense crowd of
people thronged the streets, which were decorated with green boughs and
gorgeous hangings and carpets. Sixteen noblemen carried “the canopy, under
which the Pope rode on a white horse richly caparisoned in white and gold. He
had on his head a golden crown, and over his shoulders the pallium; and wore
round his neck a costly amice, and a cross of gold on his breast, and blessed
the people as he passed.”
Innocent
VIII, whose affability is highly praised by the Envoy from Ferrara, had all the
more cause for being satisfied in so far that the day and all the ceremonies
had passed over without any hitch or disturbance worth mentioning. On the same
day the solemn Bulls were drawn up which acquainted all Christian Princes and
States with the accession of the new Pope, and asked their prayers for a
prosperous Pontificate.
Prayers
were certainly greatly needed, for Innocent VIII entered upon the government of
the Church and the Pontifical States under circumstances of great difficulty,
aggravated by the deplorable state of the finances of the Holy See. It cannot
be denied that the newly-elected Pontiff was full of good intentions. Three
things, he repeated on his Coronation-day, he was resolved to pursue with the
greatest zeal : peace, justice, and the welfare of the city. Accordingly, he
provided for a stricter surveillance and administration of justice in Rome,
and commissioned some of the Cardinals to endeavour to bring about an accommodation
between the Colonna and Orsini. Even beyond the boundaries of his own
territory, Innocent was anxious to extend the blessings of peace. He was
especially desirous of putting an end to the prolonged dispute about Sarzana.
On the 17th Sept. he had entered into negotiations on this subject with the
Envoys of Naples, Florence and Milan. In accordance with the recent
understanding, the Pope said on this occasion, he considered it a supreme duty
of his Apostolic office to bring about this peace, so that all Italian States
might enjoy its happy results, and might recover from the heavy expenses which
had left the Holy See burdened with a debt of more than 250,000 ducats. The
dispute about Sarzana, complicated by the attack of the Florentines on
Pietrasanta, caused him great anxiety, because of the character of the Genoese,
who would not hesitate to set the world on fire, and who had already brought
foreigners to Italy on other occasions. Genoa had applied to him to settle the
affair by a judicial pronouncement. He knew that his predecessor had failed in
his attempt to do this, but, being a Genoese himself and in a more favourable
position than Pope Sixtus, he hoped to attain his object, especially as he felt
sure that the Signoria of Florence would do their utmost to smooth the way.
A
few days later, 22nd September, the names of the new Cardinal-Legates were
published. Nardini was to go to Avignon, Moles to the Campagna, Savelli to
Bologna, Orsini to the March of Ancona, and Ascanio Sforza to the Patrimony of
S. Peter. Arcimboldi was confirmed as Legate of Perugia. Existing circumstances
made it a matter of especial urgency that a Legate should be sent at once to
Avignon, however, neither Nardini nor Moles ever entered upon the duties of
their office; the former died October 22nd, the latter, November 21st, 1484.
The
Pope himself had fallen ill in October 1484. Soon it became evident that in
spite of his good resolutions, he had neither energy nor prudence enough to be
successful in his mediation between the jealous and quarrelsome States of
Italy. His interference in the dispute about Sarzana had no effect. In the
Spring of the following year, Innocent again fell sick, and at the same time
the feud between the Orsini and Colonna broke out afresh. Sigismondo de’ Conti
tells us, that on the 12th March, 1485, the Pope was seized with a violent
fever, which kept him in bed for three months; and he was in such a critical
state that one day it was rumoured that he was dead. The Protonotary, Obbietto
Fieschi, sent word at once to the Orsini that the Pope had expired. They
immediately posted troops on the Ponte Molle and all the bridges of the Anio in
order to secure free communication with the city; but they had soon to repent
of this manoeuvre, for the report of the Pope’s death proved false. The skilful
treatment of the famous physicians, Podocatharo and Giacomo da Genesio, had
saved the life of Innocent VIII. The Pope, who had always favoured the Colonna,
now grew more partial to them than ever. The fortune of war also seemed to
smile on them in the beginning; in two days they took Nemi and Genzano, but
they were afterwards defeated by the Orsini.
These
endless disputes, which Innocent VIII tried in vain to allay, were seriously
aggravated by the estrangement between the Pope and the King of Naples, which
continued to increase from day to day.
CHAPTER
II.
Quarrels between the Pope and Ferrante oF
Naples (1484-1487).—The Cibo and Medici families allied by MARRIAGE.
Although King
Ferrante of Naples had done his best before the Papal election to exclude
Cardinal Cibò, he now made a great show of cordiality, and immediately sent him
a letter of congratulation. Innocent lost no time in sending his thanks, and
reminding him of his former relations with Naples, assured him that he would do
for him all he conscientiously could, but he added, that he hoped Ferrante on
his part would show himself a true Catholic Prince.
The first note
of discord in the relations between Rome and Naples was struck by the King’s
son, Alfonso, Duke of Calabria. He came to Rome on the 20th October, 1484, on
his return from Ferrara, and was received by the Pope with all possible marks
of honour and friendship; but when the Duke demanded the incorporation of
Benevento, Terracina, and Ponte Corvo, with the territory of his father,
Innocent VIII refused to accede to his request. It is said that Alfonso replied
in a menacing tone, saying, that before long he would make the Pope beg for the
annexation, of his own accord. In consequence of this collision, it seemed
doubtful whether the Neapolitan Embassy of Obedience would be sent to Rome. To
bring this about, the Pope had recourse to a very strange expedient. Bulls were
drawn up annexing the cities as demanded, but these, instead of being handed
over to the King, were entrusted to the keeping of Cardinal Giuliano della
Rovere, while Innocent VIII made a declaration before a notary, that the
documents were only intended for show, in order to appease the impetuous King
for the moment. It was not at all his intention to give up his claim to the
cities, and he was resolved, if necessary, to meet force with force. As Alfonso
drew up troops on the borders of the Papal States, the Pope also began to
collect an army and to look out for allies. Above all, Innocent VIII tried to
gain Venice. On February 28th, 1485, the canonical penalties imposed by Sixtus
IV upon the Venetians were withdrawn, and the Signoria responded by sending
their Embassy of Obedience. Tommaso Catanei, Bishop of Cervia, was sent to Venice,
to arrange for the transference of Roberto Sanseveritio, the captain of the
mercenary troops, to the Papal service.
The relations
between Rome and Naples became more and more strained, owing to the conduct of
Ferrante, who not only refused to pay the tribute for his fief, but interfered
unjustifiably in purely ecclesiastical matters, despoiled the clergy by
arbitrary taxes, and openly sold his bishoprics to utterly unsuitable persons.
In the Summer of 1485 the two Courts came to an open rupture. On the feast of
SS. Peter and Paul, the Neapolitan Envoy appeared with the customary white
horse but without the tribute. It was impossible for the Pope to accept the
lame excuse that the King was not able to pay because of his expedition against
Otranto, as several years had passed since this event. When Innocent refused to
accept the palfrey without the money, Ferrante’s ambassador entered a formal
protest.
Nearly at the
same moment the Barons’ war broke out at Naples. This, “the most appalling of
all the tragic dramas of the 15th Century,” was caused by Alfonso of Calabria.
This “overbearing, faithless and cruel” Prince persuaded his father to attempt
to put down the discontented nobles by a sudden and treacherous attack. In the
Summer of 1485 he found an opportune moment. Count Montorio, who was Governor
of the rich town of Aquila, was enticed to come to Chieti, and there taken
prisoner; the citadel of Aquila was immediately occupied by Neapolitan troops.
The Barons soon saw that the same fate awaited them which Louis XI had prepared
for his nobles; they determined not to submit to the tyranny of the house of
Aragon, but to take measures to defend themselves. In the autumn of 1485, the
inhabitants of Aquila expelled the Neapolitan garrison and planted the banner
of the Church on their walls. Their example was followed by several other
Neapolitan cities and territories.
Rome in July
was visited with an outbreak of the Plague, and at the same time the course of
events in the neighbouring kingdom was watched with anxious attention.
“Innocent VIII,” the Mantuan Envoy reports, July 18th, 1485, “is entirely taken
up with the affairs of the Barons.” They had already laid their complaints
against Ferrante before the Pope on a former occasion; now again their messengers
appeared in Rome to ask for help. Their language was that of men driven to
desperation; they would rather suffer any extremity than submit to the tyranny
of Ferrante or Alfonso; if the Pope did not help them, they would put
themselves under the protection of some foreign power.
Thus we see
that Innocent found himself forced into taking part in the war, and no great
efforts were needed on the part of Giuliano, the sworn foe of the Aragonese, to
bring him to a point. The danger was all the greater because both contending
parties were capable of seeking aid from the Turks. It was evident which side
the Pope would take. Ferrante’s conduct in ecclesiastical matters, as well as
the experience of former Popes of his violence and treachery, left no room for
doubt on this point. At this moment Ferrante tried once more to avert the
impending storm by sending his son, Cardinal Giovanni d’ Aragona as mediator to
Rome; but the Plague was raging there, the Cardinal was stricken and died on
October 17th. Whilst Ferrante’s son was on his death-bed, the Cardinals
discussed the affairs of Naples with the Pope. The result was, that the Holy
See warmly embraced the interests of the Barons, took Aquila under its
protection, and declared war against the King. The Bull drawn up to justify
this step is dated October 14th, and was affixed to the door of S. Peter’s ten
days later.
The King of
Naples soon proved the insincerity of his proposals of peace to Rome, by openly
declaring himself the protector of the Orsini who had a short time before rejected
the offer of the Pope to act as mediator. Ferrante’s attempt to come to terms
with his nobles completely failed, for nobody trusted him; the rebellion soon
spread over the whole kingdom.
In order to
intimidate the Pope, Ferrante now had recourse to the expedient generally
adopted by those who had any quarrel with Rome; he renewed the question of
convoking a Council. For this end he put himself in communication with Mathias
Corvinus, King of Hungary. The Neapolitan Envoy was instructed to ask Mathias
to support his father-in-law by giving him material help, to dissuade Venice
from taking the Pope’s side, and to appeal to a Council against the greed and
unbearable arrogance of Rome. Mathias Corvinus agreed to these proposals, January
29th, 1486; he declared in a solemn assembly of the Hungarian prelates and
magnates, and in presence of the Venetian and Florentine Envoys that he would
not forsake the father of his wife. He threatened the Pope with the withdrawal
of his allegiance and an appeal to a Council, and the Venetians with war. At
the end of March, 800 Hungarian cavalry, and later on 200 cavalry and 700 infantry
started for Naples. At the same time Mathias made an alliance with the Turks in
virtue of which they were to prevent the Venetians from assisting the Pope.
Milan followed
the example of Hungary and declared for the King of Naples. The latter tried to
gain Lorenzo de’ Medici also. In order to hinder this, the Pope sent the Florentine
Archbishop Rinaldo Orsini to Lorenzo. He explained to the Duke that “Innocent
VIII. was determined to resort to arms; that for many months he had warned the
King by the late Cardinal d’Aragona and through his brother Don Francesco; but
that Ferrante had become more and more overbearing in his conduct, so that at
last things must take their course.” The mission of Orsini had no effect;
Lorenzo declared for Ferrante.
The Pope now
began to look for alliances and succeeded in concluding one with Genoa through the
mediation of Lazzaro Doria in November, 1485. He next tried to win the
Venetians, as did also the Neapolitan Barons, but neither the Pope nor they
could obtain anything from that quarter. The utmost that Venice would concede
was permission to Roberto Sanseverino, whose services Innocent VIII was
extremely anxious to secure, to depart “if he pleased.”
The Pope was so
impatient to see Roberto Sanseverino, that he ordered him to hasten to Rome
without his troops, in order to arrange the plan of campaign. Roberto entered
the city on horseback, November 10th, 1485, through the Porta del Popolo and
was ceremoniously received. On the same day Innocent VIII sent word to Aquila
of his arrival, adding that after consultation with Roberto, he would inform
them of his plans. During the following days, the Lord of Anguillara, Pierro
Giovanni de Savelli, Francesco de Colonna and others were called to Rome, to
take part in the Council of War. On November 30th, Roberto swore fealty to the
Pope as Standard-bearer of the Church. It was not a moment too soon, for the
enemy was already at the gates of Rome.
Alfonso of
Calabria had invaded the Papal territory with twelve battalions, and had joined
Virginio Orsini at Vicovaro. Florence sent a considerable force, Milan only 100
soldiers. The enemy took possession of the Bridge of Nomentana and carried
their raids to the very gates of Rome. The greatest disorder prevailed in the
city. Amidst the general alarm and excitement there was one man only who kept
his head on his shoulders, and that was Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere. If Rome
did not fall into the hands of the enemy, and if their hopes of help from
within the city itself were disappointed, it was to the iron energy of that
prelate that the Pope’s thanks were due. Day and night he allowed himself no
rest. In the cold December nights, he was to be seen with Cardinals Colonna and
Savelli making the round of the guards of the gates and walls. The Vatican was
turned into a fort, the house of the Neapolitan Ambassador was pillaged, the
castle of the Orsini on Monte Giordano was set on fire. Virginio Orsini swore
that he would have his revenge; that the head of Giuliano should be carried
through the town spiked on a lance.
The courage of
the enemy rose from day to day as they discovered how feebly Rome was garrisoned.
Roberto Sanseverino and Giovanni della Rovere had as yet no troops; the Colonna
with all their men were at Aquila, so that in reality the city was only
defended by the guards of the palace and a small force of artillery and
cavalry. In this extremity all criminals were allowed to return; this was done
in order to reinforce the ranks of the defenders.
It
was not surprising therefore that robbery and murder became every day
occurrences.
Virginio Orsini
carried on the war with Rome with the pen as well as with the sword. He wrote
pamphlets calling for the deposition of Cardinal Giuliano, whom he accused of
the most horrible vices, and of Innocent VIII. The Romans were urged to rebel
against the degrading tyranny of the “Genoese sailor,” who was not even a true
Pope. Orsini offered to assist in bringing about the election of a new Pontiff
and new Cardinals, and threatened to throw Innocent VIII into the Tiber.
Although the Romans
did not respond to this invitation, the position of the Pope was very critical;
none of the roads leading to the city were safe, travellers and even envoys of
foreign powers were mercilessly plundered. The distress in the city, which in
reality was in a state of siege, was becoming intolerable, when at last the
troops of Roberto Sanseverino arrived, December 28th, 1485. He at once
presented his soldiers to the Pope and the Cardinals, and then marched against
the enemy.
The situation
now began to change for the better. In December of the same year the bridge of
Nomentana was taken by storm, and in January 1486 Mentana was wrested from the
Orsini. After this, Cardinal Orsini surrendered Monte Rotondo and repaired to
Rome to seek reconciliation with the Pope. The desertion of Cardinal Orsini
filled Duke Alfonso with dismay. He left his army and fled to Pitigliano. Paolo
Orsini took the command of the troops thus abandoned by their leader and led
them to Vicovaro. Innocent VIII, who had been in a precarious state of health
for several months of the preceding year, fell ill at this moment. On January
21, a rumour was started that the Pope was dead, and that Virginio Orsini had
entered the city—which spread like wild-fire. An indescribable panic seized the
inhabitants of Rome, for a general pillage was apprehended. The excitement lasted
the whole day, and did not abate even when the Pope showed himself in person at
the window. In consequence of this false report Mentana rebelled, and Innocent
VIII ordered this fortress to be demolished.
After the
miserable fashion in which these wars were conducted in Italy at that period,
the struggle dragged on through the following months without any definite
result. The Papal States suffered severely, and there seemed no prospect of any
end to the devastations.
As early as
Jan. 30th, 1486, Innocent VIII had despatched an Envoy to the Emperor to
explain his position, and ask for help. But more efficacious assistance might
be expected from the Spanish royal couple than from Frederick III. This rising
power from henceforth began to take a more and more active part in the affairs
of Italy. Ferdinand and Isabella tried to negotiate peace, for which service
the Pope expressed his thanks, February 10th, 1486. Eight days later, Innocent
VIII replied to the Duke of Brittany who had exhorted him to make peace, by a
detailed enumeration of all Ferrante’s misdeeds, stating in addition that the
tyranny of the King had driven the nobles to such desperation that they were
prepared to call in the Turks if the Pope had refused to assist them.
As no
assistance could be hoped for from Venice, the Pope, or rather Cardinal
Giuliano della Rovere, and Cardinal de La Balue, who, from the February of
1485, had been acting as Envoy of Charles VIII, and protector of French
interests in Rome, had begun to turn their eyes towards René, Duke of Lorraine.
This Prince had inherited from his grandfather, claims on Naples and Sicily,
which Innocent VIII now supported. The members of the Sacred College, however,
were by no means unanimous on this point. On March 5th, 1486, the discussions
in Consistory grew so warm, and La Balue and Ascanio Sforza came to such angry
words, that the Pope had to silence them both. In spite of this opposition La
Balue and Giuliano managed to persuade Innocent to adhere to his former policy,
and to apply to the French for help; on March 23rd, Giuliano embarked at Ostia
for Genoa, where he arrived at the beginning of April. To all appearances his
mission was to proceed from thence to the Court of Charles VIII of France, in
order to induce the King to send assistance. However, the Cardinal remained at
Genoa, where he occupied himself in negotiations with René’s Envoy and in
superintending the equipment of a fleet by the Genoese.
On May 9th,
Innocent VIII addressed a letter of encouragement to the Neapolitan nobles, and
assured them that he would do his utmost to continue the struggle. About the same
time Alfonso of Calabria defeated Roberto Sanseverino at Montorio. The enemy
again marched upon Rome. Not only the city, but nearly the whole of the Papal
States were in the greatest danger. For months the Florentines had been
secretly inciting Perugia, Città di Castello, Viterbo, Assisi, Foligno,
Montefalco, Spoleto, Todi and Orvieto, to rebellion, and although these intrigues
were not crowned with success, they had the effect of obliging the Pope to
divide his forces. In April 1486, the condottiere Boccolino Guzzoni seized the
town of Ositno; at the same time the news reached Rome, that Mathias Corvinus
was sending an army to invest the important city of Ancona, and that Turkish
ships had been sighted on the coasts of the Adriatic. An exhausted treasury
added to the difficulty of the situation; this is mentioned in several of the
Papal Briefs.
When Innocent
VIII saw how things were going, he began to repent of having taken part in the
Neapolitan war trusting to the assistance of the faithless Venetians! Cardinal
Giuliano, who might be called the soul of the resistance to Ferrante, had
hitherto always succeeded in overcoming the misgivings of the Pope, but he was now
far from Rome. On the last day of May, the Envoys of the French King and of
Duke René arrived in Rome and entered into negotiations with Innocent about the
affairs of Naples; but the Ambassador of Ferdinand of Spain, who was naturally
anxious to prevent the French from establishing themselves in Italy, did his
utmost to frustrate their efforts and to persuade the Pope to come to terms
with Ferrante. The Spanish Envoys were supported by the Cardinals Borgia and Savelli;
La Balue and Borgia had a violent altercation on the subject in the Consistory.
In Aquila a rebellion against the government of the Church broke out, whilst
the army of Duke Alfonso made alarming progress. His victorious troops steadily
gained ground; their skirmishers were almost at the gates of Rome. Disaffection
was spreading so rapidly amongst the Pope’s own people, that it seemed
absolutely necessary to bring the war to a close. Treachery was the order of
the day; only a small number of the Castellans could be trusted. A far less
irresolute man than Innocent VIII might have made peace under such
circumstances. Messages were sent to Cardinal Giuliano and to Duke René to the
effect that, as they had delayed so long, it would be better now to postpone
their arrival to a still later period, and that the ruin of Rome and of the
Papal States could only be averted by a Treaty of Peace.
Cardinal
Micheli was entrusted with the negotiation of the conditions of peace. The
agreement was concluded without difficulty, as Ferrante made great concessions
out of fear of the French; the captain of his forces, Gian Giacomo Trivulzio
and the Humanist Pontano, repaired secretly to the Vatican, where, in the night
of 9th-10th August, 1486, the preliminaries were signed. The principal clauses
of the treaty, which was guaranteed by their Spanish Majesties, Milan, and
Florence, were the following: —Ferrante recognised the Papal supremacy, and
engaged to pay the customary tribute with arrears; the revolted nobles were to
submit to the King, who promised a complete amnesty; Aquila was to take its
choice between Rome and Naples; Virginio Orsini was to ask the Pope’s pardon;
and Innocent VIII was to have the free disposal of all bishoprics and
benefices.
Looking at the
conditions that Ferrante accepted, no one would have guessed that his was the
victorious side. In this he can hardly have been actuated by the fear of France
alone. The clue to his apparent amiability must rather be sought in his
subsequent conduct, for his facility in making concessions on paper was more
than counterbalanced by the skill with which he evaded the fulfilment of his
engagements. The whole compact was as quickly broken as it had been concluded.
There can hardly be found in all the annals of history a more scandalous
violation of a treaty. Before the end of September Ferrante had expelled the
Papal troops from Aquila, murdered the Pope’s representative, and taken
possession of the city. Then came his revenge on the nobles. Not only the
Barons themselves, but their wives and children also were thrown into prison,
and all their property was confiscated, including even monies invested in
foreign countries. When the Barons had been thus disposed of, the turn of the
Pope came next. The payment of the tribute was refused, and benefices given away
as before without any reference to the Holy See. “The hand of the King is
heavier on the Church than ever.”
Not content
with all this, Ferrante set himself to harass the helpless Pope by stirring up
disturbances in the Papal States. To this systematic policy of violence
Innocent VIII had nothing to oppose but the most abject irresolution and
vacillation. By his feeble policy of groping about for alliances first in one
direction and then in another, he had lost the confidence of all parties. In
1486, the Pope had entered into fresh negotiations with Venice, which resulted
in a new Veneto-Roman league proclaimed at the end of February 1487; but before
another month had elapsed he had swung round again and sided with Florence. A
project of a marriage between Lorenzo’s second daughter Maddalena and
Franceschetto Cibò was broached; but on account of the youth of the bride its
celebration had to be postponed for a while. “In the meantime several events
occurred of which Lorenzo might have taken advantage had not other
circumstances tended to strengthen his desire of obtaining a footing in Rome, and
his hopes of domineering over the feeble Pope.”
In 1487 Lorenzo
de’ Medici had already had an opportunity of laying the Pope under an
obligation. In Osimo, the condottiere Boccolino Guzzoni had rebelled again and
entered into communication with the Sultan Bajazet. It is a fact proved by
letters which have been discovered, that this daring rebel was prepared to hand
over the Marches to the Turks. As the Sultan did not seem unwilling to accept
the proposal, everything depended on prompt action. Innocent VIII lost no time.
In March 1487, Giuliano della Rovere was sent against Boccolino, but was so
crippled by want of funds that he found himself unable to achieve anything; and
the Pope appealed to Milan for help. The Milanese in May sent Gian Jacopo
Trivulzio, one of the ablest generals of the period, but he too was unable to
take Osimo. In July, Giuliano asked to be recalled, and was superseded by
Cardinal de La Balue. By the time the latter arrived before Osimo, Trivulzio
had reduced the city to such extremity that it was on the point of
surrendering.
By skilful
management, the Florentine Ambassador succeeded in inducing Boccolino, “on the
payment of 8000 ducats, to give up the city and to repair to Florence.” The
friendly relations of the Pope with the Medici were advantageous to the Orsini,
for Lorenzo’s wife was a sister of Virginio Orsini. To no one was this change
more distasteful than to Cardinal Giuliano. On July 19th, 1487, he had returned
from Osimo in very ill-humour, and when in August the Pope formally received
the Orsini back into favour he left Rome and retired to Bologna; however, he
soon made it up again with Innocent.
Whilst the war
at Osimo was dragging on without any decided result, Ferrante took advantage of
the Pope’s embarrassment to bring his dispute with the Holy See to a climax. In
May 1487, Trojano de’ Bottuni was sent to Rome, Florence and Milan, as Extraordinary
Ambassador, with instructions coolly to repudiate all the stipulations
contained in the treaty of August 11th, 1486. “Towards the end of July 14S7,
Innocent VIII. held a Consistory to deliberate on Neapolitan affairs. The whole
college of Cardinals agreed with him, that it was incompatible with the honour
of the Holy See to remain passive any longer. It was resolved that letters
should be sent to Spain, Milan and Florence, the cosignatories of the treaty,
to inform them of its violation. A Nuncio was to be sent to Naples to remonstrate,
and in case of any fresh breach of faith with the Barons to assist them in
obtaining redress through the ordinary means.” These resolutions were embodied
in the instruction dated 24th July, 1487, to the Nuncio Pietro Vicentino,
Bishop of Cesena. The way in which the Nuncio was treated at Naples, is
characteristic of Ferrante. He was denied an audience, whereupon he stopped the
King at the gate of the palace when he was going out hunting, and forced him to
listen to the demands of the Pope. Ferrante’s reply was a flat refusal
expressed in the most scornful terms. He had not forgotten the tribute, but he
had spent so much on the Church that he had no money left. With regard to his
interference in ecclesiastical affairs, Ferrante remarked that he knew his subjects,
whereas the Pope did not; he would therefore continue to confer benefices on
those whom he considered worthy, and Innocent VIII must content himself with
the right of confirming his nomination. When, finally, Vicentino reproached him
with violating the treaty by imprisoning the Barons, the King reminded him of
the arrest and subsequent release of the Cardinals Colonna and Savelli by
Sixtus IV, and added: I choose to deal in the same way with my traitorous subjects.
Then he ordered the bugles to sound, and rode off without even saluting the
Nuncio.
In face of
Ferrante’s insolence, Innocent VIII seems to have completely lost his head.
“Gian Jacopo Trivulzio,” the Envoy from Ferrara writes 6th September 1487, “speaks
of the pusillanimity, the helplessness, and incapacity of the Pope in the
strongest terms, and adds that, if some spirit and courage cannot be infused
into him, the consequences will be very serious.”
Emboldened by
the Pope’s weakness, Ferrante’s next step was to publish a solemn appeal to a
Council. A few days after the news of this had reached Florence, the Papal
secretary Jacopo Gherardi arrived there, with secret instructions to endeavour
to bring about a league between Milan and Venice against Naples; as, however,
Lorenzo was determined not to fight, and dissuaded the Pope from pronouncing
ecclesiastical censures, this came to nothing. In Rome a rumour began to be
bruited about in October, that Innocent was preparing a decree of
excommunication, interdict, and deposition against Ferrante, but as negotiations
with Milan and Florence continued to be kept up, it was inferred that these
extreme steps might possibly be avoided and an accommodation arranged. Lorenzo
had considerable influence with the Pope at that time, for the marriage of Franceschetto
Cibò was just about to take place.
On November
13th, the bride entered Rome, accompanied by her mother. On the 18th, the Pope
gave a banquet in honour of the bridal pair, and made them a present of jewels
worth 10,000 ducats. At the beginning of his Pontificate, Innocent had refused
to allow Franceschetto to reside in Rome; now with almost incredible weakness
he celebrated the nuptials in his own palace. The marriage contract was signed
on January 20th, 1488. Lorenzo was vexed at finding that Innocent VIII showed
no disposition to make an extensive provision for the newly married couple, but
his annoyance was still greater at his delay in the bestowal of the Cardinal’s
Hat which had been promised to his second son Giovanni.
The marriage of
Maddalena with Franceschetto, who was by many years her senior, was not a happy
one; though utterly rude and uncultured, Cibò was deeply tainted with the
corruption of his time; he cared for nothing but money, in order to squander it
in gambling and debauchery; but quite apart from this the alliance between the
Cibò and Medici families was a most questionable proceeding. “This was the
first time that the son of a Pope had been publicly recognised, and, as it
were, introduced on the political stage.” Aegidius of Viterbo justly passed a
very severe judgment on Innocent VIII on account of this deplorable aberration.
CHAPTER
III.
Troubles in the Romagna.—Disputes and Final
Reconciliation between Rome and Naples.
The Spring of the
year 1488 witnessed the outbreak of serious disturbances in the Romagna. On the
14th April Girolamo Riario, who was hated for his
brutal tyranny and cruelty, was treacherously murdered by three conspirators.
The downfall of the Riario family now seemed
inevitable; but Caterina, the courageous consort of the assassinated noble,
held the citadel of Forli till it was relieved by the Milanese troops, and thus
preserved the government for her young son Ottaviano.
The
conspirators had immediately applied to Lorenzo de Medici and Innocent VIII for
help. The suspicion expressed by Checho Orsi, the real instigator of the conspiracy, that the Pope
was implicated in the plot, is without foundation. Apart from the
untrustworthiness of the testimony of such a man, Checho refuted himself by asking Lorenzo to act as mediator with the Pope, and to
induce him to favour the enterprise.
Part of the
population of Forli eagerly desired to be under the immediate rule of the
Church, and despatched envoys to Rome with a petition to the Pope to take the
town under his protection. Innocent VIII in consequence sent troops under the
command of the protonotary Bernardino Savelli, from Cesena to Forli; they
were, however, captured by the Milanese. Upon this the Pope gave up all further
interference, although he had a perfect right to support the party which had
formally offered the town to him. Although Girolamo had been most unfriendly to
him during the reign of Sixtus IV, Innocent recommended his infant children to
the people of Forli, and gave instructions in the same sense to his Envoy,
Cardinal Raffaele Riario.
Innocent VIII
had a special reason for abstaining from interference in the troubles in the
Romagna, for just at that time the Neapolitan King was straining every nerve to
stir up the cities of the Papal States to rebel against their rightful ruler.
The revolt of the important city of Ancona, which had been apprehended for the
last two years, now actually broke out. In the beginning of April 1488, the
Council of Ancona hoisted the Hungarian flag on the belfry of the town hall and
on the masts of the ships, as a sign that the city had placed itself under the
protection of Ferrante’s son-in-law, Mathias Corvinus. If Innocent was not
strong enough to retain his hold on his most important seaport on the
Adriatic, how useless would it have been for him to think of taking Forli in
hand. The reproaches showered upon him by the impetuous Roman chronicler Infessura on this subject, are quite unjust. If the Pope
had responded to the requests of the citizens of Forli, he would have had
Florence as well as Milan to contend with. Lorenzo de’ Medici said openly that
he would rather see Forli in the power of Milan than under the rule of Rome.
The Church, he said to the Envoy from Ferrara, was more to be feared at that
moment than Venice itself, and this had decided him to assist King Ferrante
against the Pope.
Innocent VIII
was once more alarmed by another piece of bad news from the Romagna. On the
31st of May Galeotti Manfredi, lord of Faenza, was
killed through the jealousy of his wife. This led to disturbances, and for a
time war between Florence and Milan seemed imminent. The Pope, through the
Bishop of Rimini, did his best to maintain peace. In Perugia, also at that time
sadly torn with party strife, Innocent laboured in the same cause, but without
much success. In December 1489 he appointed his own brother, Maurizio Cibò,
Governor of that city. This “able and honest” man attempted to bring about a
peaceable settlement of these interminable quarrels, but his endeavours were as
fruitless as those of Franceschetto Cibò, who was
sent to Perugia in July 1488. At the end of October the hereditary feud between
the families of Baglione and Oddi broke out afresh, to the great grief of the
Pope, and filled the unhappy city with rapine and murder. The conflict
terminated in the expulsion of the Oddi, and as the Baglioni were expecting
military assistance from Ferrante, Innocent VIII thought it advisable to
refrain from stringent measures against them. In November 1488 he sent Cardinal
Piccolomini to Perugia, who, by his admirable tact and indefatigable
perseverance, succeeded in pacifying and winning over the Baglioni, and thus
preserving the city, which seemed on the point of being lost to the Holy See.
Cardinal Piccolomini
also displayed great skill in adjusting the ancient dispute about the boundary
line between Foligno and Spello,
and thus freed Innocent VIII from one cause of anxiety; but, on the other hand,
it must be confessed that Ferrante’s attitude of persistent and insolent
hostility kept the Pope in a constant fever of alarm and perplexity. “When, in
the Spring of 1489, the Spanish Court attempted a mediation, Ferrante did
everything in his power to irritate the Pope by attacks on his person and his
family, and seemed bent on bringing about an immediate rupture. His conduct can
only be explained on the supposition that he thought he might now with impunity
vent all his spite against his enemy, or that he wished to provoke a contest
which might lead him with a victorious army to the gates of Rome, regardless of
the risk that it might also lead a foreign power into Italy. The events of
1495, so fatal to Ferrante’s dynasty and kingdom, were thus the results of his
own conduct six years earlier. It was through no merit of his or of his son,
who was worse than himself, nor yet of the Pope, that the catastrophe was
delayed for so long. Neither Ferrante nor Innocent had any inkling of what was
coming; the one was blinded by his grasping tyranny and pride, the other by his
short-sighted weakness. That the impending ruin was averted for the time being,
was chiefly due to Lorenzo de’ Medici,—a merit which would suffice to outweigh
many shortcomings.”
The King of
Naples received considerable support in his defiance of Rome from the Hungarian
King, Mathias Corvinus, who at that time was trying to get the Turkish Prince Dschem into his own hands. Failing to obtain this through
his Ambassador at Rome, Mathias threatened to bring the Turks into Italy. He
felt himself bound in honour, he declared to the Papal Nuncio, not to forsake
the King of Naples.
The King of
Hungary had not felt it inconsistent with his honour to seize Ancona, neither
did it now prevent him from tampering with the vassals of the Pope and with the
famous condottiere, Giulio Cesare Varano. He hoped by
stirring up a revolt in the Papal States to reduce the Pope to submission.
Innocent defended himself as well as he could. In May 1489 he resolved to
pronounce the extreme penalties of the Church against Ferrantc.
On June 27th Niccolò Orsino, Count of Pitigliano was
named Captain-general of the Church. Three days later Ferrante was threatened
with excommunication if he did not carry out the stipulations contained in the
Treaty of Peace within two months. Ferrante showed no greater inclination than
before, either to pay the tribute, to release the Barons, or to abstain from
interference in ecclesiastical matters; and Innocent VIII thought the time had
come to adopt decisive measures. He relied on the assistance of foreign powers,
and was encouraged in this hope by Cardinal de La Balue.
Charles VIII of France and Maximilian of Austria had just concluded a peace at
Frankfort-on-Main (July 1489). “Might not the two reconciled Princes combine
together as loyal sons of the Church to restore order in Italy and then begin
the crusade against the Turks? Might not one or other of these Princes, on
behalf of Genoa or Milan, bring pressure to bear on Lodovico and oblige him to
give up his ambiguous attitude towards the Pope and render him hearty and
effective support against Naples? Could Ferrante still hold out if he saw the
whole of Christendom ranged on the side of the Pope?” Anticipations such as
these certainly corresponded very little with the real state of affairs, but were
nevertheless cherished in Rome, especially by the sanguine Cardinal de La Balue and by some of the French Envoys. From Spain Innocent
VIII also expected assistance.
At the
beginning of September 1489, the term assigned to the King of Naples had expired.
On the 11th of that month, the Pope held a Consistory, to which all the
Ambassadors at Rome were invited. In a lengthy discourse Innocent VIII
explained the historical and legal relations between Naples and the Holy See.
He set forth in detail the behaviour of the two last Kings towards the Church,
and especially Ferrante’s refusal to pay the dues for his fief, and to fulfil
his treaty obligations, and he enlarged on the consequences of these acts.
Then the notary of the Apostolic Chamber read a document drawn up in the last
Secret Consistory, which declared Ferrante to have forfeited his crown, and
Naples to have fallen to the Holy See as an escheated fief. The Neapolitan
Ambassador, who was present, asked for a copy of this document, and for permission
to read a reply in defence of his master, to which the Pope consented. The
defence explained the reasons why the King did not hold himself bound to pay
the tribute, and stated that he had already appealed to “the Council.”
According to him the right of convoking a Council had, on account of the Pope’s
opposition, devolved on the Emperor; consequently that of Basle having been
illegally dissolved, was still sitting. It was no difficult matter for the
Bishop of Alessandria to show the untenability of King Ferrante’s position,
whereupon the Neapolitan Ambassador declined all further discussion, and the
Pope closed the Consistory.
War between
Rome and Naples now seemed inevitable, for the only effect of the Pope’s
energetic proceedings was to make Ferrante still more obstinate and defiant. In
October 1489 he had written to Charles VIII, who had tried to dissuade him from
making war against Rome, that far from having any thought of taking up arms
against the Holy See, his sentiments towards it were those of the most filial
devotion and submission. His conduct in the following years showed how much
these hypocritical declarations were worth. He tried ineffectually to turn
Maximilian against Rome, by sending him a pamphlet in which the life of the
Pope and of his Court were depicted in the darkest colours. His language to
Innocent VIII himself was invariably scornful and menacing. In January 1490, he
announced that he would send the palfrey to Rome, but not a farthing of the tribute
money, and that he would not pardon a single one of his nobles. In May a
Neapolitan Envoy said at Florence, that his master would no longer put up with
the overbearing and discourteous conduct of the Pope; if the latter persisted
in his unjustifiable demands, the King would appear in Rome in person, with
spur and lance, and answer him in a way which would make his Holiness
understand his error. All the great Powers seemed to have abandoned the Head of
the Church, and this emboldened Ferrante to treat him in this shameful manner.
The aged Emperor Frederick admonished the Neapolitans in March to make peace,
but like his son Maximilian, he was too much occupied with his own affairs to
take an active interest in those of the Pope. In Italy no one stirred a finger
to protect the Holy See against the insults which Ferrante so persistently
heaped upon it, and Innocent VIII. complained bitterly of this to the
Florentine, Pandolfini. “In deference to the
representations of the Italian powers,” he said “he had shown great indulgence
to Ferrante. The only result had been that the King became more and more
insolent, while the Powers stood by and allowed him to insult the Pope as much
as he pleased. If the Italians cared so little for his honour he should be
driven to look abroad for protection. Never, Pandolfini adds, had he seen the Pope so moved. He did his best to calm him, and
represented to him that his patience would be rewarded, and that he might count
on the support of Florence, Milan, and Venice. But Innocent would not hear him
out. He was perpetually put off with words, he exclaimed. Florence was the only
power on whom he could reckon, Sforza’s vacillation made Milan useless, and
Venice would never do anything. He was resolved to make an end of this. He would
excommunicate the King, denounce him as a heretic, and lay his kingdom under
Interdict. He would call upon all the States of the League to bear witness that
he had ample justification for what he was doing; and if Ferrante made war upon
him, as he had threatened, and no one would help him, he would take refuge
abroad, where he would be received with open arms and assisted to get back what
belonged to him; and this would bring shame and harm on some people. Unless he
could uphold the dignity of the Holy See, it was impossible for him to remain
in Italy. If he were to be abandoned by the Italian States, it would be out of
the question for him to resist Ferrante, on account both of the insufficiency
of the resources of the Church and the disloyalty of the Roman Barons, who
would be delighted to see him in trouble. He held himself to be fully justified
in leaving Italy, if the dignity of the Holy See could be safeguarded in no
other way. Other Popes had done this and had returned with honour.”
Thus a repetition
of the exile of Avignon seemed imminent, for France was the country to which
Innocent VIII would have turned. The position of the Pope was indeed almost
intolerable. Each day brought fresh alarms of hostile action on the part of
Ferrante; in July came the news that Naples had induced Benevento to throw off
its allegiance. A few months later, accounts arrived that Ferrante was
intriguing with the Colonna, in order to win them to his interest. Just at this
time Innocent VIII, who had been far from well in August, had an attack of
fever, and was so seriously ill that he received the last Sacraments, which he
did with great devotion. He rallied a little for a time, but grew worse again,
and was given over by his physician. On the 26th September it was reported in
Rome that the Pope was dead. The news seemed so certain that the Envoy from
Ferrara sent a special messenger to Ferrara to announce it. On the following
morning Rome was like a camp; every one armed in preparation for the
disturbances which would probably follow. Franceschetto Cibò attempted to take advantage of the prevailing confusion to get hold of the
papal treasure and of Prince Dschem, who was then
residing in the Vatican, with the object of selling him by means of Virginio Orsini to Ferrante. Fortunately the Cardinals were
on their guard, and the attempt failed. An inventory was drawn up of the papal
treasures, and Cardinal Savelli was given charge of the monies. The report of
Innocent’s death was soon found to be false. He had had something of the nature
of a stroke which had brought him very near death, but on the 28th he had
already begun to recover and is said to have declared that he still hoped to
outlive all the Cardinals. There did not seem, however, much likelihood of
this, for his health continued very feeble. He hoped to find restoration in the
bracing air of Porto d’Anzio and Ostia, but it was
not to be. On his return to Rome on the 30th November, it seemed at first as if
he had benefited a little from the change, but a few days later the Mantuan
Envoy writes that he has had a fresh attack of fever. In blaming Innocent VIII
for the vacillation and weakness of his conduct, allowances should be made for
the state of his health, and also for the financial difficulties which hampered
him through the whole of his Pontificate.
Under these
circumstances active measures against Naples were out of the question. Ferrante
was well aware of this, and calmly persisted in his outrageous conduct. On the
feast of SS. Peter and Paul this year, as in 1485, the palfrey was sent without
the tribute, and was returned, in spite of the protest of the Neapolitan Envoy.
According to Sigismondo de’ Conti the Pope at this time still hoped for
support from Florence and Milan. It seems strange that he could have continued
to cherish such futile expectations, but it appears that he was not finally undeceived
until the conduct of these States, on the occasion of the disputes between
Ascoli and Fermo, had made further illusions impossible. In 1487 Cardinal
Giuliano della Rovere had done his best to restore
order and make peace, but in vain, and the strife had been going on ever since
from bad to worse. In the Summer of 1491 the people of Ascoli had attacked Offida; the Vice-Legate of the Marches was besieged and a
Papal Envoy was murdered. In August, Innocent despatched Cardinal de La Balue and Niccolò Orsini of Pitigliano with a body of troops to punish this crime, and put an end to the state of
anarchy which prevailed throughout the district. They took Monte Brandone, and would soon have reduced the people of Ascoli
to order, but for the intervention of Virginio Orsini
at the head of a Neapolitan force. Innocent now applied to Venice, Milan, and
Florence for help, but with absolutely no result. These powers were, on the
contrary, determined to do everything in their power to hinder the pacification
of the Papal State and weaken the power of the Pope. Lorenzo’s participation
in these intrigues and also his action in securing the victory for the Baglioni
in Perugia show his character in a very unfavourable light, considering his
relationship to the Pope, and the many favours that he had received from him.
These painful
experiences, reinforced by the entreaties of the Romans and the Cardinals, at
last induced Innocent to consent to make direct overtures to Ferrante for an
accommodation; and the King, alarmed at the increasingly intimate relations
which were growing up between France and the Holy See, in reply offered better
terms than could have been expected. Gioviano Pontano came to Rome in December, and, though there were
many difficulties to overcome, an agreement was at last effected, which was announced
in a Secret Consistory on the 29th January 1492. The conditions were that the
imprisoned Barons were to be tried and judged by the Pope; that the King was to
pay 36,000 ducats down for his
fief, and for the future to maintain 2,000 horsemen and 5 triremes for the
service of the Church, and to continue as before the annual present of the
palfrey.
From this
moment Ferrante’s behaviour towards the Pope underwent a complete
transformation. Amidst effusive professions of gratitude and devotion he
commenced negotiations for a family alliance between himself and Innocent VIII.
He proposed that his grandson, Don Luigi of Aragon, should marry Battistina, a daughter of Teodorina and Gherardo Usodimare.
Fear of France was the cause of the complete change of front; the wily King saw
at once how dangerous the growth of this rising power must be to his kingdom;
and, in addition to this, there was the other danger from the Turks. Ferrante
despatched an Envoy to Innocent VIII to discuss this subject. On the 27th May,
Ferdinand, Prince of Capua, son of Alfonso of Calabria and Ferrante’s grandson,
came to Rome and was received with royal honours. A chronicler of the time says
that he will not attempt to describe the splendours of this reception as no one
would believe him, and the contemporaneous reports of the Envoys corroborate
his statement. A banquet, given by Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, which lasted six
hours, seems to have surpassed in sumptuousness anything hitherto imagined.
Dramatic performances were included in the pleasures provided for the guests.
The entertainment given in honour of the betrothal of Luigi of Aragon to Battistina Cibò furnished an occasion for a fresh display
of magnificence in the Vatican itself. But all this time, side by side with
these festivities, serious negotiations were going on. The object of Ferdinand’s
visit was to obtain for himself the investiture of Naples, and thus secure the
succession for the family. This, the French Envoys, who were then in Rome on
important business for the King of France, did their utmost to prevent. They
had been sent thither on account of Anna, the heiress of the Duchy of Brittany,
who had been betrothed by procuration to Maximilian, King of the Romans.
Charles VIII, anxious to get possession of this important province, had carried
her off, and now required a Papal dispensation to set her free from her
betrothal; and other dispensations were also needed, as Charles was himself
betrothed to Margaret of Burgundy, and was also related to Anna. These
dispensations were granted, but privately, and disavowed by Innocent and the
Ambassadors.
The French King
was encouraged by this success to hope that he might also be able to hinder the
investiture of Ferdinand. In the Spring of 1492, the Master of the Horse,
Perron de Baschi, came to Rome ostensibly on other
business, but in reality for this purpose, and to request that it might be
conferred on France.
But,
accommodating as the Pope had shown himself in regard to the dispensations,
this was quite another matter, and Baschi’s mission
failed utterly. On the 4th June, in a Secret Consistory, a Bull was read
regulating the Neapolitan succession. It provided that Ferrante’s son Alfonso
was to succeed him, and in the event of Alfonso predeceasing his father, the
Prince of Capua. The French Ambassador wished to enter a protest against this,
but, by the Pope’s orders, was refused admission to the Consistory.
CHAPTER IV.
The Eastern Question.
Of all the evil consequences produced by the disputes
between Naples and the Holy See, which lasted throughout almost the whole of the
Pontificate of Innocent VIII, the worst was their effect in checking the war
against the Turks.
Disturbing news
from the East was perpetually arriving. Just at the time of the Papal election
the hordes of Sultan Bajazet had overrun Moldavia and
conquered the two important strongholds of Kilia and Akjerman. Deeply impressed by this event, and by further
news of an increase in the Turkish navy, Innocent VIII, immediately after his
election, issued an address to the Italian States and all the European powers,
pointing out the magnitude of the danger which threatened the Church and
western civilisation, and asking for immediate assistance to repel it. He
summoned all the Christian States to send Ambassadors as soon as possible to
Rome, provided with full powers to decide on the measures to be adopted, as the
situation was so serious as to brook no delay. This Encyclical is dated Nov.
21, 1484, and on the same day a special letter was despatched to Mathias
Corvinus, King of Hungary, who was at war with the Emperor Frederick,
admonishing him to put forth all his strength against the enemy of the Faith.
About the same time the Pope wrote to Ferdinand, King of Aragon and Castile,
desiring him to protect Sicily, which belonged to him, and was threatened by
the Turks. He also exerted himself to have measures taken for the defence of
Rhodes, and in February 1485 proposed to the King of Naples a detailed scheme
for the protection of the Italian sea-board from the Turkish ships. A fleet of
60 triremes and 20 ships of burden would be necessary to defray the expense of
this, Naples and Milan should contribute 75,000 ducats, Florence 30,000,
Ferrara and Siena 6000, Montserrat and Lucca 2000, Piombino 1000. It boded no good for the success of this plan when Florence, with all her
wealth, found a flimsy pretext for evading her share of the assessment. Plenty
of money was forthcoming for the war with Genoa, but all the Pope’s warnings as
to the far greater importance of that against the Turks, on which the
preservation of Italy and the Christian Faith depended, fell on deaf ears. In
the beginning of 1485, Innocent VIII wrote again to Ferdinand of Aragon and
Castile on the defence of the Sicilian coast, and meanwhile set a good example
himself by taking energetic measures to strengthen the fortifications of his
own ports on the Adriatic, and more especially of Ancona. The Legate of the
Marches, Cardinal Orsini, the Governor of Fano, and finally the citizens of
Ancona, all received stringent orders to this effect. When, in April, more
reassuring news arrived, according to which no attack was to be apprehended
from the Turks in that year, the Legate was desired by no means to relax his
efforts on this account.
The disputes
which arose between Rome and Naples in the Summer of 1485 had the effect of
completely shelving the question of the Turkish war. The Pope was obliged to
content himself with providing for the defence of his own sea-board and doing
what he could to assist the numerous refugees who were fleeing northwards to
escape the Turks. From this time forward Innocent VIII was always in such
difficulties that he ceased to be able to give effective attention to these
larger questions. The ink of the Treaty of Peace concluded between him and
Ferrante in August 1486, was hardly dry before the King had violated all its
provisions. In the following year Innocent had the distress of seeing the Lord
of Osimo, Boccolino Guzzone, allying himself with the Sultan in order to incite
him to attack the Marches. Harassed as he was, however, the Pope still clung to
the project of a Crusade. In December 1486, Raymond Peraudi (Perauld) was sent to the court of the Emperor
Frederick, who at that time was not well disposed towards Innocent, and the
Carmelite, Gratiano da Villanova, to that of Maximilian. Contrary to all
expectation, both Princes were inclined to listen favourably to the Pope’s
proposals for a Crusade. Upon this, Innocent on the 27th of May, 1486,
published a Bull in which he described “the danger from the Turks,” which
menaced both Germany and Italy, and expressed his determination to leave no
means untried whereby all Christendom might be roused and encouraged to resist them.
He announced the willingness of the Emperor and other kings and princes to undertake
a Crusade, and decreed that a tithe of one year’s revenue should be levied for
this purpose on all churches, incumbencies, and benefices, and all
ecclesiastical persons of whatever rank, and whether secular or regular,
throughout the provinces of the Empire. Raymond Peraudi and Gratiano da Villanova were nominated collectors-general of this tax, and
endowed with the usual faculties and privileges.
In
Germany Peraudi made an excellent impression. Trithemius says that “he was a man of spotless life and
morals, and of singularly blameless character, in every respect. He had an
immense love of justice and a genuine contempt for worldly honours and riches.
I know of no one like him in our day.” Such praise seems almost extravagant;
but all the German Princes and learned men with whom Peraudi came in contact, express themselves in similar terms. He was burning with zeal
for the Crusade, but here he was doomed to bitter disappointment. The political
confusion throughout the Empire and the egoism of the States was too great;
neither laity nor clergy were in a state of mind to be capable of apprehending
any general interest. In this matter he accomplished very little.
On the 26th
June, 1487, Berthold, Archbishop of Mayence, and the
Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg addressed a letter to the Pope, in which
they begged to be exempted from the proposed tithe. They said it would be
impossible for them to pay this in addition to the requisitions for maintaining
the personal dignity of the Emperor. “We abstain,” they say, “from mentioning
the permanent charges which the Church has to bear, and which are by no means
insignificant; but frequent wars, and the oppression and extortions which the
Church and the clergy have had to endure for so long, have brought them so low
that neither in the churches nor personally are they able to maintain the
splendour of former days, and it is to be feared that they will soon be
completely ruined. Your Holiness can imagine of what men become capable when
they are driven to such straits. They persuade themselves that all things are
allowable, just or unjust, good or bad. for extreme need knows no law.”
According to Trithemius, the clergy in all parts of the Empire held
meetings to deliberate on what was to be done, and finally resolved to appeal
from the Pope ill-informed to the Pope better-informed. The resistance was so
great that Innocent was forced to give up the imposition of the tithe in
Germany. He did not give up the Crusade, and since next to nothing was to be
got from Germany he now turned to France. On the 16th November, 1487, the
Envoys to the French Court, Lionello Cheregato of Vicenza, Bishop of Traù,
and a Spaniard, Antonio Florez, started from Rome. On
the 20th January, 1488, Cheregato delivered a
stirring address, in the Royal Palace at Paris, before Charles VIII, on the
Turkish question. Referring to the glorious feats of arms accomplished by the
King’s predecessors and the Popes in the past times against the Turks, he
contrasted in glowing terms those days with the present. “In the days of your
forefathers, who went forth to fight against the Crescent and for the Christian
Faith, who would have thought it possible that we should be coming here today
to urge you to come to the rescue of Italy and the States of the Church from
those same inhuman enemies of the Christian name?”
In order to
show how great the danger was, the Nuncio referred to Boccolino Guzzoni’s attempted treason. Its failure had only
made the Sultan still more eager to attack Italy. The Italian States were not
strong enough to defend themselves single-handed, and therefore the Pope
required assistance from the other Christian Powers. They would not be able to
give this help unless they were at peace among themselves, and therefore
Innocent urged the King to use his influence to put an end to the present
deplorable divisions. As these wars were evidently a Divine chastisement
brought upon nations through the faults of the Princes and people, now was the
time for the King to reform the abuses which had crept into ecclesiastical
affairs in France. The way in which Cheregato expressed himself on this subject confirms the statement, which we have from
other sources, that he had instructions to endeavour to combat the anti-Roman
spirit which found its chief expression in the so-called Pragmatic Sanction.
Finally, he strongly urged that the well-known unfortunate Prince Dschem, who had been brought to France by the Grand Master
of Rhodes in 1482, should be handed over to the Pope.
Later,
the task of the Nuncios was rendered much more difficult by the course of
events in Flanders, where, ever since the 1st of February, 1488, Maximilian had
been a prisoner in the hands of his subjects. At the request of the Emperor,
the Pope, through the Archbishop of Cologne, laid an Interdict on the rebels.
When the news reached the French Court, it was observed there that as Flanders
belonged to France so severe a punishment ought not to have been imposed
without consulting Charles VIII, and also that it was undeserved, as the
Flemings had just grounds of complaint against Maximilian. The anti-Roman party
made great capital out of the event. “The Royal Advocate, Johannes Magistri, an enemy of God and of the Holy See,” writes Cheregato from Tours on the 16th May, 1488, “is delighted
at the Interdict, because it gives him an opportunity of calumniating the Holy
See.” Later, Raymond Peraudi was sent to France to
support Cheregato. Being a Frenchman, and having had
great influence with Louis XI, he seemed the best person to make peace between
Charles VIII and Maximilian. From France Peraudi hastened back to Germany to promote the convocation of the States-General,
which was to assemble at Frankfort-on-Main.
The Assembly at
Frankfort was opened on the 6th July, 1489. A Brief addressed to it depicts the
extremity of the danger in eloquent language. “The Popes had made every
possible effort to induce the Christian Princes and nations to unite together
to repel their hereditary foe. Was all to be in vain? The matter admitted of no
further delay, and Innocent urged the Princes to send Envoys as soon as
possible to Rome, with adequate powers to agree together upon a plan of
concerted operations. It was essential that all jealousies and disputes should
be laid aside, and his Legates would do all in their power to bring this about.
Not only would he devote all the resources of the Holy See to the expedition,
but, if it were deemed advisable, he would himself accompany it. He had written
in the same sense to all the Christian Princes, and hoped that they, as well as
the Germans, would not refuse to attend to his paternal warnings and prayers.”
These stirring words were ably seconded by Peraudi’s diplomatic skill, and within ten days he had succeeded in inducing the King of
the Romans and the French Envoys then in Frankfort, to come to terms.
During the
following months Peraudi was occupied in proclaiming
the Indulgence for the Crusade in Germany, and assisting the Papal Nuncio to
the Court of Hungary, Bishop Angelo d’Orte, in his
negotiations to bring about a reconciliation between Mathias Corvinus and the
Emperor. These were so far successful that, on the 19th of February, 1490, a
truce was agreed to which was to last till the 8th of September.
Before the
opening of the Assembly at Frankfort, Innocent had achieved a signal success in
a matter which was very closely connected with the Crusade; he had obtained possession
of the person of the man upon whom, according to the general opinion, the
prospects of the whole enterprise would depend. This was the famous Prince Dschem, who, on account of disputes in regard to the
succession, had been obliged to fly from his own country and had taken refuge
with the Knights of Rhodes. He had arrived in the island in 1482. The
Grand-Master of the Knights of S. John, Pierre d’Aubusson,
at once saw the use that could be made of the Prince for keeping the Sultan in
check. He agreed with Bajazet to keep the Prince in
safe custody in consideration of an annual payment of 45,000 ducats, and as
long as friendly relations were maintained between the Sultan and himself. Ever
since then, Dschem had lived on a demesne belonging
to the Knights in Auvergne. During this time Charles VIII of France, the Kings
of Hungary and Naples, Venice, and Innocent VIII had all been endeavouring severally
to get the Grand Turk, as he was called, into their own hands.
As early as the
year 1485 the Pope had made great efforts in this direction; but he had been
unsuccessful, his enemy Ferrante having found means to counteract all his
endeavours. At last, the Papal Nuncios in France, Lionello Cheregato and Antonio Florez,
succeeded in obtaining possession of the Prince, but at the cost of large
concessions on the side of Rome. The Grand-Master received a Cardinal’s Hat for
himself and important rights and immunities for his Order. The French King was
won over by the elevation of the Archbishop of Bordeaux (afterwards of Lyons)
to the Cardinalate, and apparently also a promise that, by delaying the
granting of the necessary dispensations, a hindrance should be put in the way
of the marriage of Anne of Brittany with the rich Alain d’Albret.
The treaty concluded between Innocent and the Knights of S. John, with the
consent of Charles VIII, provided that “the Prince, for his personal security,
should retain a body-guard of Knights of Rhodes, while the Pope was to receive
the pension of 45,000 ducats hitherto paid to the Order for the maintenance of
Prince Dschem, but to pledge himself to pay 10,000
ducats if he should hand over his charge to any other monarch without the
consent of the King of France.”
The King of
Naples was almost out of his mind with rage when he heard of the Pope’s
success, and meditated all sorts of impossible plans for seizing Dschem during the course of his journey from France to
Rome. Meanwhile the voyage was safely accomplished, and on the 6th of March,
1489, the Prince landed at Cività Vecchia,
where, on the 10th, he was handed over to Cardinal de La Balue by his custodian, Guido de Blanchefort, Prior of
Auvergne. On the evening of the 13th March the son of the conqueror of the Rome
of the East entered the Eternal City by the Porta Portese.
All Rome was astir; so large a crowd had assembled that it was with the
greatest difficulty that a path could be cleared through the throng for the
cortege. The mob were insatiable in feasting their eyes on the unaccustomed
sight, and were penetrated with the belief that it betokened an escape from a
great danger. A prophecy had been current throughout Christendom that the
Sultan would come to Rome and take up his abode in the Vatican. Great was the
relief and joy when it was seen to be so happily fulfilled in so unexpected a
manner.
By the Pope’s
orders Dschem was received with royal honours. At the
gates he was met by a deputation of members of the households of the Cardinals
(amongst whom, however, there were none of the rank of a Prelate), the Foreign
Envoys, the President of the Senate, and Franceschetto Cibò. “The son of Mahomet disdained to vouchsafe them a single glance. With his
head enveloped in a turban and his gloomy countenance veiled, he sat almost
motionless on the white palfrey of the Pope.” The only sign which he gave of
being aware of the greetings of which he was the object was a slight
inclination of the head, and he hardly noticed the gifts, consisting of 700 ducats
and brocaded stuffs, which were sent to him by the Pope. He rode in stolid
silence between Franceschetto Cibò and the Prior of
Auvergne. The long procession, with the truly Oriental tokens of respect from
the Envoy of the Sultan of Egypt, passed slowly across the Isola di S.
Bartolomeo and along the Piazza Giudea and the Campo
di Fiore to the Papal Palace, where the Prince was conducted to the apartments
reserved for royal guests.
The next day an
open Consistory was held, at the close of which the Pope received the Grand
Turk. Prince Dschem was conducted into the hall by Franceschetto Cibò and the Prior of Auvergne. The customary
ceremonial was dispensed with, in order that nothing might be done which would
dishonour the Prince in the eyes of his countrymen. Making a slight inclination
and laying his right hand on his chin, Dschem went up
to the Pope and kissed his right shoulder. He addressed Innocent VIII through
an interpreter, and informed him that he looked upon it as a great favour from
God to have been permitted to behold him; when he could see the Pope in private
he would be able to impart to him some things which would be advantageous to
Christendom. The Pope in reply assured Dschem of his
friendly disposition towards him, and begged him to have no anxiety, for that
everything had been arranged in a manner suitable to his dignity. Dschem thanked him, and then proceeded to salute each of
the Cardinals in order according to their rank.
The
numerous descriptions of Dschem’s outward appearance
that we find in contemporary writings, testify to the interest which he excited
in Rome. The best known of these is that by the celebrated painter Mantegna, in
a letter of June 15, 1489, to the Marquess Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua. “The
brother of the Turk,” he writes, “lives here in the Palace, carefully guarded.
The Pope provides him with pastimes of all sorts, such as hunting, music,
banquets, and other amusements. Sometimes he comes to dine in the new palace,
where I am painting, and behaves very well for a barbarian. His manners are
proud and dignified; even for the Pope he never uncovers his head, nor is it
the custom to uncover in his presence. He has five meals in the day, and sleeps
awhile after each; before meals he drinks sugared water. He walks like an
elephant, with a measured step like the beat of a Venetian chorus. His people
speak highly of him, and say he is an accomplished horseman, but as yet I have
had no opportunity of seeing whether this is true. He often keeps his eyes
half-closed. His nature is cruel, and they say he has killed four people; today
he has severely maltreated an interpreter. He is credited with great devotion
to Bacchus. His people are afraid of him. He takes little notice of what
passes, as if he did not understand. He sleeps completely dressed, and gives
audiences sitting cross-legged, like a Parthian. On his head he wears thirty
thousand (!) yards of linen; his trowsers are so wide
that he can bury himself in them. The expression of his face is ferocious,
especially when Bacchus has been with him.” Several of the traits, as here depicted,
are obviously caricatured, but most of the rest are corroborated by other
accounts. His age at this time is variously computed by different writers. Guilleaume Caoursin makes it 28,
while Sigismondo de’ Conti speaks of him as 35 years old; the latter dwells
upon the savage expression of his countenance, and his uncertain and cruel
temper. In all other respects these two writers agree in their descriptions of
him; they portray him as a tall, powerfully-built man, with a swarthy
complexion, a hooked nose, and blueish, glittering eyes. The Ferrarese and
Mantuan Envoys, who were acquainted with the beautiful medals of the Conqueror
of Constantinople, executed by Italian artists, mention the resemblance
between the Prince and his father as very striking.
To the Pope, Dschem was a valuable hostage for the good behaviour of the
Sultan. At first Spoleto or Orvieto were talked of as places where he could be
safely confined; but finally, it was decided that he could be kept most
securely in the Vatican. Here the Prince lived in sumptuously furnished
apartments, commanding an extensive view of vineyards and gardens. His
maintenance was provided for with the greatest liberality, costing 15,000
ducats a year. This, says Sigismondo, was a severe drain on the overtaxed
resources of the Pope, but he submitted to it for the sake of the advantages
which the whole of Christendom derived from the custody of the Prince.
In the autumn
of 1489, Innocent VIII was busily occupied with the preparations for the
Crusade. The Sultan fully recognised the standing menace which the possession
of Dschem constituted for him; and his anxieties were
increased by the negotiations opened by the Pope with the Sultan of Egypt, and
his plan for assembling representatives of all the Christian Powers in Rome to
deliberate on the Eastern question. In this difficulty Bajazet had recourse to an expedient, which, unfortunately, in those days was not
unfrequently resorted to by European Powers also. He hired a renegade nobleman
of the Marches of Ancona, by name Cristofano di Castrano (alias Magrino), to
poison the Belvedere fountain, from which the table of Dschem as well as that of Innocent VIII was supplied; the poison would take five days to
work its effects, and the assassin was promised Negroponte and a high post in
the Turkish army. Apparently there were some accomplices in Rome who were aware
of the plot. Magrino betrayed himself in Venice
before he had even arrived in Rome, and was arrested, carried thither, and
executed in May 1490.
The Pope’s
letter of May 8th, 1489, proposing a Congress, met almost universally with a
favourable response. In consequence, Briefs were sent out in December
appointing the 25th March, 1490, as the opening day in Rome. Raymond Peraudi was indefatigable in his labours to promote it. In
an eloquent letter to the King of Poland, he describes how “from the very
beginning of his Pontificate, the mind of Pope Innocent had been incessantly
occupied in devising means for the defence of the Christian Commonwealth, and
how the possession of Prince Dschem, the Sultan’s
brother, renders the present moment a specially favourable one for action. Dschem has promised, if he obtains the Caliphate through
the Christians, to withdraw the Turks from Europe, and even to give up Constantinople.
The Pope has therefore sent Legates to all the European Courts, to implore them
to lay aside all private quarrels and to unite in a common Crusade. He had himself
been to France and to Germany, and the result had been that Charles and
Maximilian had made peace with each other. Peace was re-established also in
Brittany, Flanders, and Brabant. He was now endeavouring to bring about an
accommodation between the Emperor and Hungary. He implored and adjured his
Majesty by the mercy of Christ, that he too would show himself to be a good
Catholic and pious King by complying with the Pope’s desires. At the request of
Frederick III and Maximilian, the Congress was put off till a little later. On
the 25th March, Pietro Mansi of Vicenza, Bishop of Cesena, delivered a stirring
address for the opening, but the actual business did not begin till after
Pentecost. Venice took no part in this assembly, in order to avoid disturbing
her good relations with the Porte.
The history of
the Congress is to be found in the pages of Sigismondo de’ Conti; and elsewhere
a series of documents serve to complete it. On the 3rd of June, all the
Cardinals and the Envoys met in the Papal Palace. Innocent VIII delivered a
long address, retracing the history of his efforts up to the present time, to
set on foot an expedition against the Turks. He had taken infinite trouble and
made large pecuniary sacrifices to obtain possession of the person of Dschem, which appeared to him to be a matter of great
importance. The Sultan Bajazet was very much afraid
of his brother, a party among the Janissaries and people being bent upon
stirring up a revolt in his favour. It was their bounden duty not to permit
this heaven-sent opportunity to pass without taking advantage of it. They had
therefore to consider where and with what soldiers the attack should be opened;
whether by land or by water, or by both at once; how large the army should be,
how the fleet should be equipped, whether the land and sea forces should
operate separately, or combined in detachments. They must also deliberate as to
the number of generals, whether there should be one Commander-in-Chief, or
several of equal rank; what money will be required, and how it is to be
collected; whether there should be a reserve fund in case of mishaps; how long
the war was likely to last; what amount of provisions and war material will be
requisite; and how the expense of the whole is to be apportioned. The Cardinals
ought also to consider all these questions so as to be prepared to give their
advice when needed. Perhaps it would be well also to take counsel as to whether
it might not be possible for the Pope to follow the example of Sixtus IV, and
by his Apostolical authority impose a truce between all Christian Princes for
the time being.
As time went on,
there was no lack of the usual disputes in regard to precedence; and the
Envoys, divided into two parties, Germans and Italians, made but slow progress
with the negotiations. At last, however, mainly thanks to the German, and
especially to the Imperial Envoys, a reply to most of the questions proposed by
the Pope was agreed to. The address was handed over in writing to the Pope and
the Cardinals. It began by thanking God, first, that he had put such desires
into the heart of the Pope, and next, Innocent himself for his exertions in the
matter of Dschem, who was most valuable as a standing
menace to the Sultan, and a means of breaking up his Empire. He should be carefully
guarded in Rome for the present, and later on, counsel should be taken as to
how he could be most advantageously employed in the campaign. As regarded the
constitution of the army, the Envoys were of opinion that it should consist of
three divisions : a Papal and Italian army, a German army, including Hungary,
Poland, and the Northern States, and a third force made up of the French,
Spaniards and English. In addition to the separate chiefs of these various
corps, a single Commander-in-Chief should be appointed. The Germans considered
that if the Emperor, or, failing him, the King of the Romans, personally took
part in the Crusade, he should be, ipso facto, Commander-in-Chief. The other
Envoys wished that the Generalissimo should be elected at the beginning of the
war by the Princes and the Pope. They further expressed their opinion that it would
be extremely desirable that the Holy Father should accompany the expedition. To
provide for the expenses of the war they suggested that each Prince should levy
a toll on his subjects, clergy and laity contributing alike. The duration of
the war might be calculated at three years.
It was
important that the troops should be collected simultaneously and as quickly as
possible; the German contingent in Vienna, and the rest in Ancona, Brindisi, or
Messina. The German troops were to march through Hungary and Wallachia; the
fleet would attack the Peloponnesus and Euboea; the French and Spaniards with
the Italian horsemen were to concentrate in Valona and thence bear down upon
the enemy. A simultaneous attack should be directed against the Moors; but it
seemed an essential preliminary to the whole undertaking that the Pope should
endeavour to put an end to the disputes between the Christian powers, or, at
any rate, secure an armistice for the time.
In his reply,
Innocent thanked the Envoys for their approval of his plan of fighting the
Turks by means of Prince Dschem. The question as to
whether the Turkish Prince should accompany the expedition in a captive or
active capacity, must be left to those who were best acquainted with the enemy
and their country; but the decision of this point should not be long delayed.
In regard to the assembling of the forces, the simultaneous commencement of the
war, the route selected for the attack, and the pacification of Europe, the
Pope agreed in all essentials with the views of the Envoys. The
Commander-in-Chief must be either the Emperor or the King of the Romans, as
they were the natural protectors of the Church. With regard to the expenses of
the war, the levies from the laity should be collected by the Princes, while he
would charge himself with the taxation of the clergy; but this subject might be
further discussed. He thought that a force of 50,000 horsemen and 80,000
infantry would suffice; but the strength of the army and fleet would be a
matter for future agreement between the Christian Princes. In regard to his
personal participation in the Crusade, Innocent declared that he was prepared
in everything to follow the example of his predecessors. The war must be counted
as likely to last five rather than three years, and should be begun in the
following year, when the Sultan of Egypt was expected to make an attack on the
Turks. Referring to the hostile attitude of the King of Naples towards himself,
Innocent further observed that it was one of the primary duties of the Christian
Princes to maintain order in the States of the Church. He insisted earnestly on
the great importance of immediate action, as the main thing on which the chance
of success depended. In conclusion, he expressed his surprise that the Envoys
declared themselves unable to come to any definite decision without further
reference to their respective governments, seeing that lie had expressly
requested that they should be provided with full powers for this very purpose.
He hoped, at any rate, that they would lose no time in obtaining them, lest the
favourable moment for making use of Prince Dschem should be lost by further dclay. On the 30th July the
Congress was closed by the Pope, to be reopened when the Envoys had received
the requisite full powers; but this never took place.
According to
the somewhat optimist view of Sigismondo de’ Conti, the Crusade would really,
in spite of all difficulties, have been carried through, had it not been for
the death of the King of Hungary, Mathias Corvinus, at the early age of 47,
from an apoplectic stroke. The blow to the Christian cause was all the greater
because this event at once plunged that country into a bitter contest for the succession
to the throne. Maximilian seized the opportunity to endeavour to recover his hereditary
possessions in Hungary. On the 19th of August he marched into Vienna, where he
was warmly greeted by the inhabitants. On the 4th of October he started from thence
to make good his claim to the Hungarian throne by force of arms; but want of
money and a mutiny amongst his retainers checked his otherwise victorious
progress. As but little help could be got from the Empire, a Peace was
concluded between him and King Wladislaw, on the 7th
November, 1491, at Presburg. The Pope had done his
best to bring this about; but now the final blow to the prospects of the
Crusade fell in the revival of the quarrel between Charles VIII and Maximilian,
which broke out afresh with redoubled violence.
While political
affairs in the North were thus developing in a very unfavourable manner for the
Crusade, the Pope, who was also suffering from serious illness, was cruelly
harassed by Ferrante. Venice, the greatest naval power in Europe, steadily
pursued her huckster’s policy of giving her support to whatever state of things
seemed most advantageous for her commerce. Throughout the Congress, she kept
the Sultan thoroughly informed of all its transactions. Under such conditions
as these, what chance could there be of a combined attack on the Crescent? We
need to realise this hopeless state of things in order to understand how
Innocent VIII came to lend a favourable ear to the proposals made to him in
November 1490, through a Turkish Envoy.
The Sultan Bajazet lived in perpetual terror lest Prince Dschem might be employed as a tool wherewith to attack him.
His attempt to poison the Prince having failed, when the news of the Congress
to discuss the question of a new Crusade reached him, he determined to try
another expedient. He despatched an embassy to Rome, which arrived there on the
30th of November, 1490, bringing presents, and an unsealed letter to the Pope,
written in Greek on papyrus. In this letter he requested Innocent VIII to undertake
the custody of his brother Dschem, in Rome, on the
same conditions as had formerly been arranged with the Grand-Master of the
Knights of Rhodes.
The Pope
accepted the Sultan’s gifts and permitted the Envoys to visit Prince Dschem and assure themselves of his well-being. In regard
to the negotiations he considered the matter too important and affecting too
many interests to decide it by himself, and therefore called a Council of all
the Ambassadors then present in Rome to discuss it.
The Turkish Ambassador
had at first promised that as long as Dschem was kept
in safe custody his master would abstain from attacking any part of
Christendom. Later, however, he restricted this promise to the coasts of the
Adriatic, and expressly excluded Hungary, with the result that no agreement
could be come to. The Envoy left the pension for Dschem,
which had hitherto been paid to Rhodes, in Rome, and took back an answer from
the Pope to the effect that no definite reply could be given to the Sultan’s
proposal until the views of all the Christian powers had been ascertained.
Sigismondo de’ Conti reports that many men, whose opinion was not to be
despised, thought it imprudent in the Pope to condescend so much to the Turkish
barbarian, and out of desire of gain to conclude a sort of bargain with him; on
the other hand he adds: Innocent had to consider that by this means Christendom
might be saved from war, and he might also obtain from the Sultan some sacred
relics which were in his possession.
It may well be
conceded to Innocent VIII that the desire to obtain these relics for Rome and
to shield Christendom from the attacks of the Turks was not an unworthy one,
and also that under existing circumstances and considering the unwillingness of
the majority of the Christian Princes to undertake a Crusade, a compact of this
kind was probably the most advantageous arrangement then attainable but at the
same time it is undeniable that the reception of this sort of subsidy from the
Sultan, exercised a decided influence on the Pope’s attitude towards the Turks.
While Bajazet
was thus kept in check, and forced to pay a kind of tribute to the Holy See, by
the fear that his most dangerous enemy might at any moment be let loose upon
him, Ferdinand the Catholic was dealing a crushing and final blow to the power
of Islam in the West. Granada fell on the 2nd January, 1492, and the banner
with the great silver crucifix, given by Sixtus IV, which had been borne before
the army throughout the whole campaign, was planted on the Alhambra. This event
closed an episode in Spanish history which had lasted eight hundred years; the
whole of Spain was now united into a single nation, strong enough to make its
influence felt henceforth in the development of Europe and more especially in
that of Italy. “In this last and decisive contest with Islam, Ferdinand had
learnt by experience the utter faithlessness of his cousin, the King of Naples.
Ferrante had secretly supported the Moors against him, and now it only depended
on the course of events whether, instead of prosecuting the war along the north
coast of Africa, the Spanish monarch should not fix his eyes on the island of
Sicily as the Archimedian point by means of which
Italy could be drawn, bit by bit, within the sphere of the influence of
Aragon.”
The fall of
Granada sent a thrill of joy through the whole of Europe; it was looked upon as
a sort of compensation for the loss of Constantinople. Nowhere, however, was
the rejoicing more heartfelt than in Rome, where for many years the conflict
with the Moors had been watched with sympathetic interest. In the night of
February 1st the news arrived in Rome; Ferdinand had himself written to inform
the Pope. The rejoicings, both religious and secular, lasted for several days.
Innocent VIII went in solemn procession from the Vatican to S. James’s, the
national Church of the Spaniards, where a Mass of thanksgiving was celebrated,
at the end of which he gave the Papal Benediction. Cardinal Raffaele Riario entertained the Spanish Envoys with a dramatic
representation of the Conquest of Granada and the triumphal entry of the King
and Queen; while Cardinal Borgia delighted the Roman people with the novel
spectacle of a bull fight, which had never before been seen in Rome.
From the time
that Ferrante concluded Peace with the Pope on January 22, 1492, he appears to
have begun again to take an interest in the Turkish question, at least so his
letters informing Innocent VIII of the movements of the Turks would seem to
indicate. In May 1492, Pontano was sent to Rome to discuss
what joint-measures could be taken to repel the common enemy. The Sultan,
always on the watch in his dread of mischief from Dschem,
soon discovered the change in Ferrante’s attitude, and sent fresh Envoys to
Naples as well as to Rome. The latter brought with them a precious relic,—the
head of the Spear of Longinus, which had pierced the side of Our Lord. By order
of the Pope the sacred relic was received at Ancona by Niccolò Cibò, Archbishop
of Arles; and Luca Borsiano, Bishop of Foligno placed it in a crystal reliquary set in gold, and
brought it to Narni. From thence it was taken by the
Cardinals Giuliano della Rovere and Giorgio Costa to
Rome. Although Innocent was far from well at the time, he was determined to
take part in its solemn reception. When, on May 31, 1492, the Cardinals arrived
before the gates of Rome, the Pope went to meet them outside the Porta del Popolo, took the reliquary in his hands with the greatest
reverence, and delivered a short address on the Passion of Christ. He then carried
it in solemn procession to S. Peter’s, the streets through which he passed
being richly decorated in its honour. From thence he had it conveyed to his
private apartments, where it was kept. In the farewell audience given by
Innocent to the Turkish Envoys on June 14, 1492, he desired them to inform the
Sultan that, in case of an attack by the latter on any Christian country, he
would retaliate by means of Prince Dschem. He also
sent a private messenger of his own to Constantinople with the same message.
The reception
of the Holy Spear, says a contemporary writer, may be said to have been the
last act of Innocent VIII. During the whole of his reign this Pope had been so
harassed by war and the fear of war that he had never been able to accomplish
his earnest desire of visiting Loreto or any of the more distant portions of
his dominions. He hardly ever left Rome, and then only to go to Ostia or Villa Magliana. In addition to the war difficulty, the feeble
health of the Pope was also an obstacle to his travelling far.
In the autumn
of 1490, as in that of the previous year, Innocent VIII. suffered from repeated
attacks of fever, but recovered on each occasion; thanks to the skill of the
famous physician Giacomo di San Genesio but from
March 1492 the Pope’s health began again to fail. Just at this time the death
of Lorenzo de’ Medici (April 8) seemed to threaten anew to disturb the peace of
Italy; Innocent at once took measures to meet the danger, as also in regard to
the revolt of Cesena, which took place shortly after. In spite of these anxieties
the Pope’s condition improved so much that he was able to take part in the
solemn reception of the Holy Spear, and the marriage of Luigi of Aragon with Battistina Cibò. In the latter half of the month of June,
Innocent was fairly well; after the feast of SS. Peter and Paul he thought of
going somewhere in the neighbourhood of Rome, for change of air and to hasten
his recovery; but, on the 22nd or 23rd June, the abdominal pains returned, an
old sore on his leg broke out again, and the feverish attacks came back. The
physicians differed in their opinions, but the worst was feared. At the same
time the Pope felt still so strong that at first he made light of the
apprehensions of his physicians. On the 30th June he was better. The
fluctuations lasted on into the month of July, but the general opinion was that
the Pope was slowly dying.
The first
effect of the hopeless state of the Pope’s health was notably to increase the
insecurity of life and property in the city. For a time it seemed as if all law
and order would break down; hardly a day passed without a murder somewhere. The
Cardinals kept a stricter watch over Dschem. An
inventory was made of the treasures of the Church, and the Vice-Camerlengo,
Bartolomeo Moreno, thought it prudent to retire first to the Palazzo Mattei, and finally to the Belvedere. The disorders at last
became so serious that several of the Barons, at the persuasion of Cardinal
Giuliano della Rovere, agreed to waive their party
feuds and combine with the Conservators of the city to maintain order. After
this the town was quieter.
The Pope’s end
was that of a pious Christian. On the 15th July he confessed, and received Holy
Communion on the following day. On the 17th it was thought that the last hour
had come, but his strong vitality resisted death for another week. The
resources of the physicians were exhausted, and there was no hope of recovery.
“All hope is abandoned” writes the Florentine Envoy on July 19; “the Pope’s
strength is so entirely exhausted that the spirit is all that is left of him;
but he retains his full consciousness.” Except for his too great solicitude for
his own relations, which occupied his mind to the last, the death of Innocent
VIII was a most edifying one. Sigismondo de’ Conti and the Florentine Envoys
agree in relating how, although by that time speaking had become very difficult
to him, the Pope summoned the Cardinals to his bed-side, asked their
forgiveness for having proved so little equal to the burden which he had
undertaken, and exhorted them to be united among themselves and to choose a
better successor. He then desired an inventory to be taken in their presence by
the Chamberlains of all the money and valuables in the Palace, and gave orders
that the Holy Spear should be taken to S. Peter’s. After this he dismissed the
Cardinals and received the Holy Viaticum with tears of devotion.
After a
death-agony which lasted five days, Innocent VIII. passed away on 25th July,
1492, about the 24th hour (9 o’clock in the evening). His body was laid in S.
Peter’s. He has been in a sense more remembered than many greater Popes,
because his tomb, executed in bronze by Antonio Pollajuolo,
is one of the few monuments which have been transferred from the old to the new
S. Peter’s. It stands against one of the pillars in the left aisle of the nave.
“The Pope, a colossal figure with massive drapery, sits on a throne, his right
hand raised in blessing, and his left holding the Holy Spear; on each side of
him, in shallow niches in the wall, stand the four cardinal virtues; on the
hemicycle above, the theological virtues,—graceful figures, full of life and
motion, are portrayed in low relief. Below, on an urn, is the recumbent form of
the Pope on a bed of State. Apparently this was originally placed on the wide
projecting cornice of the hemicycle, and the perspective of the whole design
shows that it was meant to be seen from a much more level point of view. At the
height at which it is now placed, much of its exquisite workmanship, especially
in the decorative part, is quite lost to the spectator. For its originality,
clearness of outline, and mastery of the technique of its material, this work
deserves to be ranked amongst the masterpieces of Quattrocento Florentine Art.”
The inscription
on the monument, which was added at a later date, contains a slight anachronism
in regard to the discovery of America. It was not till August 3, 1492, that the
Pope’s great fellow-countryman Columbus set sail from the port of Palos to
found a new world.
Innocent VIII as Patron of
Art and Scholarship.
The disturbed
state of Italy, the exhaustion of the Papal treasury, and the want of energy
arising from the state of the Pope’s health are quite sufficient to account for
the poverty of the records of the reign of Innocent VIII in the matter of Art
and Scholarship as compared with that of Sixtus IV. At the same time, as
regards Art, so many of the works of his time have been either destroyed or
become unrecognisable that the creations in that department appear smaller than
they really were. On investigation, we find that both in architecture and in
painting a large number of important works were produced.
In the Vatican, Innocent went on with the
works begun by Paul II, whose love for precious stones he shared. He erected a
noble fountain in the Piazza of S. Peter’s in marble, with two large circular
basins, one above the other; one of these now serves the drinking fountain on
the right of the obelisk. A good deal of work by way of repair was done in the
time of Innocent VIII. Restorations were effected in the castle and bridge of
S. Angelo, the Ponte Molle, the Capitol, the fountain
of Trevi, the gates and walls of the city, and a
large number of churches. Among these latter may be mentioned especially S. Agostino,
Sta Croce, S. Giuliano de’ Fiamminghi, S.
Giovanni in Laterano, and S. Stefano in Cceliomonte. Sta Maria della Pace was completed, Sta Maria in Via Lata rebuilt. With the strange
indifference of those days to the preservation of Roman remains, the ruins of
an old arch were demolished in the prosecution of this latter work.
In S. Peter’s, Innocent went on with the
building of the Loggia, for the bestowal of the solemn Blessing, which had been
begun by Pius II; commenced a new Sacristy, and constructed a Shrine for the Holy
Spear, which, together with the chapel built by Cardinal Lorenzo Cibò, was
destroyed in 1606. The diligence with which Innocent VIII prosecuted the
continuation of the new streets begun by his predecessors, was of great
advantage to the city. The carrying out of these works was entrusted to the Treasurer-General,
Falcone de’ Sinibaldi, who is so highly praised by
Sigismondo de’ Conti.
Outside Rome, Baccio Pontelli was commissioned by the Pope to execute or
set on foot architectural work in the town of Argnano, Corchiano, Jesi, Osimo, Terracina and Tolfa, and
in the Papal Palaces at Viterbo and Avignon. Innocent VIII also assisted in the
building of the Cathedral at Perugia. The number of documents still extant,
relating to works in the harbour and Citadel of Civita Vecchia, seem to indicate that they must have been
somewhat extensive. These were, for the most part, managed by Lorenzo da Pietrasanta, who was frequently employed by the Pope.
In addition to the works already
mentioned, Innocent VIII. also built the Belvedere in the Vatican, and the Villa Magliana in the Valley of the Tiber about six miles
from Rome. He had begun the hunting lodge at Magliana while he was still a Cardinal. When he became Pope he proceeded to enlarge and
decorate it as is shewn by the inscriptions over the windows. Unfortunately, it
is now in a very dilapidated state. Magliana and
Ostia were the only country places to which he could resort during his troublous reign; the state of Italy was such, that it was
impossible for him to visit the cities in his dominions or to fulfil his vow of
making a pilgrimage to Loreto.
The interior of the summer residence built
on the slope of the Vatican hill towards Monte Mario, which now constitutes the
central point of the sculpture-gallery, underwent a complete transformation by
command of Innocent VIII, in accordance, it is said, with a design drawn by
Antonio Pollajuolo. The management of the work was
entrusted to Jacopo de Pietrasanta. The building was
a square with pinnacles connecting it with the round tower of Nicholas V. Infessura says that the Pope spent 60,000 ducats upon it.
This sum no doubt included the paintings with which the villa was decorated.
The name of Belvedere was given to it on account of the splendid view which it
commands of Rome and its neighbourhood, from Soracte to the Alban hills.
Unfortunately, the paintings executed for
this villa by Pinturicchio and Mantegna have almost entirely perished.
According to Vasari, the whole of the
Loggia of the Belvedere was adorned at the Pope’s desire by Pinturicchio with
views of various cities “after the Flemish fashion” which, being a novelty in
Rome, was then very much in vogue; Rome, Milan, Genoa, Florence, Venice and
Naples were thus portrayed. The same writer also states that Pinturicchio
painted a fresco of the Blessed Virgin in the Belvedere. The poetical beauty of
Pinturicchio’s landscapes in his paintings in the Bufifalini Chapel in Sta Maria in Aracoeli, enables
us to conjecture the loss which the world has sustained by the destruction of
the frescoes in the Belvedere. We may also gather from the fact that Innocent
VIII. evidently recognised Pinturicchio’s special gift for landscape painting,
that this Pope was not so devoid of artistic feeling as he is often represented
to have been.
More deplorable still is the loss of the
frescoes of the other painter employed by Innocent in the decoration of this
building. As early as the year 1484, Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere had commenced negotiations on behalf of the Pope with Gonzaga to obtain
the services of Andrea Mantegna who already enjoyed a well
earned celebrity in Mantua; but it was not till 1488 that Mantegna at
last came to Rome, with the sanction of the Marquess of Mantua, who bestowed on
him the honour of knighthood on his departure. The work of painting the chapel
in the Belvedere was at once entrusted to him. He spent two full years in Rome,
endeavouring, as he himself says, with all possible diligence, to do honour to
the illustrious house of Gonzaga, whose child he considered himself. This makes
it all the more to be regretted that these frescoes should have been destroyed
when the new wing was built by Pius VI. Vasari bestows the highest praise on
the delicate finish of these paintings which were almost like miniatures. He
says, that among other subjects the baptism of Christ was portrayed in the
Chapel of S. John. In consequence of the Pope’s financial difficulties, the
artist had a good deal to complain of in the matter of remuneration. His discreetly
mild observations on this subject are corroborated by Vasari. He relates that
on one occasion Innocent, having asked the painter what one of the figures was
meant to represent, Mantegna replied, “It is Economy” (discrezione),
on which the Pope observed, “If you want a good pendant to it you had better
paint Patience.” On his departure, however, in 1490, Innocent VIII seems to
have done something to make up for this.
Besides Pinturicchio and Mantegna, Filippino Lippi and Perugino were also employed in Rome.
The latter was generously patronised by Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, while Lippi was commissioned by Cardinal Oliviero Caraffa to decorate the Chapel of S. Thomas Aquinas, which was built by the
prelate in the Dominican Church of Sta Maria sopra Minerva. These
pictures are clever but somewhat superficial. There can be no doubt that the
Cardinal himself arranged the scheme of the paintings. Numerous inscriptions
explain the meaning of the frescoes, some of which are concealed behind the
monument of Paul IV. The principal picture on the wall to the right of the
entrance represents the victory of S. Thomas over heresies. In the lunette,
Christ is painted on the Cross saying to the Saint, “Thou hast written well of
me, Thomas, what shall I give thee in reward?” to which S. Thomas answers, “Noting
but Thyself, Lord.” On the wall behind the Altar, Lippi has painted the
Annunciation with the portrait of the founder. Here we see the hand of the
master. Nothing could be more beautiful than the joyous soaring angels.
Pinturicchio was employed by several of
the Cardinals. He executed paintings in Sta Maria del Popolo for Giuliano della Rovere
and Giorgio da Costa, and in Sta Croce for Carvajal.
It is interesting in connection with the
development of Art in the time of Innocent VIII to note, that in 1484 he bought
tapestries from some Flemish merchants, representing S. George accompanied by
personifications of the liberal arts. He encouraged art manufacturers by the
bestowal of honorary distinctions, most frequently by the gift of a consecrated
sword. One of these, still preserved in the Museum of Cassel, was presented in
1491 to the Margrave William I of Hesse, who visited Rome in that year on his
way home from the Holy Land.
In the matter of scholarship and
literature as in Art, Rome under Innocent VIII compares most unfavourably with
the Rome of Sixtus IV. Nevertheless it would not be correct to suppose that
Innocent was entirely devoid of literary tastes. He made it evident that this
was not the case when, in the year 1484, Angelo Poliziano came to Rome with the Florentine embassy of Obedience. On that occasion, the
Pope in presence of an illustrious company, ordered him to make a Latin
translation of the historical works of the Greeks, referring to the exploits of
the Romans, so that they might be more accessible to the majority of readers.
In obedience to this flattering command, Poliziano selected Herodian for his translation, and endeavoured to make it read as it
would have done had the author written it in Latin. Innocent VIII, rewarded the
dedication of this work with a special Brief and a gift of 200 ducats, in order
to set the translator free to devote himself more completely to work of this
kind. Poliziano thanked the Pope in a beautiful
Sapphic ode, in which both thought and language reflect the spirit of classical
poetry. Innocent VIII. accepted dedications also from Tito Vespasiano Strozzi, Peter Marsus, and
the celebrated physirian, Gabrielle Zerbi; he bestowed marks of distinction also on foreign
Humanists such as Johann Fuchs- magen.
Innocent VIII had for his secretaries, Gasparo Biondo, Andrea da
Trebisonda, Giacomo da Volterra, Giovanni Pietro Arrivabene,
Sigismondo de’ Conti and Giovanni Lorenzi. This latter, a distinguished
Hellenist, was born at Venice in 1440, and came to Rome in 1472 as secretary to
his fellow countryman Marco Barbo; Innocent VIII made
him one of his secretaries in 1484, and a librarian in the Vatican in the
following year. Financial difficulties prevented any additions worth mentioning
from being made to the Vatican Library during this reign. It is noteworthy,
however, that the greatest liberality continued to be shown in regard to the
use of manuscripts, which were frequently lent to students, even out of Rome. A
considerable number were sent by Poliziano to
Florence, at the request of Lorenzo de’ Medici. The numerous marks of favour
bestowed by Innocent VIII on Giovanni Lorenzi are an
additional proof of the friendly disposition of this Pope towards the
Renaissance.
An event which occurred in Rome in the
Spring of 1485, shows how powerful the Renaissance had become there in the time
of Innocent VIII and how the movement had penetrated to the lower classes.
Towards the end of April in that year some
masons working in the Fondo Statuario belonging to the Olivetan Fathers of Sta Maria Nuova, came upon some
ancient monuments. This property is situated in the midst of the well-known bed
of ruins, about six miles from Rome on the Appian way, which is called Roma Vecchia. They found here two pedestals of statues with
inscriptions belonging to the Praefectus praetorie Herennius Potens; the remains of a vault in which the freedmen of the gentes Tullia and Terentia were buried; and finally a sarcophagus without any
inscription, containing a body in a marvellous state of preservation. This was
evidently owing to the efficacy of the composition which had been employed in
embalming it, and which consisted of a mixture of balsam, cedar oil, and
turpentine. The body was immediately taken to the Palace of the Conservators,
where it was exhibited to the public. The whole city seems, from the
sensational character of most of the accounts, to have gone mad with joy and
excitement. The antiquarians and Humanists were in ecstasy; the eager curiosity
of the populace was insatiable. Rome was flooded with all sorts of
contradictory reports and conjectures, many of them wild exaggerations or pure
inventions. The extraordinary variations in the accounts, in which the few
grains of personal observation or authentic history are largely outweighed by
the matter supplied by the imagination of the narrator, betray the universal
excitement. All are agreed as to the wonderful state of preservation of the
body and as to its sex. They describe with enthusiasm the suppleness of the
limbs, the blackness of the hair, the perfection and whiteness of the nails and
teeth. Ornaments are also said to have been found on the head and fingers of
the body.
The eager crowd which from morning till
night beset the Palace of the Conservators to gaze on the dead Roman maiden
could only be compared to the scene when a new Indulgence had just been
proclaimed. This passionate enthusiasm about the body of a heathen seems to have
aroused serious alarm in the mind of Innocent VIII, lest it should prove the
harbinger of a paganisation of the lower classes
which would have worse consequences than that of the men of letters. He gave
orders to have the body, which had begun to turn black from exposure to the
air, removed in the night and buried outside the Porta Pinciana.
CHAPTER VI.
INNOCENT VII AND THE DEFENCE OF the Liberties and Doctrines of the
Church.
It was not in politics alone
that Innocent VIII found his authority contemned and attacked; in purely
ecclesiastical matters the case was no better. Next to Naples the Republics of
Venice and Florence were the two States which gave him the most trouble by
their persistent encroachments on the rights and independence of the Church. In
the negotiations with Venice in connection with the removal of the
ecclesiastical penalties imposed upon this city by Sixtus IV, Innocent had done his best to protect the Venetian clergy
against arbitrary taxation and the interference of the State in appointments to
benefices, but with little success. As time went on, it became evident that the
Signoria had no notion of giving up its pretensions to absolute control in
ecclesiastical as well as in temporal matters. In the year 1485 the See of
Padua fell vacant. Innocent VIII gave it to Cardinal Michiel.
The Venetian government nominated the Bishop of Cividale, Pietro Barozzi. Neither party would give way. The Pope sent a
special Envoy to remonstrate with the Signoria, but he could make no
impression; the Republic refused to yield, and finally had recourse to
violence. The revenues of all the benefices held by Cardinal Michiel within the Venetian dominions were confiscated, and
on this the Pope and the Cardinal gave up the contest.
The death of the illustrious Cardinal
Marco Barbo, Patriarch of Aquileia, in 1491, was the
occasion of a new and sharp contest between Venice and Rome. Innocent VIII had
on 2nd March bestowed this dignity on the Venetian Ambassador at Rome, the
learned Ermolao Barbaro,
who had accepted it without first obtaining the necessary permission from the
Venetian government. For this the Signoria resolved to punish Barbaro severely. They had intended to obtain the
Patriarchate for Niccolo Donato, Bishop of Cittanova, and that Barbaro should be forced to resign. The new Patriarch himself being out of reach, his
father was threatened with severe pecuniary penalties, unless he could persuade
his son to give way. On this Barbaro was anxious to
resign; but, as the Pope would not permit this, the Signoria summoned him to
appear within twenty days before the Council of Ten, under pain of banishment
and the confiscation of all his Venetian benefices. Ermolao chose the latter alternative; he devoted the rest of his life to the pursuit of
learning, and died in exile in 1493. During the life-time of Innocent VIII, the
Patriarchate remained vacant, the Venetian government meanwhile absorbing its
revenues; under Alexander VI it obtained the nomination of Donato
Florence and Bologna did not fall far
behind Venice in attacks on the rights and liberties of the Church. In
Florence, Innocent was obliged to protest against the arbitrary taxation of the
clergy; in Bologna against the punishment of a priest by the secular tribunal,
in contravention of the Canon-law. He was equally forced more than once to make
a stand against the Milanese Government in defence of the liberties of the
Church.
Outside of Italy there was no lack of
troubles of the same nature. Mathias Corvinus, King of Hungary, especially
behaved towards the Church with a high-handed insolence that had to be
resisted. In the year 1485 he promulgated a decree that no prelate who did not
reside in Hungary, was to possess or draw the revenues of any benefice within
the kingdom. He at once proceeded to put the law in force by intercepting one
of the officials of the Cardinal Bishop of Erlau,
taking from him 25,000 ducats which he was bringing to his master in Rome, and
carrying the money back to Buda. In the same year he came into open collision
with Rome by appointing Ippolito d’Este, a mere
child, to the Archbishopric of Gran. In vain Innocent represented to the King
that to entrust the government of a diocese to a child “was as unreasonable as
it was wrong”. Corvinus replied by maintaining that “on other occasions His
Holiness had accepted less capablc, and from an
ecclesiastical point of view, more objectionable persons than Ippolito; and
further declared, that whoever else the Pope might appoint, no one but his
nominee should touch the revenues of the diocese”; and in order to give due emphasis
to this declaration, he announced that 2000 ducats out of these revenues would
be sent to Ferrara as “a foretaste.” Finally, the King carried his point and
in the Summer of 1489 Ippolito came to Hungary and was installed in his Archbishopric.
Though in this matter Innocent was forced
to give way, he stood firm in insisting on the liberation of the Archbishop of Kalocsa, who had been put in prison by Mathias. Several
Briefs having proved of no avail, in the Autumn of 1488, the Nuncio, Angelo Pecchinolli was sent to remonstrate by word of mouth.
Mathias now said he was ready, pending the result of the proceedings against
him, to hand over the Archbishop to the safe-keeping of the Papal Legate; but
the promise was hardly made before it was withdrawn. Upon this the Legate
calmly but firmly pointed out to the angry King the difficult position in which
he was placed by this action on his part, he having already informed the Pope
of the promise made by Corvinus. “If I now contradict what I have just stated,”
he said, “either His Holiness will think that I am a liar, or that your
Majesty’s word is not to be trusted.” With great difficulty Pecchinolli at last prevailed upon the King to undertake to release the Archbishop from
prison and send him, at the Legate’s choice, either to Erlau or Visigrad, there to be kept under guard, and the
promise was fulfilled.
In France as in Hungary Innocent VIII had
to withstand most unjustifiable attacks on the rights of the Church. In 1485 we
find him complaining that in Provence the secular authorities set at naught and
ill-treated the clergy. Throughout the kingdom Church matters were often
tyrannically dealt with, Parliament withheld its placet from the Pope’s Bulls, obedience to his commands was frequently refused, and
the Universities persisted in appealing from the Pope ill-informed to the Pope
better-informed. Innocent VIII had to enter repeated protests against the
Pragmatic Sanction; at the close of the year 1491 he endeavoured by means of a
Concordat to place his relations with France on a better footing. Similar
encroachments on the part of the rulers of England and Portugal had to be
resisted. Innocent succeeded in his energetic repudiation of the pretension of
John II of Portugal to make the publication of Papal Bulls and Briefs depend on
a placet from the Government, and the Pope forced him
to relinquish it. In January 1492 he promulgated a general constitution in
support of the immunities and liberties of the Church. Notwithstanding all
this, Sigismondo de’ Conti accuses Innocent VIII of negligence in defending the
rights of the Church. He adduces as instances of this negligence the Pope’s
acquiescence in the taxation of the clergy in Florence and other Italian
States, and his toleration, after the treaty with Lorenzo de’ Medici, of things
in Perugia which were derogatory to the dignity of the Church.
Perhaps he was really more to be blamed
for the concessions which, on purely political grounds, he made to Ferdinand of
Spain. In December 1484 he bestowed on him the patronage of all the churches
and convents in Granada and all other territories conquered or to be conquered
from the Moors. To these he added later, extensive rights of provision in
Sicily.
Only one canonisation, that of the
Margrave Leopold of Austria, of the Babenberg family, took place during the
reign of Innocent VIII. The Emperor Frederick III had already asked both Paul
II and Sixtus IV for the canonisation; and repeated his request to Innocent
VIII immediately after his election; in consequence the date of the ceremony
was fixed for Christmas 1484. It actually took place on January 6, 1485.
Requests were made to Innocent VIII from
Sweden for the canonisation of Catherine, daughter of S. Bridget, from the
Grand-master of the Teutonic Order; for that of Dorothea of Mariemverder,
and from King Ferrante for Jacopo della Marca; none,
however, of these processes were concluded during his Pontificate.
Amongst the ecclesiastical acts of
Innocent VIII mention must be made of the much-contested privilege which he
granted to the Abbot, John IX of Citeaux, and to the Abbots of the four first
Cistercian daughter-houses, of powers to confer sub-deacon and deacon’s orders,
the former on all members of the Order, and the latter on the monks in their
own monasteries. The Bulls of Innocent VIII, granting various privileges to the
Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians are undoubtedly genuine. In
consequence of the decrease of leprosy, which, towards the close of the 15th
century, had become very rare, in 1490 Innocent dissolved the Order of
Lazarists and united them with the Knights of St. John. But this Bull took
effect in Italy only, and was not accepted by the French.
Innocent VIII showed great zeal in the
defence of the purity of the Faith against the numerous heresies which cropped
up during his time in many different directions. The Waldensian and the Hussite
heresies were the two which occupied him most. In Dauphiné the Waldenses not
only preached their false doctrines openly, but put to death those who refused
to join them. In the Spring of 1487, Innocent sent Alberto de Cattanco to Dauphiné who with the help of the King of
France succeeded in almost entirely eradicating them in this province. In
Bohemia also, where Innocent recognised King Ladislaus’
title, he was successful in effecting the reconciliation of a number of
Hussites with the Church.
The arrival in Rome of the famous Pico della Mirandola in the year 1486,
brought to light the jealous care with which the integrity of the Faith was guarded
in the Papal city. Many of the opinions put forth by this gifted but fanciful
and impulsive philosopher were made up of a confused medley of Platonic and
Cabalistic notions. Brimming over with youthful ambition and conceit, Pico
announced his intention of holding a public disputation in which he would
produce no less than 900 propositions in “dialectics, morals, physics,
mathematics, metaphysics, theology, magic and Cabalism” for discussion. Some of
these would be his own; the rest would be taken from the works of Chaldean,
Arabian, Hebrew, Greek, Egyptian and Latin sages. In regard to those that were
his own, and which he purposed to defend by arguments worked out in his own
mind, he expressly declared that he would “maintain nothing to be true that was
not approved by the Catholic Church and her chief Pastor, Innocent VIII.” He
invited learned men from all parts of the world, offered to pay their
travelling expenses, and confidently expected to score a brilliant triumph. The
reverse, unfortunately, was what happened. Some experienced theologians
declared several of the proposed theses to be tainted with heresy, and in
consequence the Pope refused to permit the disputation, and appointed a
commission of bishops, theologians and canonists to examine them. This commission
pronounced some of Pico’s propositions to be heretical, rash, and likely to
give scandal to the faithful; many contained heathen philosophical errors which
had been already condemned, others favoured Jewish superstitions. The judgment
was perfectly just, and was adopted by Innocent, and though a great number of
the propositions were acknowledged to be Catholic and true, the reading of the
whole series was forbidden on account of the admixture of falsehood.
Nevertheless, since the character of the theses was purely academic, and since
the author had expressed his willingness to submit them to the judgment of the
Holy See, and had sworn never to defend any similar assertions, no blame of any
sort was to attach to Pico’s reputation. The Papal Brief pronouncing this
decision was dated August 4, 1486, but was not published till December.
Meanwhile Pico—so his enemies assert—in great haste “in twenty nights,”
composed an apology explaining his propositions in a Catholic sense, which he
dedicated to Lorenzo de’ Medici, and had printed in Neapolitan territory,
antedating it (May 31), so as to avoid any appearance of defending what the
Pope had condemned, after having previously declared his absolute submission to
the judgment of the Church. Pico on his side maintained that he had not known
of the Papal Brief, until told of it the 8th January, 14S9, when he was on his
way to France. This probably was literally net untrue; but it can hardly be
supposed that when he wrote his apology he had no inkling of the contents of
the Brief, which had been written on August 8.
Matters now became more complicated. Pico
was charged with having broken his oath, and endeavoured to give greater
publicity to his views. In consequence he was summoned to Rome, and efforts
were made to have him arrested. Thanks to the energetic mediation of Lorenzo
de’ Medici, Pico was permitted to retire to a villa in the neighbourhood of
Florence. Meanwhile a complete change had been wrought in the young scholar’s
soul by the unexpected humiliation. Hitherto his life had been much the same as
that of other young men of his rank and position. From henceforth he renounced
all desire for fame and ambition, and gave himself up entirely to prayer,
penance and works of mercy, except in so far as he still continued to prosecute
his theological and philosophical studies with redoubled zeal. These resulted
in the production of several exegetical and philosophical works; one of which,
on the seven enemies of religion—unbelievers, Jews, Mahomedans, pagans,
heretics, false Christians, and occultists (astrologers, magicians, etc.),—was
never finished. By Savonarola’s advice he resolved upon entering the Dominican
Order, but his life of eager and unremitting toil was cut short by death,
before he had time to carry out his purpose. He died November 17, 1494. In the
previous year the new Pope, Alexander VI had, in an autograph Brief granted him
absolution, in case he might have indirectly violated his oath, and also the
assurance, that neither by his apology nor in any other way had he ever been
guilty of formal heresy. There is no mention in the Brief, as has been asserted
by some writers, of the theses condemned by Innocent VIII.
The Jews in Spain were a source of
considerable trouble to Innocent VIII. They had become a real danger to the
population by their usury and their proselytising. In 1484, the Pope took measures
to counteract the evil; and in the following year he granted permission to
several Jews and heretics to make their abjuration privately, but “in presence
of the King and Queen.” About the same time disturbances broke out in Aragon on
account of the introduction into that province of the Inquisition. The Jews who
had submitted to baptism, called Maranos, opposed the
measure by every means that they could. Money proving of no avail they
determined to resort to assassination. On September 15, 1485, the inquisitor,
Pedro Arbues, who has been quite groundlessly accused
of extreme harshness, was attacked in the Cathedral of Saragossa, and mortally
wounded. This and other occurrences showed that it was necessary to have
recourse to severe measures. Crucifixes were mutilated, consecrated hosts
profaned; in Toledo a plot was concocted by the Jews for obtaining possession
of the city on Good Friday, and massacring all the Christians. Ferdinand
finally determined to resort to a drastic remedy; on March 31, 1492, an edict
was published requiring all Jews either to become Christians, or to leave the
country by the 31st July. Most of the Spanish Jews crossed over to Portugal; a
good many went to Italy, and to Rome, where they were treated with great
toleration by the majority of the fifteenth century Popes. Many Spanish Jews
who had been banished in former years had settled in Rome, and even contrived
to insinuate themselves into various ecclesiastical offices; an abuse which
Innocent took measures to prevent.
Torrents of abuse have been poured forth
against Innocent VIII on account of his Bull of December 5, 1484, on the
subject of witchcraft. It has been obstinately maintained that the Pope by this
Bull authoritatively imposed on the German nation the current superstitions in
regard to the black art, demonology, and witchcraft. There could not be a
greater distortion of facts than is involved in this assertion. All evidence goes
to show that long before the Bull of Innocent VIII the belief in witchcraft had
prevailed in Germany. The “Formicarius” of the
Dominican inquisitor Johannes Nider, which appeared
at the time of the Council of Basle, shows what fantastic notions on the
subject were current at the beginning of the 15th Century. Nearly all the
delusions which appear in the later witch-trials are to be found here; though
there do not seem to have been so many executions as in later times, it is
plain that the process of trial for witchcraft was in use long before the Bull
of 1484. But the secular authorities had been accustomed to interfere in these
trials, whereas in the process by the Inquisition, the cooperation of the
secular power was only invited when the trial was ended.
What then did Innocent VIII do?
The Bull of December 5th, 1495, begins by
saying that he had lately heard “not without deep concern,” that in various
parts of upper Germany as also in the provinces, cities, territories,
districts, and bishoprics of Mayence, Cologne,
Treves, Salzburg and Bremen, many persons of both sexes falling away from the
Catholic Faith, had contracted carnal unions with devils, and by spells and
magic rhymes, with their incantations, curses, and other diabolical arts, had
done grievous harm to both men and beasts. “They even deny with perverse lips,
the Faith in which they were baptised.” Two Dominican professors of theology,
Heinrich Institoris in Upper Germany, and Jacob
Sprenger, in many parts of the Rhine Country, had been appointed Papal
Inquisitors into all forms of heresy; but as the localities named in the Bull
had not been expressly mentioned in these inquisitors’ faculties, several
persons, clerics as well as laymen, inhabiting these places, had presumptuously
taken upon themselves to deny that they had power there to arrest and punish
these offenders.
Hence in the plenitude of
his Apostolical powers Innocent now commands that these persons are not to be
hindered in the exercise of their office towards any individual, whatsoever may
be his rank and condition. After this, in accordance with the old Catholic
custom, the Pope goes on to exhort the inquisitors to quench superstition by
seeing that the Word of God is duly preached to the people in the parish churches,
and employing whatever means may seem to them best calculated to secure that
they shall be well instructed. He specially commands the Bishop of Strasburg to
protect and assist them, to inflict the severest penalties of the Church on all
who resist them or put hindrances in their way, and if necessary to call in the
assistance of the secular power.
The Bull contains no dogmatic decision of
any sort on witchcraft. It assumes the possibility of demoniacal influences on
human beings which the Church has always maintained, but claims no dogmatic
authority for its pronouncement on the particular cases with which it was
dealing at the moment. The form of the document, which refers only to certain
occurrences which had been brought to the knowledge of the Pope, shows that it
was not intended to bind any one to believe in the things mentioned in it. The
question whether the Pope himself believed in them has nothing to do with the
subject. His judgment on this point has no greater importance than attaches to
a Papal decree in any other undogmatic question, e.g., on a dispute
about a benefice. The Bull introduced no new element into the current beliefs
about witchcraft. It is absurd to accuse it of being the cause of the cruel
treatment of witches, when we see in the “Sachsenspiegel”
that burning alive was already the legal punishment for a witch. All that
Innocent VIII did was to confirm the jurisdiction of the inquisitors over these
cases. The Bull simply empowered them to try all matters concerning witchcraft,
without exception, before their own tribunals, by Canon-law; a process which
was totally different from that of the later trials. Possibly the Bull, in so
far as it admonished the inquisitors to be on the alert in regard to witchcraft
may have given an impetus to the prosecution of such cases; but it affords no
justification for the accusation that it introduced a new crime, or was in any
way responsible for the iniquitous horrors of the witch-harrying of later
times.
Unfortunately, nothing of any importance
was done under Innocent VIII for the reform of ecclesiastical abuses. At the
same time Infessura’s statement that the Pope had
authorised concubinage in Rome is absolutely unfounded. We have documentary
evidence that in France, Spain, Portugal and Hungary, he punished this vice
with severity. No proof that he favoured it in Rome has yet been adduced. The
mere assertion of an admittedly uncritical chronicler with a strong party bias
and given to retailing without examination whatever gossip was current in Rome,
could not be accepted in any case without further testimony. In this particular
instance it is not difficult to find the probable origin of the calumny. In
1489 it was discovered that a band of unprincipled officials were carrying on a
profitable traffic in forged Bulls. Neither entreaties nor bribes were of any
avail to induce Innocent to abstain from punishing the crime with the utmost
severity. Domenico of Viterbo and Francesco Maldente who were found guilty were hanged, and their bodies burnt in the Campo di Fiore.
Now it is notorious that some of the
forged Bulls were to this effect, and the supposed permission accorded by
Innocent VIII to the Norwegians to celebrate Mass without wine was also a
forgery.
The existence of such a confederacy for forging
Bulls, throws a lurid light on the state of morals in the Papal Court, where Franceschetto Cibò set the worst possible example. The
increasing prevalence of the system of purchasing offices greatly facilitated
the introduction of untrustworthy officials. The practice may be explained, but
cannot be excused by the financial distress with which Innocent VIII had to
contend during the whole of his reign, and the almost universal custom of the
time. In the Bull increasing the number of the College of Secretaries from the
original six to thirty, want of money, which had obliged the Pope to pawn even
the Papal mitre, is openly assigned as the reason for this measure. Between
them, the new and the old secretaries (amongst the later were Gasparo Biondo, Andreas Trapezuntius,
Jacobus Volaterranus, Johannes Petrus Arrivabenus, and Sigismondo de’ Conti) brought in a sum of
62,400 gold florins and received in return certain privileges and a share in
various taxes. Innocent VIII also created the College of Piombatori with an entrance fee of 500 gold florins. Even the office of Librarian to the
Vatican was now for sale. No one can fail to see the evils to which such a
state of things must give rise. Sigismondo de’ Conti closes his narrative of
the increase in the number of secretaries with the words; “Henceforth this
office which had been hitherto bestowed as a reward for industry, faithfulness,
and eloquence, became simply a marketable commodity. Those who had thus
purchased the new offices endeavoured to indemnify themselves out of other
people’s pockets. These greedy officials whose only aim was to get as much for themselves
as possible out of the churches with which they had to do, were naturally
detested in all countries, and the most determined opponents of reform. The
corruptibility of all the officials increased to an alarming extent, carrying
with it general insecurity and disorder in Rome, since any criminal who had
money could secure immunity from punishment. The conduct of some members of the
Pope’s immediate circle even, gave great scandal. Franceschetto Cibo was mean and avaricious, and led a disorderly life
“which was doubly unbecoming in the son of a Pope. He paraded the streets at
night with Girolamo Tuttavilla, forced his way into
the houses of the citizens for evil purposes, and was often driven out with
shame.” In one night Franceschetto lost 14,000 ducats
to Cardinal Riario and complained to the Pope that he
had been cheated. Cardinal de La Balue also lost 8000
to the same Cardinal in a single evening.
In order to obtain the means for the
gratification of such passions as these, or worse, the worldly-minded Cardinals
were always on the watch to maintain or increase their power.
This explains the stipulation in the
election capitulation that the number of the Sacred College was not to exceed
twenty-four. Innocent VIII however did not consider himself bound to observe
this condition, and already in 1485 we hear of his intention of creating new
Cardinals. The College refused its consent, and the opposition of the older Cardinals
was so violent and persistent, that some years passed before the Pope was able
to carry out his purpose. In the interval as many as nine of the old Cardinals
had died; in 1484, Philibert Hugonet (September 12),
Stefano Nardini (October 22), Jtian Moles (November 21); in 1485, Pietro
Foscari (September) and Juan de Aragon; in 1486,Thomas Bourchier (June) and the good Gabriel Rangoni (September 27);
in 1488, Arcimboldi and Charles de Bourbon (September I3).
Though, in one respect, these deaths facilitated
the creation of new Cardinals, on the other, great difficulties were caused by the
urgent demands of the various Powers for the promotion of their candidates. In
the beginning of March 1489 the negotiations were at last brought to a
conclusion, and on the 9th of the month five new cardinals were nominated. Two
of these, the Grand-Master of the Knights of St. John, Pierre d’Aubusson, and the Archbishop of Bordeaux, Andre d’Espinay, were absent. The three who were on the spot,
Lorenzo Cibò (son of the Pope’s brother Maurizio), Ardicino della Porta of Novara, and Antoniotto Pallavicini of Genoa, received their Red Hats at once. Three others, Maffeo Gherardo of Venice, Federigo Sanseverino (son of Count Robert), and Giovanni
de’ Medici were reserved in petto.
Some of the new Cardinals, as Ardicino della Porta, were fit
and worthy men, which made it all the sadder that the natural son of Innocent’s
brother, and the boy Giovanni de’ Medici should have been added to their ranks.
Raffaele de Volterra severely blames this open violation of the prescriptions
of the Church, and the Annalist Raynaldus rightly
endorses his judgment.
Giovanni de’ Medici, Lorenzo’s second son,
was then only in his fourteenth year; he was born December 11, 1475. His father
had destined him for the Church at an age at which any choice on his part was
out of the question, and confided his education to distinguished scholars such
as Poliziano and Demetrius Chalkondylas.
At seven years old he received the
tonsure, and the chase after rich benefices at once began. Lorenzo in his notes
details these proceedings with appalling candour. In 1483, before he had
completed his eighth year, Giovanni was presented by Louis XI to the Abbacy of
Font Douce in the Bishopric of Saintes. Sixtus IV
confirmed this nomination, declared him capable of holding benefices and made
him a Protonotary Apostolic. Henceforth “whatever good things in the shape of a
benefice, commendam, rectorship, fell into the hands
of the Medici, was given to Lorenzo’s son.” In 1484 he was already in
possession of the rich Abbey of Passignano, and two years later was given the
venerable Benedictine Abbey of Monte Cassino in commendam.
But even this was not enough for Lorenzo, who with indefatigable persistency
besieged the Pope and Cardinals to admit the boy into the Senate of the Church.
He did not scruple to represent Giovanni’s age as two years more than it really
was. Innocent VIII resisted for a long time, but finally gave way; and he was
nominated with the stipulation that he was to wait three years before he
assumed the insignia of the cardinalate or took his seat in the College.
Lorenzo found this condition extremely irksome, and, in the beginning of 1490,
instructed his Ambassador to do everything in his power to get the time shortened.
The Pope, however, who wished Giovanni to devote the time of probation to the
study of Theology and Canon-law, was inexorable, and Lorenzo had to wait till
the full period had expired. When, at last, the day for his son’s elevation
arrived he was too ill to be able to assist at any of the ceremonial services.
The moment they were concluded the young Cardinal started for Rome, where great
preparations were being made for his reception. On March 22, 1492, the new
Cardinal Deacon of Sta Maria in Dominica entered Rome by the Porta
del Popolo; on the following day the Pope admitted
him, with the customary ceremonies, to the Consistory. The General of the Camaldolese, Pietro Delfino, says that the bearing and
demeanour of the young Cardinal made a favourable impression upon all present,
and that he seemed more mature than could have been expected at his age.
Lorenzo at once wrote to his son an admirable letter of advice and warning,
displaying not only great political sagacity and knowledge of human nature, but
the Christian faith and sentiment to which he had returned at the close of his life.
It is touching to read the earnest exhortations to the young man to lead “an
honourable, exemplary and virtuous life” which seemed especially needed by one
going to reside in a great city which had become “a very focus of all that was
evil.” There would be no lack of “bad counsellors, seducers and envious men,”
who would endeavour to “drag you down into the abyss into which they themselves
have fallen. Counting upon your youth they will expect to find this an easy
task. Thus it behoves you to set yourself to prove that this hope is unfounded,
and all the more because the College of Cardinals is at this moment so poor in
men of worth. I remember the days when it was full of learned and virtuous men,
and theirs is the example for you to follow. For the less your conduct
resembles that of those who now compose it, the more beloved and respected will
you be. You must equally avoid the Scylla of sanctimoniousness and the Charybdis of profanity. You should study to be moderate in all things,
and avoid everything in your demeanour and in your words that might annoy or
wound others, and especially not make a parade of austerities or a strict life.
Your own judgment, when matured by experience, will instruct you better how to
carry out my advice than any detailed counsels that I could give you at
present.
“You will have no difficulty in
understanding how much depends on the personality and example of a Cardinal. If
the Cardinals were such as they ought to be, the whole world would be the
better for it; for they would always elect a good Pope and thus secure the
peace of Christendom. Endeavour, therefore, to be such that it would be well
for all if the rest were like you. Be careful in all your intercourse with the
Cardinals and other persons of high rank, to be guarded and reserved, so as to
keep your judgments cool and unswayed by the passions
of others, for many act irrationally, because their aims are illicit. Keep your
conscience clear by avoiding in your conversation anything that could be
injurious to others. I think this is of the first importance for you, for if any one from passion thinks he has a grudge against you, it
is much easier for him to change his mind if there is no real ground of
offence. It will be best for you, in this your first sojourn in Rome, to make
much more use of your ears than of your tongue.
“Today I have given you up entirely to God
and to His Holy Church. Be therefore a worthy priest, and act so as to convince
all who see you that the well-being and honour of the Church and the Holy See
arc more to you than anything else in the world. If you keep this steadfastly
before you, opportunities will not be wanting for being of use both to this
city and to our family; for to be united with the Church is advantageous to
the city, and you must be the bond of union between the two, and the welfare of
our house depends on that of Florence. Though the future must always remain
impenetrable, yet I am confident that if you are constant in generously
pursuing the good of the Church, we shall not fail to find means to secure
ourselves on both sides.
“You are the youngest member of the
College, not only of the present College, but the youngest that has ever as yet
been made a Cardinal. You should, therefore, in all that you have to do with
your colleagues be observant and respectful, and keep yourself in the
background in the Papal Chapels and Consistories, or in deputations. You will
soon learn which among them are deserving of esteem. You must avoid both being
and seeming to be intimate with those whose conduct is irregular. In
conversation keep to generalities as far as you can. In regard to festivities,
I think it will be prudent for you to keep rather under the mark than to run
any risk of exceeding what is permissible.
“Spend your money rather on keeping a
well-appointed stable and servants of a superior class than on pomp and show.
Endeavour to lead a regular life, and gradually get your household into strict order,—a
thing which cannot be done immediately where both master and servant are new. Silks
and jewels are for the most part unsuitable for you, but you should possess
some valuable antiques and handsome books, and your circle should be rather
select and learned than numerous. Also, it is better for you to entertain your
friends at home than to dine out often; but in this matter you should follow a
middle course. Let your food be simple and take plenty of exercise; many in
your present position bring great sufferings on themselves by imprudence. This
position is one which is both secure and exalted, and thus it often happens
that those who have succeeded in attaining it become careless and think they
can now do as they like, without fear of consequences, whereby both it and
their health are imperilled. In regard to this point I recommend you to use all
possible caution, and to err rather on this side than on that of
over-confidence.
“Let it be your rule of life to rise
early. Setting aside the advantage of the practice to your health, it gives you
time to get through the business of the day and to fulfil your various
obligations, the recitation of the office, study, audiences, and whatever else
has to be done. There is another practice which is also very necessary for a
person in your position, namely, always, and especially now that you are just
beginning, to call to mind in the evening what will be the work of the day
following, so that you may never be unprepared for your business. If you speak
in the Consistory, it seems to me, considering your youth and inexperience,
that it will be in all cases best and most becoming for you to adhere to the
wise judgment of the Holy Father. You will be often pressed to speak to the
Pope about this thing or that, and to make requests. Make it your rule in these
early days to make as few of these as possible, so as not to be burdensome to
him; for he is disposed by nature to give most to those who are least
clamorous. It will be useful to be on the watch to say nothing that would annoy
him, but rather to tell him things that will give him pleasure; while modesty
in preferring requests corresponds best with his own disposition, and puts him
in a better humour. Take care of your health.”
Lorenzo de’ Medici’s low estimate of the
College of Cardinals in the time of Innocent VIII was unfortunately only too
well founded. There still remained, no doubt, some good men in the Senate of
the Church, but they were quite borne down by the worldly majority; Marco Barbo, one of the leaders of the nobler party, had died in
the Spring of 1491; his death, says one of his contemporaries, was a great loss
to the Holy See and to the whole of Christendom.
Of the worldly Cardinals, Ascanio Sforza, Riario, Orsini, Sclafenatus, Jean
de La Balue, Giuliano della Rovere, Savelli, and Rodrigo Borgia were the most prominent. All of these were
deeply infected with the corruption which prevailed in Italy amongst the upper
classes in the age of the Renaissance. Surrounded in their splendid palaces,
with all the most refined luxury of a highly-developed civilisation, these
Cardinals lived the lives of secular princes, and seemed to regard their
ecclesiastical garb simply as one of the adornments of their rank. They hunted,
gambled, gave sumptuous banquets and entertainments, joined in all the
rollicking merriment of the carnival-tide, and allowed themselves the utmost
licence in morals; this was specially the case with Rodrigo Borgia. His uncle,
Calixtus III, had made him a Cardinal and Vice-Camerlengo while he was still
very young, and he had accumulated benefices to an extent which gave him a princely
income. In the time of Sixtus IV he was already, according to d’Estouteville, the wealthiest member of the College of
Cardinals. One of his contemporaries describes him as a fine-looking man and a
brilliant cavalier, cheery and genial in manner, and winning and fluent in
conversation; irresistibly attractive to women. His immoral courses brought
upon him a severe rebuke from Pius II. But nothing had any effect. Even after
he had received priest’s orders, which took place in August 1468, and when he was
given the Bishopric of Albano, which he afterwards exchanged in 1476 for that
of Porto, he still would not give up his dissolute life; to the end of his days
he remained the slave of the demon of sensuality.
From the year 1460 Vanozza de Cataneis, born of Roman parents in 1442, was his
acknowledged mistress. She was married three times; in 1474 to Domenico of Arignano; in 1480 to a Milanese, Giorgio de Croce; and in 1486
to a Mantuan, Carlo Canale, and died in Rome on the
26th of November, 1518, aged 76. The names of the four children whom she bore
to the Cardinal are inscribed on her tomb in the following order :—Caesar,
Juan, Jofre, and Lucrezia.
Besides these, Cardinal Rodrigo had other
children,—a son, Pedro Luis, certainly born before 1460, and a daughter, Girolama, but apparently by a different mother. Rodrigo
turned to his Spanish home for the careers of these children, who were
legitimised one after another. In 1485 he obtained the Dukedom of Gandia for Pedro Luiz; in the deed of King Ferdinand he is
described as the son of noble parents, and he is stated to have distinguished
himself by his military acquirements and to have rendered valuable services in
the war against the King of Granada. Pedro was betrothed to the daughter of
Ferdinand’s uncle and majordomo, Donna Maria
Enriquez; in 1488 he came to Rome, and in August fell sick there and died,
certainly before the year 1491. He left all that he possessed to his brother
Juan, the best of Rodrigo’s sons, born in 1474, who eventually married his brother’s
intended bride.
The Cardinal’s third son Caesar, born in
1475, was from childhood, without any regard to his aptitude or wishes,
destined to the Church. Sixtus IV, on 1st October, 1480, dispensed him from the
canonical impediment for the reception of Holy Orders, caused by his being born
out of wedlock, because he was the son of a Cardinal and his mother was a
married woman. At the age of seven years Caesar was made a Protonotary, and was
appointed to benefices in Xativa and other cities in
Spain, and under Innocent VIII to the Bishopric of Pampeluna. Jofre also, born in 1480 or 1481, was intended for
the Church; he is mentioned as a Canon, Prebendary, and Archdeacon of the
Cathedral of Valencia. Lucrezia, born in 1478, seemed, like her brothers, destined
to make her home in her father’s native land, for in 1491 she was betrothed to
a Spaniard.
The mother of these children, Vanozza de Cataneis, possessed
substantial property in Rome, and a house on the Piazza Branca,
close to the palace which Rodrigo Borgia had built for himself. This mansion,
now the Palazzo Sforza-Cesarini, was considered the finest, not only in Rome,
but in the whole of Italy.
In the reign of Innocent VIII Jacopo da
Volterra writes of Cardinal Borgia: “He has good abilities and great
versatility, is fluent in speech, and though his literary attainments are not
of the first order, he can write well. He is naturally shrewd, and exceedingly
energetic in all business that he takes in hand. He is reputed to be very rich,
and his influence is great on account of his connections with so many kings and
princes. He has built for himself a splendid and commodious palace midway
between the Bridge of S. Angelo and the Campo di Fiore. His revenues from his
numerous benefices and abbeys in Italy and Spain and his three bishoprics of
Valencia, Porto, and Cartagena are enormous; while his post of Vice-Camerlengo
is said also to bring him in 8000 gold ducats yearly. He possesses immense
quantities of silver plate, pearls, hangings, and vestments embroidered in gold
and silk, and learned books of all sorts, and all of such splendid quality as
would befit a king or a pope. I pass over the sumptuous adornments of his litters
and trappings for his horses, and all his gold and silver and silks, together
with his magnificent wardrobe and his hoards of
treasure” .
We obtain a highly interesting glimpse
into the amazing luxury of Cardinal Borgia’s palace from a hitherto unknown
letter of Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, dated 22nd of Octobcr,
1484. On that day Borgia, who, as a rule, was not a lover of the pleasures of
the table, gave a magnificent banquet in his palace, at which, besides Ascanio,
three other Cardinals were included amongst the guests, one of these being
Giuliano della Rovere. The whole palace was
splendidly decorated. In the great entrance-hall the walls were covered with
hangings representing various historical events. A smaller room opened into
this, also hung with exquisite Gobelin tapestry. The carpets on the floor were
selected to harmonise with the rest of the furniture, of which the most
prominent piece was a sumptuous state-couch upholstered in red satin, with a
canopy over it. This room also contained the Cardinal’s credenza, a chest
surmounted by a slab, on which was ranged for exhibition an immense quantity of
table plate and drinking vessels in gold and silver, while the lower part was a
marvel of exquisitely finished work. This apartment was flanked by two others,
one of which was hung with satin and carpeted, the divan in it being of
Alexandrian velvet; while in the other, still more splendid, the couch was
covered with gold brocade and magnificently decorated. The cloth on the central
table was of velvet, and the chairs which surrounded it were exquisitely
carved.
Ascanio Sforza, created a Cardinal from
political motives in 1484, by Sixtus IV and loaded with benefices, came next to
Rodrigo in wealth and love of show. He was an ardent sportsman, and “Rome stood
amazed both at the splendour of his Court and the number of horses, dogs, and
hawks, which he kept. The enormous income which he drew from his many benefices
and large temporal possessions, hardly sufficed to meet his boundless expenditure.
The Roman annalist says he dares not attempt to describe the feast which
Ascanio gave in the latter days of Innocent VIII in honour of Ferrantino the Prince of Capua, Ferrante’s grandson, lest
he should be mocked as a teller of fairy tales.” His friends justly praised his
talent for diplomacy and politics. He had also a taste for literature and art,
wrote Latin and Italian poems, and was a generous patron of learned men. It
should also be mentioned that Ascanio, in dispensing his gifts, was not unmindful
of the poor. From a moral point of view Cardinal Federigo Sanseverino and the wealthy Battista Orsini, were not much better than Rodrigo
Borgia.
Another of the worldly-minded Cardinals
was the astute and ambitious La Balue who, since
1485, had returned to reside in Rome. His two master passions were politics and
the accumulation of riches. In spite of all the vicissitudes of his tempestuous
life, when he died in 1491 he was worth 100,000 ducats.
Equally worldly was Giuliano della Rovere, undoubtedly the strongest personality in the
College of Cardinals. Politics and war were the main interests in his life. He
“bore the stamp of the 15th Century to which he belonged, and carried into the
next age its strength of will, its impetuosity in action, and its largeness in
aim and idea. He was proud, ambitious, self-confident and hot-tempered, but
never small or mean. He paid no more regard to his vow of celibacy than the
majority of his colleagues; but through all his worldliness there was in him a
certain seriousness, a capacity for something better, which was destined to
show itself in later years. He was a noble patron of Art, and maintained his
interest in it through all the stormiest episodes of his life.
Between the wealth acquired by the
accumulation of benefices and foreign bishoprics, and their connections with so
many powerful kings and princes, the influence of the Cardinals had become so
great that there was manifest danger of the subjection of the Papacy to the
Sacred College. The power of Giuliano della Rovere,
during the reign of Innocent VIII and the high-handed manner in which he
exercised it, went quite beyond the bounds of what was permissible. During the
war of the Neapolitan Barons, he, on his own authority, had a Courier sent by
the Duke of Milan, arrested, and his papers taken from him. The Milanese,
Florentine, and Ferrarese Ambassadors of that day complained that two Popes
were more than they could do with; one was quite enough.
These too-human princely Cardinals are
likened by a modern historian to the old Roman Senators. “Most of them, like
the Pope, were surrounded by a Curia of their own and a circle of nephews. They
went about in martial attire and wore swords elaborately decorated. As a rule,
each Cardinal had several hundred servants and retainers living in the Palace,
and their number might be on occasion augmented by hired bravi.
This gave them a following among the populace who depended on the Cardinals’
Courts for their livelihood. Most of these Princes of the Church had their own
factions, and they vied with each other in the splendour of their troops of
horsemen, and of the triumphal cars filled with masques, musicians, and actors,
which paraded the streets during the Carnival, and on all festal occasions. The
Cardinals of that day quite eclipsed the Roman nobles.”
The encouragement which they gave to
Literature and Art, the patronage of which was looked upon as an indispensable
adornment of greatness in the age of the Renaissance, is the one redeeming spot
in the lives of these Princes of the Church, which in all other ways were so
scandalously out of keeping with their spiritual character. It was not
strangers only who were scandalised by the behaviour of these unworthy priests;
many born Italians, especially the mission preachers, complain bitterly of
them. The most energetic and outspoken of all was the Dominican, Girolamo
Savonarola. In his sermons, but more especially in his poems, he paints a
gruesome picture of the corruptions in the Church, and prophesies terrible
manifestations of the wrath of God in the near future.
Anticipations of impending judgments
prevailed widely during this period. Many prophets appeared, and predictions of
the complete overthrow of all existing institutions, and the condign punishment
of the corrupt clergy, were passed from mouth to mouth. One appeared in Rome in
1491.
A contemporary writer describes the
preacher as poorly clad and only carrying in his hand a small wooden cross, but
very eloquent and well educated. He collected the people in the public squares
and announced in prophetical tones that in the current year there would be much
tribulation, and Rome would be filled with the sound of weeping. In the year
following the distress would spread over the whole country; but in 1493 the
Angel Pope would appear (Angelicus Pastor), who would possess no temporal
power, and would seek nothing but the good of souls.
The prophecies of Savonarola, however,
produced far more impression than any of these, and the extraordinary influence
of his sermons and writings is, for the most part, due to them. Many of them
had their origin in visions, which he thought had been granted to him. In the
Advent of 1492 he had a dream which he firmly held to be a Divine revelation.
“He saw in the middle of the sky a hand bearing a sword, on which these words
were inscribed—Gladius Domini super terram cito et velociter.” He heard many clear and distinct voices
promising mercy to the good, threatening chastisement to the wicked, and
proclaiming that the wrath of God was at hand. Then, suddenly the sword was
turned towards the earth; the sky darkened; swords, arrows and flames rained
down; terrible thunderclaps were heard; and all the world was a prey to war,
famine and pestilence.”
BOOK IX.ALEXANDER VI. A.D. 1492-1503.
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