HISTORY OF THE POPES FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES

BOOK III

NICHOLAS V. AD 1447-1455.

THE FIRST PAPAL PATRON OF LITERATURE AND THE FINE ARTS,

CHAPTER I

ELECTION AND CHARACTER OF NICHOLAS V

EUGENIUS IV had devoted the energies of his life to the restoration of the Papal power, but the great work was but in its beginning, and far from completion. The remnant of the Council of Basle was still in existence, and the anti-Pope was living in Switzerland. The efforts of the partisans of the Council to alter the manner of Papal elections were still fresh in the minds of many, and the political condition of Italy, especially that of the States of the Church, was one of uncertainty and confusion. In view of this threatening position of affairs, Eugenius IV had, shortly before his death, renewed the Decrees of the General Councils of Lyons and Vienne regarding Papal elections, and appointed Cardinal Scarampo commander of all fortresses in the Roman dominions. The attitude adopted by King Alfonso of Naples was the principal cause of the latter measure.

The King having, in concert with Eugenrus IV, determined on an expedition against Florence, had been, ever since the beginning of the year, encamped at Tivoli, in the immediate neighbourhood of Rome, with a force of four thousand men, a circumstance which seemed seriously to endanger the liberty of the approaching Conclave. Alfonso had indeed given an assurance to several of the Cardinals that, in the event of the Pope’s death, he would observe absolute neutrality, and had also promised to afford protection against any attempted pressure. But his lengthened sojourn at Tivoli, the arrival of constant reinforcements for his army, and the impenetrable obscurity in which his plans were shrouded, were little calculated to allay the apprehensions of the Sacred College and of the members of the Court.

The Republican party was again astir in Rome. Its leader, Stefano Porcaro, publicly attacked “priestly authority” and was with difficulty silenced by the Vice-Camerlengo. Suspicious-looking persons appeared in the streets, and the Camerlengo brought in troops to maintain order. Many of the dangerous individuals were required to leave the City, but the attitude of the populace was so threatening that the merchants hid their goods in secure places.

The reports of the ambassadors in Rome testify to the fear which possessed men's minds. On the 20th February, 1447, when the condition of Eugenius had become hopeless, the ambassador of the Republic of Siena writes: "May God give us a good new Pastor, and may the election take place without strife. The state of affairs here gives us cause to fear the worst. May the Almighty be with us and take care of His Holy Church". After the death of Eugenius IV, the ambassador urged his fellow-countrymen to have public prayers offered for the Election of a good Pope.

The new election, however, was happily accomplished without disturbance, and in a most regular manner. Seldom, in fact, in any election, have all the prescribed formalities been carried out with such scrupulous exactness as in the Conclave in the Dominican Convent of Santa Maria sopra Minerva after the death of Eugenius IV. This was principally due to the wise precautions taken by the Cardinals, who were thoroughly convinced of the necessity, under the existing circumstances, of avoiding any flaw, or even the semblance of any flaw, in the election. Opinions regarding the different candidates for the Papacy were greatly divided in Rome; but the desire for a speedy election was general, f This desire, in effect, was not disappointed.

In the evening of the 4th March the Cardinals then present in Rome went into Conclave. Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, who, with the Bohemian, Procopius of Rabstein, and the ambassadors of Aragon and of Cyprus, had the honour of guarding the Conclave for two nights, has given us a full account of the proceedings.

The Sacred College at this time numbered twenty-four members. Two of these, Prospero Colonna and the noble Domenico Capranica, were the sole survivors of the Cardinals created by Martin V, and it was generally believed that the latter of the two would be the future Pope.

The composition of the Sacred College at the death of Eugenius IV bears witness to the care which he had taken to gather around him men of the greatest virtue, piety, and learning. The Spanish Cardinal, Juan de Carvajal, who, with Tommaso Parentucelli, had been created in December, 1446, was generally looked upon as the most eminent of the body.

The singular grandeur and depth of Carvajal’s character have won the esteem and even the admiration of writers whose judgment is habitually severe. He was indeed an ornament to the Sacred College, to the Church, and to humanity itself. He was absolutely free from the restless ambition and self-glorification, so common amongst the able men of the Renaissance. It was his nature, on the contrary, to withdraw and wait to be sought. To Pope Eugenius IV belongs the credit of having placed this man, who seemed born for ecclesiastical diplomacy, in his proper sphere of action. As a Cardinal, Carvajal continued to live modestly without pomp or splendour. "No one", says the biographer of Aeneas Sylvius, "saw the coarse garments which he wore beneath the purple, nor witnessed his fasts and his penances. The solid foundation on which his moral purity rested, was a stern sense of duty and obedience. His only idea was the consecration of his life to the Church, and especially to the promotion of the glory and power of Christ's Vicar".

After the "incorruptible and indefatigable" Carvajal we must mention his distinguished fellow-countryman, Juan de Torquemada, who belonged to a family of note; he had entered the Dominican order, was appointed Master of the Sacred Palace in 1431, and was employed in various embassies. At Basle he defended the rights of the Pope and of the Holy See against the supporters of the false conciliary ideas with such undaunted courage, that Eugenius IV bestowed on him the glorious title of "Defender of the Faith". In the Council assembled at Ferrara and transferred to Florence, he again served the cause of the Pope with ardent zeal and keen dialectic skill, and in 1439 tne grateful Eugenius raised him to the purple. Torquemada in his high position continued to wear the habit and punctually to follow the rule of his Order, and insisted on similar strictness on the part of his brethren in religion.

In regard to theology, Torquemada was undoubtedly the most learned member of the sacred College; a modern Protestant historian indeed considers him the greatest theologian of his age. This great Dominican used to say that the only abiding treasure in this life is science, which alone compensates man for the shortness of life by the prospect of immortality.

As a writer, Torquemada dealt with almost all the questions which in his day agitated the Church; he was the leader of the literary reaction in favour of the Papacy. His memory still lives in the Eternal City, in the foundation of the confraternity of the Annunciation established in 1460 for the purpose of providing dowries for poor girls. The picture of the Cardinal commending three poor maidens to the Blessed Virgin is preserved in the Chapel of the Confraternity, which he helped to build, at Sta Maria sopra Minerva. The Humanists, Tommaso Parentucelli and Bessarion, were noted for their learning and their devotion to the Church, while Cardinal Enrico de Allosio was known as the father of the poor.

There were, however, among the Cardinals many in whom the worldly element predominated; of this class were Barbo, Scarampo, and Guillaume d'Estouteville. Among non-Italian Cardinals few have in recent times attained such distinction as this wealthy Frenchman. He was connected with the Royal House of France, possessed many benefices, and lived in a style of princely splendour, but was by no means devoid of refined taste and culture. In his palace, worthy of a king, which Gregory XIII afterwards assigned to the German College, and at Sta Maria Maggiore, of which he was archpriest, the best of music was to be heard. It is very doubtful whether any foundation existed for the charges brought against his morals. The many churches which he built both in France and in Rome bear witness to a certain ecclesiastical feeling on his part, and he bestowed much care on the church of Sta Maria Maggiore, over whose high altar he erected a richly carved baldacchino with four porphyry columns.f The most splendid proof of his munificence to the Eternal City is to be seen in the church of St. Agostino, whose facade, with its Corinthian columns, is a characteristic specimen of the early Renaissance architecture of Rome.

We must now consider the manner in which different nations were represented in the Sacred College, six of whose twenty-four members were, at this time, absent from Rome. Eleven of the Cardinals were Italians; four, Spaniards; two, Frenchmen; and two, Greeks; while England, Germany, Hungary, Ppland, and Portugal each contributed one.

Notwithstanding the varied composition of the Sacred College, the old Roman factions of the Colonna and Orsini soon assumed antagonistic positions in the Conclave. The former of these parties was the strongest, and its candidate, Cardinal Prospero Colonna, had at the first scrutiny no less than ten votes, but he failed to obtain the two more which would have constituted the required majority of two-thirds. Next to Colonna came Domenico Capranica and Tommaso Parentucelli. The second scrutiny gave a like result, but the votes which had been given to Capranica and Parentucelli were more divided, and votes were given outside the Sacred College, as, for example, to St. Antoninus, the Archbishop of Florence, and to Nicholas of Cusa. The final decision of the election was in great measure due to Cardinal Tagliacozzo, Archbishop of Tarento, who proposed Parentucelli, Cardinal of Bologna, as one fitted by his love of peace, his learning, and his freedom from party spirit to occupy the highest position in Christendom. On the occasion of the third scrutiny Parentucelli, who had received the red hat but two and a half months previously, and who, of all the Cardinals, appeared to have the least chance, received the required twelve votes. The sudden agreement of the Sacred College in his regard caused such surprise that Cardinal Capranica could not credit the fact until he had again looked through the votes. When the majority of two-thirds had been established beyond the possibility of doubt, the remaining Cardinals gave their assent, and accordingly in the morning of the 6th March the election was announced by Cardinal Colonna to the expectant multitude as unanimous.

Everyone marvelled at Parentucelli's election. As the Cardinal of Portugal was leaving the Conclave he was asked whether the Cardinals had chosen a Pope. "No; the Pope has been chosen by God, not by the Cardinals", was his reply. The Sienese Ambassador, after exhorting his countrymen to render thanks to Almighty God that so distinguished and holy a Pontiff had been given to the Church, continued in the following words: "Truly in this election God has manifested His power, which surpasses all human prudence and wisdom".

The choice of a Cardinal who had kept aloof from all party strife caused the greatest rejoicing in Rome. "Although many", according to Aeneas Sylvius, "might have preferred a Pope of their own party, no one was hostile to him". It was a blessing to the Eternal City and to the Church at large to have a fresh outbreak of party animosity averted, and to see a man, whose worth had won the esteem of all, raised to the highest position. Parentucelli's election had, however, a far wider importance; it marks one of the chief turning points in the History of the Papacy, for with him the Christian Renaissance ascended the Pontifical Throne.

Throughout the States of the Church, as well as in Rome itself, the Cardinal of Bologna's elevation was the occasion of public festivities. As soon as the tidings reached Perugia the bells of the Palazzo Pubblico and of the Cathedral of San. Lorenzo were rung, and bonfires were lighted in the open squares. In Bologna the Palace of the Podesta was decorated with banners, and processions were made by command of the Senate for three days, in order to return thanks to God for the election of so excellent a Pastor. Brescia, Genoa, Siena, and other places beyond the limits of the States of the Church, shared the general feeling. How fully it was justified will be evident, if we glance at his character and previous life. In grateful remembrance of his former master and benefactor, the saintly Cardinal Niccold Albergati, he took the name of Nicholas V.

Tommaso Parentucelli first saw the light on the 15th November, 1397. It seems most probable that he was born at Sarzana, a small place on the coast of Liguria. His father, an upright and skilful physician, was by no means wealthy, and died when Tommaso was very young. The gifted and promising boy was early acquainted with hardship; poverty made it impossible for him to pursue his studies at the University of Bologna, where he had already won success. His mother, who was in very straitened circumstances, had in the meantime married again, and having several children by her second husband, was unable to afford him any assistance, so that he was entirely dependent on his own exertions. Happily he obtained the situation of tutor, first in the family of Rinaldo degli Albizzi, of Florence, and afterwards in that of Palla de Strozzi, the "Nestor of the learned Florentine aristocracy". The two years spent in the City, which was at that time the centre of Humanistic studies, were of great importance in the development of Tommaso Parentucelli's powers, and especially in the formation of his literary taste; they imparted the germ of that enthusiasm for learning and for art which afterwards bore such abundant fruit, and brought him into contact with all the most celebrated scholars of the day. At the end of these two years Parentucelli had saved enough money to enable him to return to Bologna, where he took a Master's Degree in Theology. He continued in friendly relations with both the noble families, who had treated him with much distinction while in their employment as tutor. Years afterwards, when he had reached the summit of power, and his former pupils were in exile, he had the happiness of being able to be of use to them.t

It says much for the disposition and for the virtues of the young scholar, that the Saintly Bishop of the City, Niccold Albergati, took him into his service. Three years later he was ordained priest, and for more than twenty years, in fact, until the death of the distinguished prelate, Tommaso was his constant companion, his confidential servant, and the Major Domo of his household and of his ecclesiastical establishment. The Historian of Humanism justly observes that "no higher testimony to the piety of Albergati's life can be given than the fact that a man so honourable and so free from all hypocrisy as was Parentucelli for years enjoyed his entire confidence. While, on the other hand, the modest and entire devotion of the future Pope to the service of his master, the filial care with which he tended his old age, and the pious gratitude which induced him, when called to fill the Papal Throne, to adopt the name of his departed benefactor, speak for him more eloquently than words could do".

After Albergati's elevation to the purple Parentucelli accompanied him to Rome, and thence to Florence, when the Papal Court migrated to that City. He was thus again brought into contact with the representatives of the Christian, as well as of the heathen Renaissance. Vespasiano da Bisticci has left us a pleasant picture of their social gatherings in Florence. "Every morning and evening", he says, "Lionardo and Carlo of Arezzo, Giannozzo Manetti, Giovanni Aurispa, Gasparo of Bologna, Poggio, and many other learned men, used to assemble in the open air, in the vicinity of the Papal Palace, for friendly and literary conversation. Tommaso Parentucelli always joined them. After leaving his Cardinal at home, he used to come, riding rapidly on a mule and accompanied by two servants, to take his part eagerly in their disputations". Parentucelli also often visited the Academy of Santo Spirito, in order to discuss philosophical and theological questions with the pious Master of Theology, Vangelista of Pisa; and he was even more frequently to be seen with the booksellers in Florence, into whose hands any money that he could spend found its way

Parentucelli appears to have first attracted the attention of the Court at the period of the negotiations with the Greeks, when his knowledge of Holy Scripture and of the Fathers, as well as his skill in argument, came into play. Eugenius IV rewarded the services which he rendered to the Church on this occasion by appointing him Apostolic Subdeacon, with a yearly income of three hundred ducats. In 1443 he lost his friend and patron, Albergati, but he soon found a new and more powerful protector in the Pope, who made him Vice-Camerlengo, and on the 27th November, 1444, conferred upon him the Bishopric of Bologna. The City was at the time in a state of revolt, and Parentucelli was unable to take possession of his See, as the steps taken by Eugenius in January, 1445, proved fruitless. To so poor a man the matter was serious, yet in the end it was the occasion of his further advancement, for the Pope, having had sufficient proof of his skill in diplomatic affairs, both during his connection with Albergati and when he acted independently at Florence and Naples, twice entrusted him with important missions to Germany. On the latter of these occasions he was successful in breaking up the League of the Electors which c&nstituted a serious danger to Rome, and was rewarded by a Cardinal's Hat (16 and 23 December, 1446)

The important position which the Cardinal of Bologna, as Parentucelli was now called, soon attained in the Sacred College, is evident from the remarkable fact that the Sienese Ambassadors, in one of their despatches, speak of him as a second Pope. Pope Eugenius IV is said to have foretold his elevation to the Papal throne; and his biographers mention many other similar predictions, to which, however, we must not give too much weight.

The outward appearance of the man who had thus rapidly risen from poverty and obscurity to the highest dignity in Christendom —who had, in the course of three short years, become Bishop, Cardinal, and Pope— was anything but distinguished. Contemporaries describe him as small and weakly, with sharply-cut features, and keen black eyes, a pale complexion, and a powerful voice. The plainbut intellectual countenance of Nicholas V may still be recognized in his modest effigy in the crypt of the Vatican. His disposition was lively, impatient, and hasty; he was extremely exact in all he did, and expected to be understood at a glance. In these and in other respects he was a complete contrast to his predecessor, who was grave, dignified, and silent. He was wont to speak much and rapidly, and dispensed with all irksome ceremony. Dissimulation and hypocrisy were hateful to his open-hearted nature. He was affable, obliging, and cheerful; he showed himself to the people more frequently than Eugenius had done, and gave audiences at all hours of the day. His servants were all Germans or Frenchmen; the Italians, he thought, had their minds always set upon higher things, while Frenchmen and Germans contented themselves with the employments entrusted to them, did not trouble themselves about other matters, and were satisfied and faithful in the lowest service. His table was simple, and he was very temperate; he drank wine largely mixed with water; choice wines were only served for the prelates and great personages from France, Germany, and England, with whom he had become acquainted in his travels, and to whom he delighted to show hospitality when they came to Rome. Alike as Bishop, Cardinal, and Pope, he was so kind and affable to all comers that no one went away unsatisfied. He loved peace; probably no prince of the time had so profound a horror of war. A signal proof of his benevolence was furnished by the foundation of the great Papal Almshouse near the Church of the German Campo Santo, where on Mondays and Fridays about two thousand poor people received bread and wine, and every day a dinner was given to thirteen.

The remembrance of past hardships was no doubt one of the sources of these virtues which long made the name of Nicholas V to be blessed. Nothing in Florence struck him as so noble as the splendour with which science and art were clothed; it seemed to him a disgrace that learned men and artists should starve. He used, even in those days, to say that if ever he had wealth, he would spend it on two things: books and buildings. His defects were irritability and impetuosity. His contemporaries greatly over-estimated his intellectual powers. He was well-versed in theology, in the Holy Scriptures, and in the Fathers; he was gifted with a good memory, great quickness of apprehension, and singular eloquence; but his mind was one essentially receptive in its character, and although capable of keen enjoyment in literary pursuits, it was devoid of productive power. He had, however, considerable talent for collecting, arranging, and editing. When a young man, he spent his money almost entirely on books, and, like a genuine collector, would have them well written and tastefully bound; he did not look to the price, and often gave more for them than he could well afford. He enriched his books with marginal notes, and his hand-writing, which was a transition between the ancient and modern style, was greatly admired by good judges. He was most keen in the search for new works, ransacking the libraries wherever he went, looking for fresh treasures. Both in Germany and in France he made valuable discoveries, and, from every journey which he took with Cardinal Albergati, brought back literary spoils. The future founder of the Vatican Library gradually became one of the first connoisseurs of his day in books, and was looked upon as a great authority among bibliographers and book collectors; but not so great among scholars and literary men. No one so well knew how to prepare and arrange a library. The plan of a monastic library which he drew up for Cosmo de Medici is still preserved, and was often made use of, especially, according to the Pope's well-informed biographer, Vespasiano da Bisticci, in the Libraries of St. Mark at Florence and the Abbey at Fiesole, and in those of the Duke of Urbino and of Alessandro Sforza of Pesaro. Nicholas V is not, however, to be looked upon as a literary specialist: he had no favourite line of study, but was a well-informed dilettante, wandering at will wherever his fancy led him. The laudatory words of Aeneas Sylvius are to be understood in this sense when he writes, "from his youth he has been initiated into all liberal arts, he is acquainted with all philosophers, historians, poets, cosmographers, and theologians; and is no stranger to civil and canon law, or even to medicine".

A man whose intellectual sympathies were so many-sided was well fitted to be the patron of scholars. Nicholas V —a great part of whose life had been spent in close companionship with a saint— was also sincerely pious. He was equally devoted to ecclesiastical and profane literature. No sooner had he found in Germany a copy of Tertullian's complete works, than he at once sent the precious treasure to Niccolo de' Niccoli at Florence. According to Vespasiano da Bisticci, he was the first to bring into Italy the sermons of St. Leo the Great, and St. Thomas' commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew. But his special favourite was the great St. Augustine, whose influence on his own and subsequent ages has surpassed that of any other doctor of the East or West. In his days of poverty the works of St. Augustine, in twelve costly volumes, adorned his bookshelves, and he was unwearied in his efforts to collect from various manuscripts the letters of the Saint.

This fact seems worthy of note, and is a proof amongst many that Parentucelli was a Christian Humanist. Almost all the representatives of the Christian Renaissance movement had a special veneration for this Father, who, after working his way through the contradictions of heathen culture, gathered up in his immortal works all the philosophical and theological truths acquired and prepared for future ages by Christian antiquity. This reverence for St. Augustine had a special fitness at the period of which we are speaking, for the patristic learning which reached its climax in the works of the great Bishop of Hippo had grown up in the midst of the ancient literature, in living contact with it, and was the fruit of controversy and criticism. It was therefore especially adapted to meet and combat the false heathen Renaissance.

Nicholas V had the genuine humility which became a representative of the Christian Renaissance. All his contemporaries bear witness that modesty, the chief ornament of the scholar, was one of the virtues which distinguished this most affable Pope. A German chronicler of the Popes, writing in the fifteenth century, says, "Nicholas V was a good, peaceful man, of whom I never heard any harm said, and in many things he showed himself gentle and lowly, and did not much exalt himself, however wise, and learned, and mighty he became". 

The manner in which Nicholas V looked upon his high position was in perfect keeping with his noble and Christian sentiments. His old friend, Vespasiano da Bisticci, the Florentine bookseller, has handed down to us a conversation which he had with the Pope, and which may here find a fitting place. "Not long after the elevation of Nicholas V", writes Vespasiano, "I attended on the day appointed for public audiences in the Papal Palace. I had hardly entered the audience chamber when the Pope observed me, and said aloud that I was to wait, as he would speak with me alone. He soon concluded the audience, and I was led to him. When we were alone, he said, with a smile: 'Vespasiano, have not certain proud lords been greatly surprised, — have the people of Florence been able to believe that a priest who formerly rang the bells has become Pope?' I replied that the people will believe that it was on account of the virtues of His Holiness and in order that Italy may again be at peace. Thereupon the Pope said: 'I pray God to give me grace that I may accomplish that which fills my soul: that is to say, that I may restore peace, and throughout my Pontificate use no other weapon save that one which Christ has given me for my defence, namely, His Holy Cross'."

In his great schemes for the promotion of art and science, Nicholas V always had the welfare of the Church, whose head he was, before him as his first object. To exalt the mystical Bride of Christ by these means was the chief aim of his Pontificate. All the magnificent works which he undertook were for her adornment, but this pious and cultivated Pope was not spared to see them completed.

CHAPTER II.

THE FIRST YEARS OF THE REIGN OF POPE NICHOLAS V. SETTLEMENT OF ECCLESIASTICAL AND POLITICAL AFFAIRS

Political and ecclesiastical affairs were alike in a state of extreme confusion at the time when Nicholas V ascended the Pontifical throne. France and England were at war; in Germany the authority of King Frederick III, on whose fidelity he could rely, was thoroughly shaken, and a great part of Bohemia was severed from the Church. The condition in the East was yet more deplorable. The national antipathies of the Greeks and the craftiness of their Theologians had stifled the Union proclaimed at Florence, and ever since the disastrous day of Varna (1444) the advance of Islam had been unceasing. In Italy there was disquiet, and perils threatened the Papacy. The temper of the most powerful of Italian Princes, King Alfonso of Naples, may be gathered from his favourite saying, which had special reference to the Head of the Church. "Blows", he said, "have a better effect on priests than prayers". Milan was governed by Filippo Maria Visconti, whose "cruel egotism" stopped at nothing. The States of the Church were in unspeakable misery, the country was devastated by war, the cities were desolate, the streets beset by bands of robbers, more than fifty villages had been razed to the ground or completely pillaged by the soldiery; and a number of the free inhabitants had been sold as bondsmen, or had died of starvation in dungeons. Added to all this, the Papal vassals were openly or secretly endeavouring to make themselves independent; Rome was impoverished, and the Papal Treasury empty.

In ecclesiastical matters, the prospect, if not equally hopeless, was gloomy enough. In Savoy, Switzerland, the Tyrol, and Germany, especially in the free cities, the party of the Council still numbered many adherents. The death of Eugenius IV had re-awakened their hopes, and they thought the moment had come when the anti-Pope, Felix V, whom they had raised up to oppose him, might be put in his place, and the triumph of their principles be thus secured. The anti-Pope himself went so far as to write a querulous letter, requiring "a certain Tommaso of Sarzana, who has presumed to mount the Apostolic Chair, and call himself Nicholas V” at once to renounce his usurped position, and to appear before the Tribunal.

The conciliatory and prudent dispositions with which the new Pope prepared to meet all these difficulties, are evidenced by his own words, which we have already cited. On his election, he at once appeared in the character of a Prince of Peace, after the example of Him by whom the keys were given to St. Peter; these keys, Nicholas V, who had no family coat of arms, adopted as his armorial bearings, adding to them the beautiful motto, "My heart is ready, O Lord". His predecessor had waged a stern and deadly warfare with the foes of the Church. Nicholas V deemed that the work, which had been begun by force, could be best completed by gentle measures. Eugenius IV had made the Papacy dreaded. Nicholas V wished to manifest its power of healing and reconciliation.

The pacific disposition of the Pope, which the ambassadors at once made known in terms of praise, contributed more than anything to lessen existing troubles and to hasten his general recognition. Opposition was to be apprehended from King Alfonso and from the German princes. Nicholas V succeeded in winning them all. On the very day after his election Cardinals Condulmaro and Scarampo went, at his desire, to the Neapolitan monarch, who, by their means, was induced to send four ambassadors to Rome on the 18th March, for the purpose of coming to an agreement with the Holy See and of taking part in the ceremonies of the Pope's coronation. When the German ambassadors congratulated him on his elevation, the Pope gave them assurances calculated to set all misgivings completely at rest. "I will", he said, "not only approve and confirm whatever my predecessor agreed upon with the German nation, but will also hold to it and carry it out. The Roman Pontiffs have stretched their arms out too far, and have left scarcely any power to the other bishops. And the Basle people have crippled the hands of the Apostolic See too much. But these things had to be. Whoever does what is unworthy must also make up his mind to suffer injustice; he who seeks to straighten a tree that is leaning to one side easily bends it to the other. It is my firm purpose not to impair the rights of the bishops who are called to share my cares, for I hope the better to uphold my own jurisdiction by not assuming that which is foreign to me".

The German ambassadors, by the Pope's particular request, took part in the ceremony of his Coronation, which was performed with great pomp, on the 19th March, 1447, by Cardinal Prospero Colonna in front of the Vatican Basilica. Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, as deacon, carried the cross before the Pope in the procession. On the Coronation day Nicholas V promised King Frederick III that he would observe the treaty concluded between him and his predecessor, and declared his intention of carrying on the work which Eugenius had begun, while he expected the King on his part to continue to protect the Apostolic See, and engaged to send him the confirmation of the public convention by special legates. Immediately after his Coronation, according to ancient usage, the Pope solemnly took possession of the Lateran. Piccolomini has given a brief and graphic account of the procession. "It was headed” he says, "by the Blessed Sacrament, surrounded by numerous lighted torches. The Pope was preceded by three banners and an umbrella; he rode on a white horse, bore the golden Rose in his left hand, and blessed the people with his right. The ambassadors of Aragon and the Barons alternately led the Pope's horse. At Monte Giordano the Jews delivered to him their law, and he condemned their interpretation. After the conclusion of the ecclesiastical function in the Lateran, gold and silver medals were given to the cardinals, prelates, and ambassadors. The banquet next took place; the Pope was served in the Palace, and all the others in the House of the Canons. We," continues Aeneas Sylvius, who, together with Procopius of Rabstein, was acting as ambassador of Frederick III, "were the guests of Cardinal Carvajal".

It was long since Rome had seen such festal days as those by which the Coronation of Nicholas V was celebrated. Ambassadors came from all parts of Italy, and afterwards from Hungary, England, France, and Burgundy to promise obedience to the Holy See.

Poland also, which up to this time had continued neutral, sent ambassadors to profess submission. As early as July, 1447, King Casimir had entrusted Wysota of Gorka, the Provost of Posen, and Peter of Szamotdl the Castellan of Kalisz with this mission, charging them, however, to demand for him the collation to all benefices not in the gift of the Ordinaries, the grant, for a period of six years, of a tenth of all tithes in the country, and finally the revenue of Peter's pence for several years. The Pope conceded to the King the right of collation to ninety benefices, and, instead of the tenth of the tithes for six years and the Peter's pence for several years, granted to Poland the sum of ten thousand ducats charged on the ecclesiastical revenues.

Of all these embassies none was received with greater distinction than that of the Florentines, for Nicholas V wished to manifest the value which he attached to the continuance of his personally friendly relations with the Republic and with Cosmo de' Medici. Vespasiano da Bisticci tells us with patriotic pride how the ambassadors of his native city made their solemn entrance into Rome with a hundred and twenty horse, and were received by the Pope in a public consistory. The hall was crowded, and Gianozzo Manetti made an address, which lasted for an hour and a quarter. The Pope listened, with closed eyes, in perfect stillness, so that one of the attendant chamberlains thought it well to touch him many times gently on the arm, believing him to have fallen asleep. But, as soon as Manetti had finished, Nicholas V at once arose, and, to the astonishment of all, answered every point of the long discourse. The circumstance made a great impression, and tended materially to extend the fame of Nicholas V. In order to understand this, we must remember how the idea of the Roman Senate and the speeches made there had at this time taken possession of men's minds. In the Renaissance Age a speech might be an event; it is said, indeed, that the discourse which Tommaso Parentucelli pronounced at the obsequies of Eugenius IV decided the Cardinals to elect him Pope.

The able manner in which Nicholas V answered the addresses of the different ambassadors who came to pay him homage produced the greatest effect. "A report soon went forth through the various countries, that Rome had as Pope a man of incomparable intellect, learning, amiability, and liberality, and these were truly the qualities which won for Nicholas V. the appreciation of the world".

The happy results of the new Pontiff's policy of peace and reconciliation were soon visible. An agreement was made with King Alfonso of Naples, who might have been a most dangerous enemy to the Papacy, and, on the 24th March, 1447, his ambassadors, in a public consistory, promised true and perfect obedience to the Pope.

The German Empire was not to be so quickly won. King Frederick III and a few of the Princes had provisionally recognized the Pope, and by their ambassadors promised obedience, but the general acknowledgment of the Electors and the other Princes had still to be obtained, and it was not improbable that they might be tempted to take the opportunity of again bringing ecclesiastical affairs into question and favouring the adherents of the Synod of Basle, who, with Duke Louis of Savoy, son of the anti-Pope, were making all possible efforts to find powerful patrons and protectors. They hoped much from King Charles VII of France, whom Nicholas was also endeavouring to win. The Basle party so far succeeded that the king summoned a new congress, at which the envoys of the Synod and those of the Duke of Savoy were to appear. The electors of Cologne, Treves, the Palatinate, and Saxony, who had not yet acknowledged the Pope, joined France. It was not anxiety for the reform of the church, but private interests of various kinds, which induced these electors to take part with a foreign power in opposition to their own King and to the German Princes, who had already declared themselves for Eugenius IV and Nicholas V. In union with these Electors, and the ambassadors of Savoy and of England, and a few members of the Synod of Basle, Charles VII, in June 1447, opened a numerous assembly at Bourges, which was subsequently transferred to Lyons. It was then decided that Felix should resign, and that Nicholas should make many concessions to the Basle Schismatics and summon a general Council as soon as possible to meet in a French city. Neither Nicholas nor Felix, however, assented to this plan.

Almost at the same time King Frederick convened those German Princes, who had broken up the anti-Roman League of Electors, to meet at Aschaffenburg. Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, on whom Nicholas V had recently conferred the Bishopric of Trieste, and the Royal Counsellor Hartung von Cappell, represented the King. Nicholas of Cusa appeared on behalf of the Pope, though without instructions. The assembled princes decided that Nicholas V should be proclaimed throughout Germany as the lawful Pope, and that on his part he should confirm the Concordat entered into by his predecessor. For the perfect adjustment of all differences a fresh Diet was shortly to be held at Nuremberg, and, unless the matter were in the meantime settled with the Pope's Legate, it was to decide the long standing question of compensation to be given to the Pope for diminution of income, in accordance with a promise already made by the Basle party. King Frederick III now proceeded to take decided measures in favour of Nicholas V. He required the Schismatics of Basle to dissolve their assembly, and withdrew the Royal safe conduct previously granted; on the 21st August, 1447, he issued an edict commanding everyone in the empire to acknowledge Nicholas V as the true Pope and to reject all other orders. Frederick solemnly repeated his declaration of obedience to the Pope, in his own name and that of his country, in St. Stephen's Cathedral at Vienna.

But on this very occasion the want of real unity was manifested. The King desired to give all possible importance to this public recognition of Nicholas V by the presence and assent of the University of Vienna, but the opposition which he encountered was so violent that he was obliged to enforce his commands by threats of deprivation of benefices and emoluments and other penalties. The jurists and physicians then yielded, and finally the faculties of theology and arts made up their minds, under compulsion and by constraint, to accede to the Royal desire. Some time afterwards, when Cardinal Carvajal came to Vienna as Legate from Nicholas V, the adhesion of the University to the Council, to which both King and Pope were adverse, showed itself anew. Many in Germany shared the sentiments of the University, and if Rome ultimately gained the victory it was in no small degree due to the skill with which her envoys conducted the difficult negotiations, which at last resulted in the submission of the Count Palatine Louis, the Dukes Otho and Stephen of Bavaria, the Count of Wiirtemberg, the Bishops of Worms and Spires, and the Electors of Cologne, Treves, and Saxony.

These separate agreements prepared the way for the Concordat, concluded at Vienna on the 17th February, 1448, between the Holy See and the King of the Romans, and confirmed by Nicholas V on the 19th March in the same year.

The Concordat of Vienna begins with the words: — "In the name of God, Amen. In the year 1448, on the 17th February, the following Concordat was concluded and accepted between our Holy Father and Lord, Pope Nicholas V, the Apostolic See, and the German nation, by the Cardinal Legate Juan Carvajal and King Frederick, with the assent of most of the electors and other spiritual and temporal princes of the nation". Then follow the several decisions by which the rights of the Apostolic See were considerably extended. The Concordat of Constance between Martin V and the German nation serves as a foundation for that of Vienna, which literally embodies a great many of the conditions established on the former occasion. The Vienna Concordat recognizes the reservations of ecclesiastical benefices contained in the Canon law as well as those introduced by John XXII and Benedict XII; the appointment to bishoprics by free election, subject to the Pope's right of confirmation, and also, in case of manifest reasons, the nomination of more worthy and fitting persons to such posts with the advice of the Cardinals; the arrangement in virtue of which all canonries and other benefices becoming vacant in the alternate months were to be filled up by the Pope, and finally the Annates, which were to be discharged in moderate amounts and in instalments payable every two years.

This Concordat, no doubt, temporarily guarded the Holy See from being suddenly, and without any adequate compensation, despoiled of a great part of its necessary revenues, and yet the great evil from which the Church suffered in Germany was by no means checked. If the exercise of patronage from so great a distance and with insufficient knowledge of persons and of local circumstances had its drawbacks, yet in view of the pride of birth and the distinctions of caste which became more and more dominant in the German chapters during the fifteenth century, its tendency was beneficial. Nevertheless, the good that might have resulted was greatly marred by the imperfect education of a portion of the German clergy, and the want of discipline which prevailed, and also by the recklessness with which many succeeding Popes exercised their right. Thus seventy years later, when the storm of the new doctrines burst over the country, hundreds of incumbents who held their preferments from Rome fell away like the withered leaves from a tree in autumn.

The next thing to be accomplished was the recognition and promulgation of the Vienna Concordat throughout the several parts of the empire. The Pope brought this about very gradually by means of separate negotiations with the individual German Princes, the most powerful of whom had to be won over by important concessions. The Archbishop of Salzburg was the first f to assent to the Vienna agreement (22nd April, 1448); the Elector of Mayence followed his example in July, 1449, and the Elector of Treves in 1450. Cologne held out for some time, and the Concordat was not accepted by Strasburg, its last opponent, until 1476.

The Vienna Concordat not only established a new order of ecclesiastical affairs in Germany, but also virtually annihilated the Synod of Basle, which had latterly become a real scourge to the Church. We may say that the death-knell of this assembly was sounded on the 17th February, 1448. The fact that the city of Basle still continued for some time to defy the authority of the King of the Romans is characteristic of the position of the empire. In 1448 Frederick III was compelled to threaten it with an interdict, and at last the Senators felt it necessary to require the members of the Phantom Council to depart. On the 25th June they determined to transfer themselves to Lausanne, and on the 4th July, accompanied by troops, left for that place. The Bishop of Basle, the city, and the whole diocese then made their submission to the Pope, who, in a Bull dated 13th July, 1448, restored them to favour.

The anti-Pope and his adherents now felt that all further opposition to the authority of Nicholas V would be fruitless, and that a seemly retreat was the only thing to be thought of. By the intervention of France this course was made easy.

In the summer of 1448, Charles VII sent a brilliant embassy to Rome to make solemn profession of obedience to the Pope, and to propose measures for the termination of the Schism. Nicholas V entered into negotiations with the Archbishop of Rheims, the chief of the French ambassadors, and shortly afterwards Felix V expressed his willingness to renounce the papal dignity. On the 18th January, 1449, Pope issued a Bull revoking all confiscations, suspensions, excommunications, and penalties affecting Felix V, the Synod of Basle and its adherents, their possessions and dignities. In the further course of the negotiations for union the pacific Nicholas V carried concession to its utmost possible limits; with his approval, the anti-Pope, before his abdication, issued three documents confirming all disciplinary decrees promulgated during his pontificate, removing all censures pronounced against Rome and its adherents, and again ratifying all privileges and favours which he had granted. Finally, the Pope consented that Felix V should resign his usurped dignity into the hands of the Council of Lausanne (7th April, I449). After the dismissal of its Pope, the moribund Council was also induced, in its third session, April 10th, 1449, to revoke its former censures, and in the fourth, on the 19th April, acting on the fiction of a vacancy of the Holy See, it elected as Pope, Tommaso of Sarzana, known in his obedience as Nicholas V. In the next session, on the 25th April, the assembly formally dissolved itself.

Though appearances were thus saved, the triumph of the true Pope was complete, and he could now hope that the jubilee to be celebrated in the following year would be attended with peculiar splendour. The tidings of the final suppression of the Schism awakened the greatest joy amongst the Roman clergy and people. At nightfall horsemen scoured the streets, bearing torches in their hands and loudly cheering Nicholas V. Processions in token of thanksgiving were made through the Borgo by his order.

In fulfilment of the promise made by his ambassadors, the Pope published three Bulls at Spoleto, in June, 1449, revoking, by the first, all censures pronounced against the partisans of the Synod of Basle, by the second, confirming all nominations to benefices made by it and the anti-Pope, and by the third, restoring all who had been deprived of their positions during the time of the Schism. He bestowed on the late anti-Pope the dignity of Cardinal of Sta Sabina, made him Papal Legate and Vicar for life of Savoy and the territory belonging to Berne, in the Diocese of Lausanne, and conferred on him a pension from the Apostolic Chamber. Felix retired to the solitude of Ripaille, on the Lake of Geneva, and died there on the 7th January, 1451. Since his days no anti-Pope has arisen, and his case is a further proof of the old truth that the evil of a Schism in the Church is greater than any evil which that Schism professes to correct. From the time that the assembly at Basle became schismatical all hope of the long desired Church Reform grew dim, and the way was opened for a reaction calculated to bury in oblivion not only the false and revolutionary projects of the Synods of Constance and Basle, but even those which were just and moderate. The Council of Reform, which was a condition of the Frankfort Concordat of the Princes, and which was again promised in the Vienna Concordat, never took place. The period ot Councils was past and was succeeded by one of Concordats, a season of restoration and of reaction. It became more and more evident that the deplorable issue of the Synod of Basle had dealt a severe blow to the theory which it represented.

The Spanish theologian, Rodericus de Arevalo, in a work dedicated to Cardinal Bessarion in the time of Paul II, observes, "Men have now none of that respect and love for Councils which some suppose. We know that the nations of Christendom were put to great trouble and immense expense in maintaining their ambassadors and prelates at Basle and all to no purpose. What did that assembly procure for the Christian world save strife and schism? No one who looks back to its results can desire that the unity which the Church now enjoys should be again, to the detriment of Princes and people, disturbed by a similar assembly”.

The name of "Council", which had wrought such confusion, began gradually to lose its magic power. But ideas which have taken a deep hold upon the human mind are not quickly dispelled, and worthy men who were bent on reform, even after the sad failure of the Basle Synod, clung to the hope that the Parliamentary principle would yet assert itself in the Church; among those who cherished aspirations of this nature, we must mention the celebrated Carthusian, Jakob von Jüterbogk.

After peace had been restored to the Church, when the Schism was at an end, and Nicholas V was universally acknowledged to be the lawful Pope, this ardent reformer addressed a memorial on the subject to him. The multitude of abuses, Jakob von Jüterbogk declares, had impelled him, unworthy though he was, to raise his voice and cry for reform, and to proclaim its urgent necessity. The Synods of Siena, of Constance, and of Basle having failed to accomplish that which the faithful expected, and the Schism being now at an end, the cry must, he says, again be raised, and to whom can it better be addressed than ‘to him who sits in the chair of Peter, who is possessed of the highest Apostolic dignity, and is the one vicar of Christ?" Thanks to the vigilance of former Pastors, decisions, decrees, and canons abound; new laws are not required, but the old ones ought to be obeyed. It is the duty of tke Pope to feed the sheep of the Lord, and to see that the precepts of the Church are observed.

The author proceeds to animadvert with much freedom on many abuses in the government of the Church, and to remind the Pope of his duties. His observations allude rather to the period from 1434-1447 than to Nicholas V himself, for whom he had a great esteem, and by whom several of his works were approved. "If Christ were again on earth”, he asks, "and occupied the Apostolic See, would He approve the present practice of that See in regard to benefices and to the Sacraments of the Church; the many reservations, collations, annates, provisions, expectancies, and benefices which are given for money; the revocations, annullations, nonobstantia, especially in regard to the power of election and appointment by which those, who have a canonical right, are excluded". The Pope's authority is conferred upon him that he may build up, not that he may destroy, and he must exercise it according to the will of God. Jakob then proceeds to consider the office of the Pope, whom he views as the head of the many members of the Church. He is the ruler of the Church, but he is himself bound to take the will of God and the decisions of Councils for his rule. Further on he complains of the simony then dominant, and brings forward the instance of the recent simoniacal practices of two bishops in Germany. Finally, he calls on the Pope to remove abuses by means of a General Council lawfully summoned Jakob of Jüterbogk lived at Erfurt, and was connected with its university, the only one in Germany which maintained the false conciliar theories.

It cannot be a matter of surprise that the German Carthusian's commendation of Parliamentary Church government found little favour with the Pope; but it must be regretted that the reforming zeal of the early days of his Pontificate gradually cooled down. The fault lay not so much with the learned and virtuous Pope as with the Italians surrounding him, whcse incomes, in great part, depended on abuses, and who, accordingly, like a leaden weight, impeded every movement in the direction of reform, Jakob von Jüterbogk complains bitterly in his treatise on the seven stages of the Church, that "no nation in Christendom offers such opposition to reform as Italy, and this from love of gain and worldly profit, and fear of losing its privileges”. The passionate pessimism of this work contrasts unfavourably with the tone of his memorial, while his exaggerated exaltation of the authority of Councils, and his assertion of their right to depose the Pope, were little calculated to promote the cause of reform, and tended rather to reawaken the schism that had so lately been set at rest

It was well that these sentiments were not shared by the majority of Jakob's contemporaries. The violence of his language in this treatise is probably due to his vexation at the collapse of the Council, and its proved inability single-handed to accomplish the work of reformation. Geiler von Kaysersberg, a distinguished man, whose zeal for reform was in no way second to that of Jakob, at a somewhat later period, expressed his firm conviction of the impossibility of carrying out a "general reformation in Christendom by means of parliamentary assemblies alone. The whole Council of Basle”, he says, "was not sufficiently powerful to reform a convent of nuns when the city took their part. How then can a Council reform the whole of Christendom? And if it is so hard to reform a convent of women, what would it be to reform one of men, especially if it contains none that are single-minded, and they have many partisans? This is why the reformation of all Christendom, or of any class of men therein, is so difficult. Therefore, let each one hide his head in his own corner, and see that he keeps God's law and does what is right, that he may save his soul". 

No Council ever pursued so suicidal a course as did that of Basle. The suppression of the schism by the Council of Constance did more than anything to win men's minds to the conciliar views, whereas at Basle squabbles about the limitations of its powers took the place of the urgently-needed work of reform, and ended by reviving the dreaded schism. The aversion to Councils increased, as it became more evident that, in spite of all the great hopes and expectations it had called forth, the Basle Synod had brought schism and revolution into the Church instead of reform. The old constitution was now more firmly established than before.

The change in the tide of opinion, which in some cases had been very sudden, is strikingly manifested in the speech of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, the former champion of the supremacy of Councils, at the coronation of Frederick III by the Pope in the year 1452. Speaking in the name and in the presence of the newly-crowned Emperor, he observes that another Emperor would have demanded a Council, but that Frederick holds the Pope with his Cardinals to be the best Council.

The bugbear of a General Council was indeed repeatedly brought forward by the party opposed to the Papacy, but it proved to be a mere empty threat. The utter hopelessness of the cause was fully manifested in the next generation, when an adventurous prelate, whose person "and fate are veiled in obscurity, but who is known by the name of Archbishop of Carniola, made attempt to resuscitate the Council of Basle. Even the support afforded by Lorenzo the Magnificent was powerless to do anything towards the realization of what a modern historian has well called a delirious dream, so thoroughly had the Holy See in the meantime regained its ancient authority.

Many circumstances tended to favour the re-establishment of Papal power. The fruitlessness of all the efforts made on behalf of ecclesiastical parliaments had naturally produced weariness and exhaustion. The reigning Pontiff was, moreover, peculiarly fitted to bring about a reconcilia-tion between the Papacy and its opponents. The first measures of his reign tended towards this result, to which, besides, the influence of the theological literature of the day, with its brilliant vindication of the Papal system, materially contributed. 

In the foremost rank of the champions who took up their pens on behalf of the Holy See we must name the great Spanish canonist, Cardinal Juan de Torquemada. The “Summa against the enemies of the Church” which he wrote in 1450, is the most important work of the later mediaeval period on the question of the extent of the Papal power. In his preface he gives the following explanation of the aim of his book: — "If ever it was incumbent on Catholic doctors, as soldiers of Christ, to protect the Church with powerful weapons, lest many, led astray by simplicity, or error, or craft and deception, should forsake her fold, that duty devolves upon them now. For, in these troublous times, some pestilent men, puffed up with ambition, have arisen, and, with diabolical craft and deceit, have striven to disseminate false doctrines regarding the spiritual as well as the temporal power. With these they have assailed the whole Church, inflicting grievous wounds upon her, and proceeding to rend her unity, to tarnish the splendour of her glory, to destroy the order established by God, and shamefully to obscure her beauty; they have undertaken to crush the Primacy of the Apostolic See and maim the supreme authority conferred on it by God; they have so poisoned the whole body of the Church that hardly any part of her seems to be free from stains and wounds. The sacrilegious accusations of these godless men against the Church and the Holy See are shamelessly published everywhere. Thus not only is evangelical truth attacked, but the way is prepared for divisions and errors, dangers to souls, dissensions between princes and nations, and it is evident to all that the assaults of these persons are aimed not only at a portion of the Church, but at the very foundations of the Christian religion. Catholic scholars should hasten to oppose these antagonists with the invincible weapons of the faith. Therefore, incited by zeal for it and for the honour of Christ's Bride, I have written a book, with the title of ‘Summa against the enemies of the Church and the Primacy’. I have here, as it seems to me, by passages from Holy Scripture and by the irrefragable decisions of the Fathers, sufficiently refuted the assertions of these unprincipled men, and shown that they are to be eschewed by all faithful Christians". These introductory words manifest the polemical character of the work, in which the Cardinal, who was firmly attached to the Thomistic tradition, strongly upholds the Papal power against the tendencies of the Synod of Basle.

The importance of Torquemada's work, which is dis-tinguished by its learning and by the keen logic of its arguments, became more and more appreciated as time went on, and even in the eighteenth century it was looked upon as a literary arsenal by the defenders of the Holy See.

Another Spaniard, the Canonist Rodericus Sancius de Arevalo, at this time dedicated to Nicholas V a book which, like that of Torquemada, combated the ecclesiastical parliamentarianism of the schismatics of Basle.

Rodericus Sancius, while serving as ambassador from the King of Castile at the Court of Frederick III, did his best to put an end to the neutrality of Germany, which constituted a serious danger to Rome. In a discourse which he pronounced in Frederick's presence, he urged him to promote the restoration of ecclesiastical unity by a simple adhesion to the lawful Pope. The "Dialogue regarding remedies for the schism", dedicated by Rodericus to Garcia Enriquez, Royal Councillor and Archbishop of Seville, belongs to this period. The first part of this treatise, which has never yet been printed, deals with the authority of the Holy See in general. In the four chapters which compose the second part, Rodericus shows that the so-called neutrality and withdrawal of obedience are in all cases forbidden, that they lead to heresy and schism, and that the ecclesiastical dignitaries who adopt such dangerous measures lose the powers conferred upon them, because they sever themselves from the centre of unity. Rodericus de Arevalo was one of the most distinguished opponents of the Council theory. Subsequently, under Paul II, in a work dedicated to Cardinal Bessarion, he controverted the errors of those who were never weary of exalting Councils as a panacea even for the threatened Turkish peril. The beautifully-written original manuscript of this treatise, ornamented with exquisite miniatures, once in Cardinal Bessarion's possession, is now preserved in the library of St. Mark's at Venice. The author begins by attacking exaggerated views of the importance of Councils, and justly observes that in the primitive Church their occurrence was not so frequent as some people supposed. Reforms, he says, will always be needed in the Church; if they can only be accomplished by Councils, it follows that they must sit perpetually. Here, in fact, we have the real question at issue. If the fanatics of the party could have had their way, there can be no doubt that the Council, considering itself equal in authority to the Pope, would, under pretext of reform, have gradually assumed the whole government of the Church, and the Holy See would have been no longer necessary. How, then, are reforms in ecclesiastical affairs to be carried out? Rodericus answers the question in the second part of his work. In the first place, he says, let due obedience be rendered to the Apostolic See; then let good and loyal bishops be elected, prelates and clergy filled with the spirit of Christ appointed everywhere, and, above all, let visitations be extensively made, for the discovery and remedy of existing evils.

The celebrated preacher, St. John Capistran, who had written a great volume against the Fathers of Basle in the reign of Eugenius IV, now produced a treatise "on the authority of the Churc"h, in opposition to the false Council theories, and dedicated it to Pope Nicholas.

Although we cannot enumerate all the champions who at this time came forward to defend the rights of the Holy See, the name of the Venetian, Piero del Monte, pupil of Guarino, and Bishop of Brescia from the year 1442, must not be passed over. This remarkable man continued, in the days of Nicholas V, to display the same zeal which had characterized him under that Pontiff's predecessor. The work which he dedicated to Nicholas V is divided into three books; it does not, as its title might seem to imply, attempt to meet all the errors then prevalent in regard to ecclesiastical matters, but only those which prevailed in certain countries under the semblance of measures of reform. The fact that Piero del Monte is one of the few Humanists who took part in the contest between the adherents of the Council and the defenders of the Holy See, gives a special interest to his work, which, unfortunately, has never been printed.

The renewed vigour of the Papal power was manifested during this Pontificate by stringent measures for the eradication of heresy. Nicholas V made special use of the Minorite friars in this matter, and his zealous care was extended to Bosnia and to Greece, in which countries respectively the Patarines and the Fraticelli were leading many astray. His efforts to repress the latter sect in Italy were continued for most of his remaining life; but they were not crowned with complete success.

The restoration of the Papal authority was materially promoted by Nicholas V's perfect freedom from nepotism, and by the care which he generally exercised in the creation of Cardinals; amongst other excellent appointments we may mention that of the gifted Nicholas of Cusa, who united moral worth with intellectual qualities of the highest order.

From the middle of the fifteenth century the position of Papacy manifestly regained solid strength. The attempts of the Basle party to revive the disastrous schism had produced a reaction throughout the whole Church. Multitudes turned with horror from the anti-Papal theories, which had become predominant at Constance and Basle, to the ancient doctrines regarding the monarchical constitution of the Church and the inalienable rights of the Holy See. Respect for the Papacy rose as the hopes founded on the action of Councils sank lower and lower, destroyed by the excesses of the Synod of Basle. The movement had begun in the time of Eugenius IV, and it continued under his successor, Nicholas V., who was able to do away with the remains of the schism, and the revolutionary tone, which had prevailed in the fourteenth and the early part of the fifteenth century, gave place, as time went on, to a very different feeling.

In Germany, however, we cannot say that reunion with the Holy See at once produced general contentment, or laid the agitation for reform to rest. The billows of a troubled sea are not so easily calmed, but the efforts for reform became less and less radical in their character, and the Holy See regained much of the influence which had been lost in the time of Eugenius IV. It was well, too, for Germany that in the following years men filled with the Spirit of God arose in her midst, and sought to remove the many existing evils and to impart new life to ancient ecclesiastical institutions and individual souls, by the use of the means of grace and salvation which Christ has entrusted to His Church. Passionate opponents of the Papacy have falsely represented the course of events as one of increasing alienation from the ancient Church, until the severance became complete; but the attentive observer cannot fail to discern the presence of the earnest and deeply religious feeling which finds expression in the well-known "Imitation of Christ". The immense impulse given to the life of the German people at this period made itself felt in the ecclesiastical sphere. Large and handsome churches were built, and adorned with loving care. The foundations for altars and masses were numerous, and, although a vast number of religious houses already existed, new ones arose. The richly ornamented prayer-books, the countless pictures and other works of art, and the woodcuts destined for the uneducated, all bear witness to the existence of the same pious spirit. The coarse satire of former days is hushed, or vents itself only on the mendicant friars and subordinate objects. "Our holy Father, the Pope", is everywhere spoken of with reverence, and is represented in all his glory in pictures.

And yet the anti-Papal spirit in Germany was not thoroughly subdued; it appeared, indeed, less often at the surface, but its hidden influence was not the less real. In a letter of the 25th November, 1448, Aeneas Sylvius, with his keen insight into affairs, writes the following words to the Pope: "A time of peril is before us; storms are threatening on every side, and the skill of the mariners will be proved in the bad weather. The Basle waves are not yet calmed, the winds are still struggling beneath the waters and rushing through secret channels. That consummate actor, the devil, sometimes transforms himself into an angel of light. I know not what attempts will be made in France, but the Council still has adherents. We have a truce, not a peace. 'We have yielded to force', say our opponents, 'not to Conviction; what we have once taken into our heads we still hold fast’. So we must look forward to another battlefield and a fresh struggle for the supremacy".

The efforts made by Nicholas V to restore and maintain peace in Rome and in the States of the Church were crowned with the same success which had attended his great measures of ecclesiastical policy. The revolutionary aspirations of the Romans were appeased by the concession of a privilege which secured to them the right of self-government. All magisterial and municipal appointments were given into the hands of four Roman citizens, together with the entire control of the taxes. At the same time, the Pope endeavoured to guard against any possible revolt, as well as against attacks from without, by rebuilding the city walls and erecting fortifications. We shall speak of these works later on. He conciliated the Roman Barons, and restored Lorenzo Colonna, the Savelli, Orso Orsini, and the Count of Anguillara, to favour. Lorenzo and Stefanello Colonna received permission to rebuild Palestrina, which had been destroyed by Vitelleschi, on condition that the town should not again be fortified. This condition, suggested by the strategical importance of the position, was subsequently restricted to the castle (May 13, 1452), and by degrees the present town arose, where walls dating from the fifteenth century are still to be seen, and fortifications, especially on the southern side, of all styles and periods, beginning with the ancient cyclopean polygon.

Other feudatories of the Holy See were appointed to or confirmed in the vice-regencies of Urbino, Pesaro, Forli, Camerino, Spello, Rimini, and the territories belonging to them, and thus peace was restored, although, of course, the Papacy was not absolutely secured from possible hostility on their part. The ancient Constitutions of the March of Ancona, the City of Fermo, and other places, were confirmed, and new privileges granted. The City of Jesi, the only one in the March of Ancona under the dominion of Francesca Sforza, was surrendered by him in consideration of the sum of 35,000 florins. In July, 1447, Nicholas V recovered the Castle of Spoleto, and three years later Bolsena. The frequent visits of the Pope to Umbria and the Marches contributed in no small degree to the maintenance of a good understanding with those provinces.

The bloodless restoration of peace and order to the States of the Church must ever be viewed as one of the chief glories of the Pontificate of Nicholas V. In order fully to appreciate his success, we must recall to mind the condition of the country at the time of his accession. After ten years of incessant warfare, it was almost completely in the power of wild, mercenary troops. Nicholas V, who was no mere pedant, happily accomplished the work of pacification, and completely healed the wounds inflicted on the States of the Church during the troubled reign of Eugenius IV. Against the leaders of revolt, as, for example, Ascanio Conti, he proceeded with severity, fearing that the turbulent Barons might again be roused by evil example. In general it was his principle, where his spiritual authority proved insufficient, rather to repress the lust of conquest and plunder by the erection of fortresses, than by the introduction of undisciplined mercenary bands, and he left no means unemployed to obviate the recurrence of disturbances. His conciliatory disposition is strikingly displayed in his treatment of Stefano Porcaro, who had endeavoured, while the Conclave was sitting, to revolutionize Rome. Instead of inflicting condign punishment he sought to win him by promotion.

The satisfactory condition of the Apostolic Treasury tended materially to promote respect for Nicholas V. He had always a certain number of troops in readiness, and they punctually received their pay, so that they had no need to depend on plunder and booty. It must be regretted that the Pope's anxiety for the peace of his own dominions led him to pursue a policy towards his neighbours which cannot be justified. In order to divert all disturbances from the States of the Church, he, as we shall see, secretly favoured complications in the other Italian provinces. By such means alone was he successful in maintaining that tranquillity at home, which was an indispensable preliminary to his grand efforts for the promotion of learning and art.

More than once, indeed, did a great conflict seem to be imminent, as, for instance, in the first year of his Pontificate, when King Alfonso, of Naples, made hostile advances against Tuscany, and again in the August of 1447, when Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan, died without legitimate male issue. Besides the grasping Republic of Venice, four claimants to the Duchy of Milan came forward, viz., King Alfonso, who, in virtue of a very doubtful will, maintained that he had been constituted heir to Filippo Maria; the Duke of Savoy; the Duke of Orleans, who was the son of a Visconti; and, finally, Francesco Sforza, the husband of Bianca Maria, who, although illegitimate, was the last scion of the house of Visconti. The complication seemed to be of the most threatening character, and we cannot wonder at the extreme consternation of the Pope when, on the morning of the 20th of August, a letter from his friend and banker, Cosmo de Medici, announced the death of the last of the Visconti, for King Alfonso, who, according to the report of an ambassador, had let his horse graze at the very gates of Rome, had even, since the conclusion of peace, been a cause of anxiety to the Pope. Untold dangers threatened the Papacy if the will of Filippo Maria should take effect, and the ambitious and war-like king should become ruler of the northern as well as of the southern portion of the Italian peninsula. Nicholas V sought by every means in his power to counteract a combination which would have pressed him hard on both sides.

For a time no one of the four claimants was successful. The ancient republic of Milan was revived, but at the end of three years the Milanese found themselves compelled to yield to the successful general whom they had called to their aid.

Francesco Sforza, the son of a peasant of Cotognola, made his solemn entry into the famine-pressed city as her Duke, on the 25th March, 1450.

Milan had, however, no cause to complain, for the period of Francesco Sforza's rule was among the happiest in her history, and this martial duke restored peace to Italy which had been kept by his unwarlike predecessor for thirty years in a state of conflict. The Pope, too, had reason to be satisfied, for the re-establishment of the Duchy of Milan restored the balance of power in Northern Italy, and formed a barrier against the rapacity of the Republic of Venice.

The submission of Bologna after its protracted resistance was a great triumph for Nicholas, who had a special affection for the city in which a great part of his life had been spent, and where he had found generous patrons in his time of need. He not only loved the Bolognese, but thoroughly understood their temper and circumstances, and was convinced that violent measures would be fruitless in overcoming their opposition to the Papacy. Accordingly, from the beginning of his reign, the city was treated with the utmost leniency and consideration, and, on the 23rd March, 1447, one of its citizens, the canonist, Giovanni di Battista del Poggio, was appointed bishop. This nomination was so acceptable that the Ancients ordered a general holiday in token of rejoicing. All the church bells were rung and public processions celebrated the event.

This was shortly followed, on the nth April, by the despatch of an embassy to Rome to treat for a reconciliation with the Holy See. The Pope was, as Francesco Sforza's ambassadors declared, much disposed for peace, but in consequence of the excessive demands of the Bolognese it was not finally concluded until the 24th August, 1447. The conditions were most favourable to the city, for Nicholas carried concession to its utmost possible limits. Bologna continued to be a Republic in reality, if not in name. The Papal Legate took part with the Municipal Council and the Magistrates in the Government. The city retained its right to elect the latter, the control of its militia and its revenues, while it was to be defended from foreign foes by the Papal troops. The Holy See only claimed the recognition of its suzerainty, the right of its Legate to a certain share in the patronage of public offices, and a tribute similar to that paid by the other Republics in the States of the Church and by the feudatories of the Pope.

It cannot be denied that the relations now established between Bologna and the Church were such as might easily have given rise to complications. Thanks to Sante Bentivoglio, who was at the time all-powerful in Bologna, and, on the other hand, to the Pope, nothing of the kind occurred. Nicholas V prudently continued to treat the Bolognese with great indulgence and to increase the obligations which already bound them to him by bestowing many fresh favours, more especially by the restitution of sundry castles and possessions which had formerly belonged to the city, but had, during the troubles of the preceding half-century, been annexed by Papal officials or others. In the same year which witnessed the restoration of peace between Bologna and the Church, the Pope conferred a fresh token of favour on the city by elevating its bishop to the dignity of Governor of Rome, and appointing his own half-brother, Filippo Calandrini bishop in his stead. In the following year both the bishop and Astorgio Agnesi, the Governor of Bologna, were promoted to the Sacred College. The historian of the city, Ghirardacci, gives a full account of the splendid feast which took place on the 6th January, 1449, when Agnesi received the hat sent by Nicholas V. Nevertheless, in that very year threatenings of disturbances amongst its excitable population induced the Pope to appoint Cardinal Bessarion Legate for Bologna, Romagna, and the March of Ancona (1450, February 26). In his Brief, addressed to the Bolognese, the Pope says that he sends this distinguished man to them as an angel of peace, and confidently hopes that he will succeed in governing Bologna well and happily. The great Humanist did not disappoint these expectations, the troubled city was calmed, and in a short time he had won the affections of its people.

On the 16th March, 1450, Bessarion entered Bologna, where he was received with the greatest honour, and continued to govern it for the remainder of this pontificate. During the five years of his rule the Greek Cardinal managed, by his prudence and moderation, to avoid conflicts and greatly to improve the general condition of the city. As a Humanist, he naturally devoted special attention to the once-famous university, which had fallen into decay during the troubles of the first half of the fifteenth century. He provided for the restoration of its buildings and for the appointment and fitting remuneration of excellent professors. A little intellectual court gradually gathered around the learned Cardinal, who had now become the hopef of the Humanists.

Bessarion's impartiality was in great measure the cause of his success at Bologna. A Greek by nationality, he kept aloof from Italian complications, and could be perfectly just towards all. The authority of law and equity was reasserted. He did everything in his power to calm popular passions, and to repress the occasional attempts to shake off the Papal rule. He punished the originators of revolt, and prosecuted the malefactors who had long been masters of the unhappy city. His diligence, his fidelity to duty, and his moral purity were most exemplary. His singular prudence enabled him always to preserve the most amicable relations with Sante Bentivoglio, who was, however, the chief power in Bologna, and whose position there may be estimated by the regal splendour with which his marriage to Alessandro Sforza's daughter was celebrated in May, 1454.

The results of Bessarion's labours were very soon visible, for tranquillity and order were restored to the city, and its inhabitants again turned their attention to the arts of peace. Their confidence in him was such that he was often chosen as umpire in their disputes. From the very first he made it his aim by all possible means to re-establish law and justice, and at any personal sacrifice to defend the cause of the oppressed. Even stern critics, like Hieronymus de Bursellis, extol his remarkable love of justice, which was combined with extreme affability; his door was ever opento the poorest people. He issued a severe edict against the luxury which had at that period assumed terrible proportions in Bologna, as well as throughout Italy, and he also reformed the statutes of the city. The celebrated pilgrimage church of the Madonna di San Luca was restored by him, and he caused other churches, as, for example, that of the Madonna della Mezzarata, to be adorned with beautiful frescoes. The Bolognese honoured Bessarion's memory by an inscription in which he is praised as the benefactor of their city. This grateful affection is the best proof of the wisdom displayed by Nicholas V in entrusting to him the government of the city.

In looking back upon the earlier years of Nicholas V's Pontificate we cannot fail to be struck by his great zeal in the cause of political and ecclesiastical order. In Germany, Poland, Bohemia, Hungary, Bosnia, Croatia, and even in Cyprus, he endeavoured to promote the peace of the Church. In Bohemia, indeed, he was completely unsuccessful, although the indefatigable Carvajal spared no effort to bring affairs to a happy conclusion. But Nicholas V had the consolation of seeing great results soon follow from his policy of peace. The pacification of the States of the Church, the recovery of the City of Bologna, which had for centuries been deemed, after Rome, the brightest jewel in the temporal crown of the Popes, and, above all, the termination of the disastrous schism, were successes which won the just admiration of his contemporaries.

CHAPTER III.

THE JUBILEE OF 1450 AND THE LABOURS OF CARDINAL NICHOLAS OF CUSA IN THE CAUSE OF REFORM IN GERMANY AND THE NETHERLANDS,

1451-1452.

The restoration of peace to the Church, after so protracted a period of conflict and confusion, was deemed by Nicholas V a fitting occasion for the proclamation of a Universal Jubilee. A pilgrimage of the faithful of every country to the centre of ecclesiastical unity seemed to be the most splendid and appropriate celebration of the termination of the Schism and of the victory gained over the party of the Council, while it was also well calculated to give fresh vigour to the conservative element throughout Christendom.

The obstacles presented by the war in Italy and the pestilence which followed, were not sufficient to deter the Pope from his project, and, on the 19th January, 1449, in presence of the assembled Cardinals, he solemnly imparted his benediction, after which a French Archbishop read aloud the list of all the Jubilees ever celebrated in the Church, and then proclaimed the new one. All who, during a given time, should daily visit the four principal churches of Rome — St. Peter's, St. Paul's, the Lateran Basilica, and Sta. Maria Maggiore — and confess their sins with contrition, were to gain a plenary indulgence, that is to say, remission of the temporal punishments due for those sins from whose guilt and eternal punishment they had been absolved.t

Throughout the whole of Christendom the Pope's proclamation was received with rejoicing, and the joy was intensified by the fact that the discord which had for so long weighed heavily on the hearts of all who loved the Church was at an end, and that Nicholas V was universally acknowledged as the true Vicar of Christ. The feelings of the faithful were eloquently expressed by Dr. Felix Hemmerlin, Provost of the Ursus Monastery at Soleure, who, at the conclusion of his work on the approaching holy year, adopts the words of Simeon, and says: "Now dost Thou dismiss Thy servant, O Lord, according to Thy word, in peace, because my eyes have seen the glorious advent of salvation. Now I know in truth that this is the desired time, this is the day of salvation : for the glorious days of Thy Jubilee surpass all earthly beauty and salvation. O, the depth of the riches, of the wisdom, and of the knowledge of God! How incomprehensible are His judgments, and how unsearchable His ways! O Lord, whose mercy is unbounded, perfect Thy grace in us that, as Thou didst fulfil the expectation of Simeon, and he did not see death until it had been granted to him to see Christ the Lord, so we may not taste death until we have enjoyed the benefits of Thy salutary and most happy year of Jubilee!"

The "golden year" opened on the Christmas Day of 1449. The concourse was immense. Then began a pilgrimage of the nations to the Eternal City, like that which had taken place a century before. All the miseries of recent years, the bereavements which war and plague had wrought, the manifest tokens of Divine wrath, were a call to serious reflection and self-examination. Some deemed a pilgrimage to be the best means of averting further chastisements and obtaining future benefits. Others undertook it in order to show forth their gratitude for preservation from dangers, and to implore a continuance of the favours they had enjoyed. All hailed it as an opportunity of becoming partakers of the rich spiritual treasures opened by the Church to those who should visit the tombs of the Apostles.

The pilgrims flocked from every country in Europe; there were Italians and "Ultramontanes", men and women, rich and poor, young and old, healthy and sick. As Augustinus Dathus says in his history of Siena, "Countless multitudes of Frenchmen, Germans, Spaniards, Portuguese, Greeks, Armenians, Dalmatians, and Italians were to be seen hastening to Rome as to the refuge of all the nations of the earth, full of devotion, and chanting hymns in their different languages". The terrible calamities through which they had just passed had touched the hearts of many, and turned them from earthly to heavenly things, and awakened a spirit of devotion. Moreover, the personal affability of the Pope may have induced many to undertake the long and difficult journey.

An eye-witness likens the thronging multitudes of pilgrims to a flight of starlings or a swarm of ants. The Pope did everything in his power to render their passage through Italy easy and safe; in Rome itself he made the most extensive preparations, and especially sought to secure an adequate supply of provisions. But the pilgrims arrived in such overwhelming masses that all his efforts proved insufficient. Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini estimates at forty thousand the number of strangers who daily arrived in the city. Even allowing for considerable exaggeration in this estimate, there can be no doubt that the crowds were enormous. The chroniclers and historians of the period seem to be at a loss for words to describe the concourse. Cristoforo a Soldo, chronicler of the city of Brescia, says, “A greater crowd of Christians was never known to hasten to any Jubilee; kings, dukes, marquesses, counts, and knights, in short, people of all ranks in Christendom, daily arrived in such multitudes in Rome that there were millions in the city. And this continued for the whole year, excepting in the summer, on account of the plague, which carried off innumerable victims. But almost as soon as it abated at the beginning of the cold season the influx again commenced”.

One of the special attractions of this Jubilee was the Canonization of St. Bernardine of Siena, the most popular saint who had for centuries appeared in the Italian Peninsula, and the founder of a religious order which had increased so rapidly that it sent more than three thousand delegates to the General Chapter held at this time in the convent of Araceli.

The process for his canonization had been introduced in the time of Eugenius IV, at the instance of the Sienese, of the inhabitants of Aquila, amongst whom St. Bernardine had found his last resting-place, and of King Alfonso of Naples. St. John Capistran, who afterwards became so celebrated as a preacher, laboured most energetically in the matter, and the Pope entrusted the examination into the life, death, and miracles of the holy man to Cardinals Niccolò Acciapacci, Guillaume d'Estouteville, Alberto de Albertis, and on his death to Pietro Barbo. These cardinals in their turn employed two bishops, who, having made careful inquiries, presented a detailed report, which was considered in Consistory; but the illness and death of the Pope, at this point, brought the proceedings to a standstill. The delay, however, was not of long duration, for immediately after his accession Nicholas V took the matter in hand. On the 17th June he charged Cardinals Tagliacozzo, Guillaume d’ Estouteville, and Pietro Barbo to examine St. Bernardine’s miracles. The bishops, to whom they delegated the task, found more miracles than had been mentioned in the first Process. On the death of the Cardinal Tagliacozzo, Bessarion was nominated in his stead, and Angelo Capranica, Bishop of Rieti, was sent to Aquila, Siena, and many cities in which St. Bernardine had laboured. The slow and cautious procedure of Rome was little to the taste of the cities which cherished the great preacher's memory and eagerly longed for his canonization. Notwithstanding supplications and importunities from various quarters, Rome refused to be unduly hurried, and it was not till the 26th February, 1450, that sufficient progress had been made to enable the Pope to promise the Sienese ambassadors that the canonization should take place at Whitsuntide. A substitute for Cardinal Bessarion, who was about to proceed to Bologna, had been appointed in the person of the Vice-Chancellor. There was, therefore, nothing further to delay the ceremony, and the Pope, whose family subsequently entertained a special devotion to St. Bernardine, had preparations made on a magnificent scale.

St. Peter's was beautifully decorated on Whit-Sunday, the 24th of May; a lofty throne was erected in the middle of the church for the Pope, who was surrounded by all the cardinals then in Rome, as well as by many bishops and archbishops. Every detail of the rite of canonization was carried out with the greatest exactness, solemnity, and splendour, the Pope himself pronouncing the panegyric. Two hundred wax-lights burned in the church; the cost of the vestments worn by the Pope and the cardinals, and of other things used on this occasion, was estimated at seven thousand ducats, and was borne by the inhabitants of Siena and Aquila.

During these days of festal solemnity crowds of pilgrims went up to the Convent of Araceli, now transformed into a hospital, where eight hundred monks devoted themselves to the service of the sick of their own and other lands. The sight was one well calculated to awaken in the dullest soul some zeal for self-sacrifice and prayer. The Spaniard, Didacus, who was afterwards canonized, here distinguished himself by his heroic charity in tending the sick.

Throughout all Italy an outburst of joy and of devotion was elicited by the canonization of St. Bernardine; churches sprang up under his invocation, preachers everywhere praised his holy life; solemn functions in his honour took place even in the smallest towns; those which took place in Perugia, Bologna, Ferrara, Aquila, and Siena were particularly magnificent, and in the last-named city his canonization was represented in a series of pictures.

While the Pope remained in Rome he frequently took part in the solemnities of the Jubilee, and was seen to walk barefoot to visit the stations. The Roman chronicler Paolo di Benedetto di Cola dello Mastro has left us a description of the Jubilee, written with little literary skill, but full of life and fidelity. “I recollect”, he says, “that even in the beginning of the Christmas month a great many people came to Rome for the Jubilee. The pilgrims had to visit the four principal churches, the Romans for a whole month, the Italians for fourteen days, and the 'Ultramontanes' for eight. Such a crowd of pilgrims came all at once to Rome that the mills and bakeries were quite insufficient to provide bread for them. And the number of pilgrims daily increased, wherefore the Pope ordered the handkerchief of St. Veronica to be exposed every Sunday, and the heads of the Apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul every Saturday; the other relics in all the Roman churches were always exposed. The Pope solemnly gave his benediction at St. Peter's every Sunday. As the unceasing influx of the faithful made the want of the most necessary means of subsistence to be more and more pressing, the Pope granted a plenary indulgence to each pilgrim on condition of contrite confession and of visits to the churches on three days. This great concourse of pilgrims continued from Christmas through the whole month of January, and then diminished so considerably that the innkeepers were discontented, and everyone thought it was at an end, when, in the middle of Lent, such a great multitude of pilgrims again appeared, that in the fine weather all the vineyards were filled with them, and they could not find sleeping-place elsewhere. In Holy Week the throngs coming from St. Peter's, or going there, were so enormous that they were crossing the bridge over the Tiber until the second and third hour of the night. The crowd was here so great that the soldiers of St. Angelo, together with other young men —I was often there myself,— had often to hasten to the spot and separate the masses with sticks in order to prevent serious accidents. At night many of the poor pilgrims were to be seen sleeping beneath the porticos, while others wandered about in search of missing fathers, sons, or companions; it was pitiful to see them. And this went on until the Feast of the Ascension, when the multitude of pilgrims again diminished because the plague came to Rome. Many people then died, especially many of these pilgrims; all the hospitals and churches were full of the sick and dying, and they were to be seen in the infected streets falling down like dogs. Of those who with great difficulty, scorched with heat and covered with dust, departed from Rome, a countless number fell a sacrifice to the terrible pestilence, and graves were to be seen all along the roads even in Tuscany and Lombardy".

The chronicler, as he pursues his narration, vainly endeavours to find language sufficiently forcible to depict the horrors of the plague and the terror which had seized upon him and all who were in Rome. The general panic surpassed any which had been experienced on previous occasions. "The Court of Rome", writes the envoy of the Teutonic Order, "is sadly scattered and put to flight; in fact, there is no Court left. One man embarks for Catalonia, another for Spain, everyone is looking for a place where he may take refuge. Cardinals, bishops, abbots, monks, and all sorts of people, without exception, flee from Rome as the apostles fled from our Lord on Good Friday. Our Holy Father also left Rome on the 15th July, retreating from the pestilence, which, alas!—God have mercy!— is so great and terrible that no one knows where to dwell and preserve himself. His Holiness goes from one castle to another, with a little court and very few attendants, trying if he can find a healthy place anywhere. He has now moved to a castle called Fabriano, in which he spent some time last year, and has, it is said, forbidden, under pain of excommunication, loss of preferment and of Papal favour, that anyone who has been in Rome, whatever his rank, should come within seven miles of him, save only the cardinals, a few of whom, with four servants, have gone to the said castle and are living there”.

Even in the previous year the Pope had, on the outbreak of the plague, fled from Rome with some few members of the Court and gone first to the neighbourhood of Rieti, and then to the castle of Spoleto, whence he was driven by the malady. In August he was at Fabriano, where the air seemed to be particularly pure. No one was admitted within the city without necessity; the aged Aurispa was the only one of the secretaries whom the Pope retained about him; business was mostly suspended, so that there was but little to be done; many members of the Court succumbed to the pestilence, Poggio mockingly declared that the Pope wandered about after the manner of the Scythians. The same thing happened when the plague revisited the Eternal City in the summer months of 1451 and I452.

It has been suggested that Nicholas V's extreme fear of death was due to an excessive love of life, but another explanation seems more probable. In the year 1399, when the plague was raging in Lucca and the physicians had forsaken the city, the Pope's father was appointed physician by the remaining citizens. He accepted the perilous post, but soon afterwards died, most likely stricken down by the terrible malady in the exercise of his calling. May not this circumstance account for the apprehensions of Nicholas, who was timid by nature, and at the time in indifferent health? It must also be observed that at this period the idea of contagion was gaining ground among the doctors. The black death and subsequent epidemics had afforded but too ample opportunities for the study of the subject, and the plague was much better understood than it had been. Natural science had made considerable progress, and enlightened physicians in the fifteenth century took little account of the influence of the stars, and directed their chief attention to the laws of contagion. Isolation consequently came to be regarded as the most essential of preventive measures, and it is impossible to estimate the number of human lives that may have been thus preserved during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, even though it was very imperfectly carried out.

When the pestilence ceased with the first cold of winter the Pope returned to Rome. Pilgrims again began to pour in, their journeys being facilitated by the peaceful condition of Italy. "So many people came to Rome", according to an eye-witness, "that the city could not contain the strangers, although every house became an inn. Pilgrims begged, for the love of God, to be taken in on payment of a good price, but it was not possible. They had to spend the nights out of doors. Many perished from cold; it was dreadful to see. Still such multitudes thronged together that the city was actually famished. Every Sunday numerous pilgrims left Rome, but by the following Saturday all the houses were again fully occupied. If you wanted to go to St. Peter's it was impossible, on account of the masses of men that filled the streets. St. Paul's, St. John Lateran, and Sta. Maria Maggiore were filled with worshippers. All Rome was filled, so that one could not go through the streets. When the Pope gave his solemn blessing, all spaces in the neighbourhood of St. Peter's, even the surrounding vineyards, from which the Loggia of the benediction could be seen, were thick with pilgrims, but those who could not see him were more numerous than those who could, and this continued until Christmas".

Among the strangers of note who visited Rome during the Jubilee of 1450 we must give the first place to an artist, the celebrated painter, Roger van der Weyden, or Ruggiero da Bruggia, as the Italians call him. Many of his works had already been purchased by Italian princes and patrons of art, and were greatly esteemed. It was probably as he passed through Florence on his way to Rome that this great master received from the Medici the commission to paint the picture of the Madonna with the Holy Apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, and the physicians, Saints Cosmas and Damian, which is now one of the treasures of the Städel Gallery of Frankfort-on-Maine. The influence of Italy is evident in this beautiful work, and in others from the hand of the same master, especially in a charming picture representing St. Luke taking the portrait of the Blessed Virgin while she suckles the Divine Infant (formerly in the Boisserée Collection, and now in the Munich Pinakothek), and again in the Middelburg Tryptick, now at Berlin. A modern writer on art is probably correct in his idea that the journey of 1450, although undertaken solely from motives of devotion, was an artistic revelation to the Flemish painter, who, by a comparison with foreign schools, learned to form a more correct estimate of his own talents and needs, and of those of his country. From this time he gave up painting life-sized figures and violent effects and gold back-grounds. He still chose striking and dramatic subjects, but the surroundings of his figures are now real, and they stand forth from an architectural perspective or a sunlit landscape full of graceful details. This was an approach to the manner of his predecessor, Van Eyck, and, moreover, a return to that of his own earlier days and to the mild harmonious tone most congenial to the piety and artistic sense common to himself and his fellow-countrymen. His best works were produced at this period, and he initiated a school, which, as compared with that of Van Eyck, manifests marked progress. It would be impossible to say how many of the other painters, artists, and scholars, who went as pilgrims to the capital of Christendom in 1450, were touched by the like influence.

Jakob von Sirk, Archbishop of Trèves, once the most ardent partisan of the Council was amongst the princes of the Church who were seen at Rome in the Jubilee year. He came, accompanied by a hundred and forty knights, to make his peace with the Holy See. Cardinal Peter von Schaumburg, Bishop of Augsburg, and the Bishops of Metz and Strasburg were also there, with other German prelates. Many saintly personages, too, were pilgrims, as, for example, St. Jacopo della Marca, St. Didacus, and the celebrated St. John Capistran. It was, moreover, at this time that Jacopo Ammannati Piccolomini, afterwards the famous Cardinal, turned his steps to the Eternal City, where he subsequently entered the service of Cardinal Capranica, the friend of all learned men.

Numerous princes made the pilgrimage in 1450; the Pope welcomed the Duke Albert of Austria, gave him at Christmas a blessed sword, and granted him many spiritual favours in token of his affection for the House of Austria. It is probable that many Austrian nobles accompanied the Duke; the aged Count Frederick of Cilli was certainly in Rome this year. We must also mention the Margravine Catherine of Baden, Landgrave Louis of Hesse, and Duke John of Cleves, who visited the seven principal churches on foot, and was received with great honour by the Pope, Johannes Dlugoss, “the first Polish historian who wrote in the grand style” and Nicodemus de Pontremoli, the trusted Ambassador of the Duke of Milan.

This would seem the fitting place to remark that the Jubilee year gave birth to a little literature of its own, a portion of which has since been printed, while a good deal more exists only in manuscript. We have the two editions of a treatise by the Canonist, Giovanni d'Anagni, a man distinguished by the love of God and of his neighbour. Jakob von Jüterbogk and the Dominican, Heinrich Kalteisen, dealt with the subject of indulgences from the ecclesiastical point of view, and Johann von Wesel wrote against them. St. Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence, wrote concerning the pardon of the "golden year", at a date later than 1450. Provost Felix Hemmerlin, of Soleure, in Switzerland, composed a dialogue between the Jubilee year and the Cantor Felix, in which the former successfully answers all doubts and prejudices regarding the validity of the Jubilee indulgence, and explains the conditions on which it may be gained by sinners of every position and degree. Hemmerlin's tone is grave and devout, and the dialogue contains many interesting passages which throw a vivid light on evils existing in the ecclesiastical life of Switzerland. He is unsparing in his denunciation of the Beguines, of mendicant friars who hunt after benefices and money, and of ecclesiastics neglectful of their duty. "Canons", he says, "who are not present in choir and yet receive remuneration for fulfilling this duty, are no better than thieves and robbers, and must, even if they be prelates, make restitution of their revenues, or they will not be partakers of the graces of the Jubilee year". Hemmerlin also speaks at length, and with great force, against concubinage.

A description of Rome, written by Giovanni Rucellai, a Florentine merchant, who made the pilgrimage in 1450, has lately been published, and is full of interesting matter. Amongst other things, he speaks of the catacomb beneath the church of St. Sebastian as always open, and constantly visited by the pilgrims.

"Perhaps", says the chronicle of Forli, "it may have been in order to moderate the Pope's joy at the unwonted and extraordinary concourse of pilgrims, and to preserve him from pride, that an event was fated to occur which caused him the deepest sorrow". A very beautiful German lady of rank, who had undertaken the pilgrimage to Rome, was, in the district of Verona, set upon and carried away by soldiers. Sigismondo Malatesta of Rimini was generally looked upon as the instigator of this crime, which caused great excitement in Italy, but notwithstanding the careful inquiries at once set on foot by the Venetians, the mystery was never cleared up. The disaster, was all the more distressing to the Pope, inasmuch as it was calculated to deter many rich and distinguished personages from setting forth on a journey which was already deemed in itself most perilous.

Nicholas V was yet more deeply affected by a terrible calamity in the Holy City itself. On the 19th December a greater crowd than ever had assembled in St. Peter's to venerate the holy handkerchief and receive the Papal benediction. At about four o'clock in the afternoon the Pope sent word that, in consequence of the lateness of the hour, the benediction would not be given that day, and all the people hurried home by the bridge of St. Angelo, which was encumbered with shopkeepers' booths. On the bridge the crowd unfortunately came in contact with some horses and mules, which had taken fright, and a block ensued. A great many of the pilgrims were in a moment thrown down and trodden under foot by the advancing masses, or else pushed into the Tiber. Meanwhile, the multitudes, who filled all the streets leading from St. Peter's, pressed onward in utter ignorance of what had taken place, and, but for the presence of mind of the Castellan of St. Angelo, the catastrophe might have been yet more appalling in its extent. He caused the bridge to be closed, and brave citizens held back the advancing throng, but the fatal crush on the bridge continued for a whole hour. Then the citizens began to carry the dead into the neighbouring Church of San. Celso. “I myself carried twelve dead bodies” writes the chronicler, Paolo dello Mastro. More than a hundred and seventy corpses were laid out in the church, and this number, of course, does not include such as had fallen into the river. According to most of the contemporary accounts the victims exceeded two hundred, and this estimate cannot be far from the truth. Some horses and a mule also perished. People who escaped with their lives had their clothes torn to pieces in the crowd. "Some were to be seen", says an eye-witness, "running about in their doublets, some in shirts, and others almost naked. In the terrible confusion all had lost their companions, and the cries of those who sought missing friends were mingled with the wailing of those who mourned for the dead. As night came on, the most heartrending scenes were witnessed in the Church of San. Celso, which was full of people up to 11 o'clock; one found a father, another a mother, one a brother, and another a son among the dead. An eye-witness says that men who had gone through the Turkish war had seen no more ghastly sight”. “Truly”, writes the worthy Paolo dello Mastro, “it was misery to see the poor people with candles in their hands looking through the rows of corpses, and as they recognized their dear ones their sorrow and weeping were redoubled”. The dead were for the most part Italians from the neighbourhood of Rome, chiefly strong youths and women; there were but few old people or children among them, and scarcely any persons of high rank. At midnight, by command of the Pope, a hundred and twenty-eight were carried to the Campo Santo, near St. Peter's, where they were left all the Sunday for identification. The rest of the bodies were either brought to Sta. Maria della Minerva or buried in San. Celso. Their garments were laid together in one part of the church. "My father", says Paolo deilo Mastro, "was appointed to take charge of them : many persons, who did not know if they had to mourn for one belonging to them, hastened there, and were assured of their loss."

This terrible event inflicted a deep wound on the paternal heart of the Pope. He could not, indeed, attribute any blame to himself, for he had done all that was possible to maintain order in Rome, and had caused its narrow streets to be widened — yet the tragedy took such hold upon him that he fell into a kind of melancholy.

In order to guard against the possible recurrence of such an accident, Nicholas V had a row of houses in front of the bridge cleared away, so as to form an open space before the Church of San. Celso. In the following year two chapels, dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen and the Holy Innocents, were erected at the entrance of the bridge, and mass was daily offered for the souls of the victims. These chapels remained until the time of Clement VII, who replaced them by the statues of the Apostles, which now stand there.

The Pope's rejoicing in the glories of the Jubilee year was marred by yet another circumstance; the French ambassador demanded that a General Council should be summoned to meet in France; Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, who was at the time in Rome to obtain the Pope's permission for the coronation of Frederick III, soon afterwards, in a solemn consistory, made request in the name of his King that it should be held in Germany, inasmuch as Frederick did not mean to consent to its meeting in any other country. This silenced the French and delivered Nicholas V from a serious difficulty.

Immense sums of money poured into Rome during the Jubilee Year, especially at its beginning and at its close, when the concourse of pilgrims was greatest. A chronicler mentions four classes as chiefly benefited: First, the money-changers; secondly, the apothecaries; thirdly, the artists, who painted copies of the holy handkerchief; and fourthly, the innkeepers, particularly those in the large streets and in the neighbourhood of St. Peter's and of the Lateran.

On this occasion, as in previous Jubilees, the pilgrims brought an immense number of offerings. Manetti, the Pope's biographer, says that an exceedingly large quantity of silver and gold found its way into the treasury of the Church, and Vespasiano da Bisticci tells us that Nicholas V was able to deposit a hundred thousand golden florins in the bank of the Medici alone. From the Chronicle of Perugia we learn that money was dear at this time, and could only with difficulty be obtained, because "it all flowed into Rome for the Jubilee".

The Pope thus became possessed of the resources necessary for his great schemes, the promotion of art and learning; the poor also had a share of the wealth.

The moral effect of the Jubilee, in its bearing on the Papacy, was even more important than its material advantages.

The experience of all Christian ages has shown that pilgrimages of clergy and laity to the tombs of the Apostles at Rome are a most effectual means of elevating and strengthening the Catholic life of nations, and of uniting them more closely to the Holy See; and, moreover, that every movement of the kind is in many ways fraught with blessings. The great pilgrimage to Rome, the perennial fountain of truth, had a peculiar value in an age still suffering from the consequences of the schism. Faith seemed to gain new life, and the world saw that the Vatican, whose authority had been so violently assailed, was still the centre of Christendom, and the Pope its common Head.

"It was striking", says Augustinus Dathus, "to see pilgrims come joyfully from all lands, most of them with bundles on their backs, despising the comforts of their own country and fearing neither heat nor cold, that they might gain the treasures of grace. The remembrance of those days still rejoices my heart, for they made manifest the magnificence and glory of the Christian religion. From the most distant places many journeyed to Rome in the year 1450 to visit the Head of the Catholic Church and the tombs of the Princes of the Apostles. Truly this Jubilee year is worthy to be remembered throughout all ages".

The Jubilee was the first great triumph of the ecclesiastical restoration, and it was the Pope's desire that its renovating influence should be felt in every part of Christendom. The idea was in itself a fresh evidence of the right understanding and goodwill of Nicholas V, and in order to carry it into effect he decided to send special Legates to the nations which had been most affected by the troubles of the last decade. These Legates were to labour for the establishment of a closer union with Rome, and for the removal of ecclesiastical abuses, and to open the spiritual treasures of the Jubilee to the faithful who were unable to visit the Eternal City. The Jubilee Indulgence was also extended by the Pope to those countries for which no Legate was appointed. A visit to the Cathedral of their Diocese, and an alms to be offered there, were generally the conditions substituted for the pilgrimage, which to many was an impossibility.

“In all countries and in every direction” as one of Cusa's biographers justly observes, "men had been for a long time sinning much and grievously. It was fitting then that the reconciliation should be general. The awakening of a sense of sin was to be for all classes — for clergy as well as laity — for high and low, a solemn recall to duty, and a means of moral restoration; and when hearts were thus changed, there was room to hope that the reformation of ecclesiastical life, which had been so long desired and so solemnly guaranteed, might at last become a reality."

In August, 1451, the Pope sent Cardinal d'Estouteville to France, with a special mission to undertake the reform of the Cathedral Chapters, and of the Schools and Universities. The edicts issued by him on this occasion for the University of Paris manifest the skill and zeal with which he fulfilled his trust.

D'Estouteville remained in France until the end of 1452, without, however, accomplishing the principal end of his mission, which was the restoration of peace with England; to his honour it must be recorded, that he initiated the proceedings by which justice was done to the memory of the Maid of Orleans.

Before the end of December, 1450, Nicholas V had sent, as Legate to Germany, Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, a prelate renowned for learning and purity of life, who had already done much to promote the general peace of the Church, and the reconciliation of Germany with the Holy See. He was now commissioned to publish the Indulgence of the Jubilee, and to labour for the pacification of the kingdom, especially for the conclusion of the contest between the Archbishop of Cologne and the Duke of Cleves, and for the reunion of the Bohemians. The chief object of his mission, however, was to raise the tone of ecclesiastical life and thoroughly to reform moral abuses in Germany, where the Council of Basle had found so many partisans, and where the years of neutrality had produced great confusion in the affairs of the Church, and allowed religious indifferentism to assume serious proportions. The Pope granted the most ample powers to the German Cardinal, and even authorized him to hold Provincial Councils.

Little attention has been paid to the remarkable fact, that Cusa's appointment encountered violent opposition from certain parties in Germany, who, untaught by the events of the previous ten years, still adhered to the un-Catholic principles of the Council of Basle. Although the assembly had given convincing proofs of its absolute incapacity to correct ecclesiastical abuses, there were still pedants who would accept reform only from a Council, and to whom any measure of the kind, proceeding from the Pope, appeared utterly obnoxious, even if carried out by so eminent and distinguished a man as Cusa. Others were anti-Roman to such a degree, that the dignity enjoyed by the Legate as a member of the Sacred College created a feeling of distrust in their minds. Yet all might have been proud to welcome the zealous and sagacious Cardinal who came speaking their own tongue, and was thoroughly acquainted with all the concerns and the needs of the Fatherland; and, as time went on, it became evident that Cusa discharged the duties of his important office in the spirit of a genuine reformer, and for the good of his country.

He looked on the work of ecclesiastical reform as one "of purification and renovation, not of ruin and destruction, and believed that man must not deform what is holy, but rather be himself transformed thereby". And, therefore, first of all and above all, he was a reformer in his own person. His life was a mirror of every Christian and sacerdotal virtue. Justly persuaded that it is the duty of those, who hold the chief places in the Church, to exercise the office of preachers, he everywhere proclaimed the Word of God to both clergy and laity, and his practice accorded with his preaching. His example was even more powerful than his sermons. Detesting all vanity, he journeyed modestly on his mule, accompanied only by a few Romans, and scarcely to be recognized, save by the silver cross which the Pope had given him, and which was mounted on a staff and carried before him. On arriving in any town his first visit was to the church, where he fervently implored the blessing of heaven on the work he had taken in hand. Many princes and rich men brought him splendid presents, but he kept his hands pure from all gifts. Amongst his companions was the holy and learned Carthusian, Dionysius van Leewis, a man filled with the most ardent zeal for the renovation of monastic life.

Nicholas of Cusa, who left Rome on the last day of the year 1450, began his arduous labours, in February 1451, by holding a Provincial Synod at Salzburg. We have unfortunately, but scanty details regarding this assembly ; it is, however, evident that a renewal and strengthening of communion with Rome and a restoration of the relaxed discipline of religious houses were, together with the proclamation of the Jubilee Indulgence, its principal objects. The Cardinal thoroughly understood the root of the malady with which the Church in Germany was afflicted. A real change for the better could only be accomplished by a strengthening of the slackened bonds which bound Northern and Southern Germany to Pope Nicholas V, whose general recognition was but of recent date, and by a thorough reform of the relaxed religious orders. The decrees of the Synod over which Cusa presided are framed with these purposes. “Every Sunday henceforth”, it was ordained, "all priests are at Holy Mass to use a prayer for the Pope, the Bishop of the Diocese, and the Church". By this rule, not only each bishop, but each individual priest, was obliged weekly to renew his solemn profession of communion with the Pope, and the consciousness of ecclesiastical unity was thus rendered more vivid. The decree was, within a month, to be published in every Diocese of the Province of Salzburg, and thenceforth to be binding on all priests. An indulgence of fifty days was granted for its exact observance.

It is hardly necessary to dwell on the great importance of this opening act of Cusa's career as Legate in Germany. It bound the clergy of this vast ecclesiastical province by the closest ties to the Holy See, and formed a powerful check against any schismatical movement. The need which existed in Southern Germany for measures of this character was amply proved by the opposition of the Brixen Chapter, when the Pope appointed Cusa bishop of that Diocese.

The subject of monastic reform, which next engaged the attention of the Synod of Salzburg, was equally urgent. The spring-time of monastic institutions was past. In many convents the spirit of strict observance and the cultivation of learning had sunk very low. At Salzburg the cardinal had only time to sketch out the plan of his future work in this field, for he was anxious to proceed on his journey so as to meet the King of the Romans at Vienna. Frederick III granted him the official investiture of the See of Brixen, with all the customary formalities, and confirmed, by a special diploma, his episcopal privileges and immunities in the beginning of March, at Wiener-Neustadt.

On the 3rd March Cusa issued a circular letter from Vienna to all Benedictine abbots and abbesses of the province of Salzburg, informing them, that, in virtue of the Papal commission, he had appointed Martin, abbot of the Scotch Foundation in Vienna; Lorenz, abbot of Maria-Zell; and Stephan, prior of Melk, apostolic visitors of their order. Having God before their eyes, and without regard to any other consideration, they were carefully and exactly to investigate and report upon the condition of the convents. In the event of resistance they were to invoke the aid of the secular arm, and to apprise the Legate, so that he might take all proper proceedings. They were, above all things, to insist on the strict observance of the three essential vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. Dispensations accorded in former visitations were, without exception, revoked as contrary to the rule. A plenary indulgence, on condition of the performance of an ap- pointed penance, was to be granted to those religious who, by their lives, showed themselves worthy of it The document concludes by exhorting all concerned to receive the visitors with honour, and unreservedly to make known everything to them. All, without distinction of rank, were to be regarded as excommunicate, and their monasteries as under an interdict, in cases of disobedience, after the lapse of the three days following the service of the monition, required by the canons. The apostolic visitors at once set about their difficult, and in many cases thankless, task. Stephan von Spangberg, the Prior of Melk, being shortly promoted to a bishopric, was replaced by Johann Slitpacher, a monk from the same house, and King Frederick III granted letters of safe-conduct to the visitors, each of whom was accompanied by a chaplain and a servant. Abbot Martin generally made the opening address; Abbot Lorenz questioned the religious individually, examined churches, abbeys, cells, farm buildings, etc., and drew up the instrument of reform; and Slitpacher acquainted the monastic chapter with its several clauses.

The Archduchy of Austria, Styria, Carinthia, the Province of Salzburg, and a part of Bavaria were visited, and about fifty houses of both sexes reformed.

Much about the same time the Cardinal turned his attention to the reform of the Canons Regular of St. Augustine, entrusting the visitation of their houses to Provost Nicholas of St. Dorothy's, in Vienna, Peter zu Ror, and Wolfgang Reschpeck.

The negotiations with the Chapter of Brixen in regard to Cusa's appointment having been, by the mediation of Archbishop Frederick of Salzburg, brought to a satisfactory conclusion, the Legate proceeded by way of Munich, Freising, Ratisbon, and Nuremberg to Bamberg, where he held a Diocesan Synod in the Cathedral. His labours were directed in the first place to the reform of the religious orders. A deplorable contest prevailed at this time in the Diocese of Bamberg between the Mendicant Friars and the Secular Cleisgy, and, with the full consent of the Synod, he decided to bring the discord to an end by the publication of a canon of the Lateran Council of 1215. Everyone, whether exempt or non-exempt, who failed to worship in his parish church on Sundays and festivals, was to be deprived of communion and refused admission to the church. And, on the other hand, inasmuch as Mendicant Friars, lawfully admitted by the Bishop to the cure of souls, could give valid absolution, even in cases reserved to the Pope, similar punishments were to be inflicted on those who disputed their powers. Furthermore, the Bishop of Bamberg was required to publish in the principal places in his diocese, on the first Sunday in Lent, for the information of the people, the names of the Friars entrusted with the cure of souls, and a list of the cases reserved to the Bishop or the Pope. All controversy on the subject was to be discontinued, and any differences were to be referred to the decision of competent judges.

Regulations for the reform of houses and various ordinances concerning processions, confraternities, and the Jews, were also promulgated by the Bamberg Synod, and the Salzburg decree, prescribing the prayer for the Pope and for the Bishop of the Diocese at mass, was reiterated.

In the latter part of the month of May, Nicholas of Cusa, together with four abbots, presided at the fourteenth Provincial Chapter of the Benedictines, which was held in the convent of St. Stephen at Würzburg. On this occasion he commanded that the rule of St. Benedict should be observed in all its original strictness, approved the Bursfeld reform, and strongly recommended it to all the abbots. This Chapter was very numerously attended; seventy abbots from the Dioceses of Mayence, Bamberg, Wurzburg, Halberstadt, Hildesheim, Eichstadt, Spire, Constance, Strasburg, and Augsburg were present, and amongst them Abbot Johann Hagen, the worthy founder of the celebrated congregation of Bursfeld. The Cardinal himself celebrated solemn High Mass, and each abbot individually came up to the altar and bound himself by vow to carry out the reform within the space of a year. To ensure the success of the good work, the disused custom of annual Provincial Chapters was re-established, and Abbot Hagen was appointed visitor, together with the Abbot of St. Stephen at Würzburg. Thus was the good seed widely sown by the Cardinal Legate, for the seventy abbots bore back to their several houses the impulse received at Wüzburg; no mere passing emotion, such as is wont to touch the heart for a moment, and then leave it unchanged, but a steadfast, earnest purpose of reform. It is possible, indeed, that, through human weakness, or on account of insurmountable obstacles, some of the abbots may have failed to fulfil their promise within the appointed time, but there can be no doubt that the Wurzburg Synod brought forth excellent fruit.

From Würzburg the Cardinal-Legate, riding on a mule, proceeded through Thuringia to Erfurt, which, on account of its numerous churches, chapels, and convents, was called Little Rome. Of the eleven religious houses in this city, three only were reformed, and in one of these, the Benedictine Abbey of St Peter, Cusa took up his abode. St. Peter's was at the time one of the most important monasteries of the Bursfeld congregation, and subsequently became its chief centref On the very day after his arrival (30th May), the Legate began to preach. Hartung Kammermeister, in his Annals, gives the following description of his labours as a preacher, and of his sojourn at Erfurt: "On the Saturday after Cantate (4th Sunday after Easter), anno Dom. 1451, Nicholas of Cusa, the Cardinal sent by Pope Nicholas, came to Erfurt, when the Council decided that its chief man, Count Henry of Glichen, with some of

its servants, friends, and citizens, should ride to meet him and receive him. They had also arranged that the monks from the monastery, and also the university, with the students, in procession, should await his arrival at the outer gate towards Tabirstete, there receive him and escort him to the toll bridge. On the aforesaid bridge the Canons of both Chapters met him, and the Cardinal dismounted from his horse and followed them on foot, in procession, to the Church of Our Lady, and both there and at St. Severin there was grand music in the choir and on the organ. Afterwards the Cardinal again mounted his horse and rode to the Petersberg, where the Canons met him with their relics, and he got off his horse at the steps, and gave the kiss of peace, and followed them on foot, in procession, to the monastery, and those who had ridden forth to meet him followed him on their horses, and afterwards everyone rode home again.

"Now at midday of Vocem jucunditatis (5th Sunday after Easter), the same Cardinal made a good and beautiful sermon from the pulpit of St. Peter's, where a great multitude came together, and he informed the people why and in what manner our Holy Father the Pope had sent him, and he did the same in presence of all. Again on the Day of the Ascension of our Lord, the Cardinal preached from the stone pulpit at the Kaffate, and a great crowd came, for the people heard him gladly.

"Furthermore, on Exaudi Sunday the Cardinal preached from the pulpit of St. Peter's, and very many came from the country into the town, wishing to hear his discourse, and the throng was so great that some men were crushed and many fainted, and it was supposed that more than two thousand persons were present".  

Nicholas of Cusa also visited all the religious houses of Erfurt, and appointed a special commission, with ample powers of reform. Among its members was the excellent Provost of the Augustinians, Johannes Busch, whose labours Have been brought to light by recent researches. Cusa's solicitude also extended to many Benedictine monasteries in Thuringia, and not being able to visit them all personally, he deputed Abbot Christian of St. Peter to act as his substitute, and the Abbot, in his turn, sought the aid of Provost Busch.

In the beginning of June the Cardinal went to Magdeburg, where monastic reform as well as renovation of life among clergy and laity were making the happiest progress under the auspices of the admirable Archbishop Frederick. It is worthy of note that Cusa deviated from the direct road to Magdeburg, in order to pass through Halle and make acquaintance with Johannes Busch, the principal promoter of monastic reform in Northern Germany, with whom he desired to confer regarding the great work in hand. He entered Magdeburg on Whit-Sunday (June 13) in the morning, and remained there until the twenty-eighth of June, devoting the first week of his stay to preaching and the visitation of religious houses, and the second to holding a Provincial Synod. "This same Cardinal", to quote the Municipal Chronicle of Magdeburg, "granted to all people in our Lord of Magdeburg's Cathedral, in that year of graces, or golden year, the same Indulgences that were granted in Rome in the fiftieth year. The Canons had caused a new pulpit to be made, and when he wished to preach, the pulpit was ornamented with golden hangings. Many came to the sermon. There, on the Sunday after Corpus Christi, the Cardinal went with our Lord of Magdeburg in the procession, which every year is wont to be made with the Holy Sacrament, and the Cardinal himself bore it. It never before had been heard that a Cardinal from Rome had gone in procession here. Two Counts of Anhalt accompanied the Cardinal, and the canopy over the Sacrament was borne by the two Counts and other distinguished persons. Our Lord of Magdeburg bore the Holy Cross, and the Abbot of Berge and the Provost of Our Lady's Church also carried relics. At this time so many people came to Magdeburg that all the streets were thronged. In the afternoon, when it is customary every year to show the relics, the Cardinal and our Lord of Magdeburg went up the aisle and stood beside the priest who showed them, as long as this was going on. Then the Cardinal gave the Benediction to the people".

The Provincial Synod, in which the Bishops of Brandenburg and Merseburg, as well as the zealous Archbishop Frederick, took part, was held by the Cardinal in the choir of the magnificent Cathedral of Magdeburg. The Jubilee Indulgence and the reform of the religious orders were the principal subjects which occupied its attention, and Cusa appointed for the several towns and monasteries special confessors, who were empowered to absolve from all sins and ecclesiastical censures, even in cases reserved to the Bishops or to the Pope. The measures resolved upon for the reform of the monasteries were stringent. On the 25th June he issued a Bull, requiring, under pain of deprivation of all privileges and of the right of electing superiors, that, within the space of a year, all religious houses in the whole ecclesiastical province should be reformed, and charging all Bishops to publish these decisions as soon as possible, and to aid in their execution. Special attention was next devoted to the reform of the Augustinians, and, in this respect, the Magdeburg Synod was the counterpart to that of Wurzburg, which dealt in like manner with the Benedictines. The excellent Provost Busch was honoured as he deserved to be. The Cardinal declared that Pope Nicholas V had, in his solicitude for the Order of St. Augustine, given him a commission to visit all its convents within the limits of his Legation. Being unable to accomplish this in person, he intended to nominate deputies, who, in their character of visitors and Legates of the Holy See, were to enjoy all the dignities and rights of an Apostolic Legate, and whose commands were in all particulars to be obeyed by the houses. Provost Johann Busch was appointed in the first place as visitor by Cusa, and with him was associated Provost Doctor Paulus Busse, and all Augustinian convents of the province of Magdeburg, and of the dioceses of Halberstadt, Hildesheim, and Verdun, its suffragans, were to be subject to their jurisdiction. Cusa charged the visitors to begin with the superior of each house, and to go through all its members to the very lowest, and then to give an accurate account in writing of the result of their inquiries. "They were to correct everything found to be at variance with the rule of the Order and the Hildesheim Statutes, approved by Pope Martin V at the Council of Constance. In case of grave transgressions, and towards incorrigible offenders, they were to use strong measures, and even to invoke the aid of the secular arm for the eradication of crimes and scandals". Finally, all houses that accepted the reform were to participate in the benefit of the Indulgence. Both the visitors were fully empowered to give absolution in reserved cases and from ecclesiastical censures, and to grant dispensations for all irregularities. They were, moreover, authorized to remove the interdict, and in cases where they were worthy, to confirm provosts and priors who had obtained their prelacies by simony, and to set them free from the obligation of restitution in regard to revenues which they had unjustly enjoyed. Any convent refusing to admit the visitors incurred interdict, and its inmates fell under the greater excommunication, both of which censures were reserved to the Cardinal Legate and the Apostolic See. By the grant of these powers the work of reformation, which had hitherto depended only on the goodwill of the religious houses and the efforts of the bishops, received Papal authorization.

The labours of the Provincial Synod of Magdeburg were not yet at an end; a long list of resolutions for the reform of ecclesiastical affairs was drawn up; regulations were made regarding the carrying of the Blessed Sacrament, the office in choir, and the Jews, and finally a severe edict against concubinage was published. The decree requiring prayers for the Pope and for the Bishop of the Diocese to be said during Holy Mass, issued for the Province of Salzburg at the beginning of Cusa's Legation, was now enacted at Magdeburg, and is a fresh example of the great Cardinal's care for the promotion of ecclesiastical unity. 

A cheering token of the revival of piety in Northern Germany appears in the zeal, with which the Bishop and the secular authorities promulgated and carried out the decisions of the Magdeburg Synod. The visitors of the religious houses spared no trouble in the accomplishment of their difficult task, and the fact that they devoted nearly seven weeks to Erfurt bears witness to the thoroughness of their labours in the cause of monastic reform. The convents of St. Thomas at Leipzig and St. John at Halberstadt were also visited and reformed this year.

To this period belongs the Cardinal's well-known prohibition of the veneration of bleeding Hosts, a matter regarding which the result of recent investigations is by no means unanimous. From Halberstadt, whence this order was issued, the Cardinal went to Wolfenbüttel and Brunswick, and then turned his steps towards Hildesheim. In this town he at once deposed the Abbot of St. Michael's, who had obtained his dignity by means of symony and was averse to the reform, putting in his place a monk from Bursfeld, and thus ensuring the strict observance of the rule. Here, as elsewhere, Cusa made the religious instruction of the people his care. An interesting memorial of his solicitude is preserved in the Hildesheim Museum in the form of a wooden tablet, bearing the paternoster and the ten commandments, which he caused to be hung up in St. Lambert's, the parish church of Neustadt, as an aid to catechetical instruction.

The Cardinal left Hildesheim about the 20th July, probably spent some days in the ancient and celebrated convent of Corbie, and then remained in Minden uninterruptedly from the 30th July until the 9th August, labouring with great zeal at the arrangement of ecclesiastical affairs. His activity is shown by the list of rules by which he sought to amend the deplorable condition of the diocese. The convents of the city of Minden were subjected to a searching visitation, especially the Benedictine Abbey of St Simon, where discipline had become very relaxed. Here, as in other places, he preached and said Mass in the Cathedral. He also inquired minutely into the condition of the Secular Clergy and the laity, and published ordinances for the better celebration of Divine Service and a severe edict against concubinage among the clergy. As this edict did not at once produce the desired effect, he caused a decree to be affixed to the church doors, threatening any beneficed ecclesiastic, who took back his concubine or kept her elsewhere, with the loss of his income and exclusion from public worship. Should the priest of any church permit an ecclesiastic, reasonably suspected of this sin, to enter his church or take part in the worship of God, the whole city of Minden was to incur an interdict which could only be removed by the Cardinal himself, or by the Apostolic See. The erection of new confraternities or congregations was prohibited, lest the laity should be encouraged to trust in a fallacious piety, consisting solely in externals and nominal membership in many brotherhoods.

While Nicholas of Cusa was thus labouring in Northern Germany to reform the Church from within, the celebrated Minorite, St. John Capistran, was energetically prosecuting the same work in the southern and eastern parts of the kingdom. King Frederick III had, through the intervention of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, induced the Pope to send this great preacher to Germany, charged with the double duty of reforming his own order, and of combating the religious indifference, the sensuality and the spirit of insubordination, which had long prevailed among the people.

The Papal mandate, desiring St. John Capistran to proceed to the north, found him at Venice, where he was preaching the Lent.

He immediately started on his journey to Wiener-Neustadt, passing through Carinthia and Styria, where the mountaineers welcomed him with the greatest enthusiasm. "Wherever he arrived", says Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini in his History of Frederick III "priests and people met him with the holy relics, received him as ambassador of the Pope and preacher of truth, as a great prophet and messenger from heaven. The people flocked down from the mountains as if St. Peter or St. Paul, or some other of the Apostles were passing by, desiring to touch even the hem of his garment, and bearing their sick, many of whom are said to have returned healed. He was about sixty-five years old, small of stature, thin, withered and worn, mere skin and bone, but always cheerful, powerful in intellect, unwearied in work, very learned and eloquent. He preached every day, treating of high and important matters to the joy and delight of learned and unlearned; to all he gave satisfaction, and persuaded them as he would. From twenty to thirty thousand people came every day to his sermons, and although they did not understand what he said, listened to him with more attention than to the interpreter, for it was his custom first to pronounce his whole discourse in Latin, and afterwards he let the interpreter repeat it. It was long before he could reach Vienna, and when at the prayer of the Viennese he at last came to their city, they thronged to him in such crowds that the streets were too narrow to hold them. Men and women pressed one upon another, and when they saw him they shed tears of joy, raised up their hands to heaven and praised him, and those who could come near him kissed his garments, and greeted him as a messenger from heaven. He took up his abode with the Minorites, his brethren in religion, and was supported at the expense of the city. The rule of life which, together with his brethren, he observed was the following: he slept in his habit, rose at daybreak, and after much prayer said holy Mass. He then preached publicly to the people in Latin, from a high platform erected for him near the Carmelite Church on the Square, because elsewhere there was not room. A few hours later, when the interpreter also had finished, he returned to his convent, and after spending some time in prayer, went to visit the sick, laying hands on some, and touching others with the biretta of St. Bernardine, and the blood which had flowed from his nose after death. These visits occupied a long time, inasmuch as the sick were seldom fewer than five hundred, and the Saint prayed devoutly for them all. Towards evening he took food, gave audiences, said vespers, and returned to the sick and engaged in devotional exercises with them until after night had set in. After more prayer he at last allowed his body some repose, but his sleep was very short, for he stole from it time for the study of Holy Scripture. Thus did this man lead on earth what may be called a heavenly life, spotless, blameless, and sinless; I boldly say sinless although people were not wanting who accused him of vain ambition".

Preaching penance wherever he went, St. John Capistran proceeded from Vienna through a great part of Germany. At Ratisbon, Augsburg, Nuremberg, Weimar, Jena, Leipzig, Dresden, Halle, Magdeburg, Erfurt, Breslau and many other places, he was unwearied in proclaiming the Word of God, and won thousands to a better life. In Moravia he battled with the Hussite heresy and reconciled many to the Church, but the hostility of Podiebrad closed Bohemia to him. The Cardinal of Cracow and King Casimir invited him to Poland, where he continued his labours.

His own order derived great benefits from his untiring energy. He knew how to arouse the zeal of the German Princes and cities. In most of the places where he preached he either founded a new convent, or obtained for his Observantines possession of one which required reform. It was his special care to fill these houses with learned novices who had been won, by his preaching, from among the undergraduates and students in the university towns. He strove earnestly in his innumerable discourses to awaken among the people a spirit of true penance and moral reformation. Success crowned his efforts, and in many places men and women brought their dice, cards, false hair, paint, and such like to the public market place and there burned them. "In the year 1454", says an Augsburg chronicle, "Brother John Capistran, of the bare-footed Order, preached here in the church of our Lady, after Mass in the morning about the sixth hour, from the pulpit which had been erected for him, and he did this for eight days together. The men all had to sit on one side and the women on the other, and after dinner, towards evening, he touched all sick people in the court with the Relic of St. Bernardine. Many tresses of false hair and a pile of gambling tables and cards were burnt in the market place".

In many places St. John's preaching produced effects which, though supported by ample testimony, appear almost incredible. In Leipzig, for example, after he had preached on death with a skull in his hand, nearly a hundred and twenty students sought admission into different Religious Orders, about half the number being clothed by the preacher himself with the habit of St Francis. Fifty young men were won for his Order in Vienna, and a hundred and thirty in Cracow, and many of these were students. The Pope showed his esteem for this marvellous preacher by bestowing on him special faculties and granting indulgences to all who should attend his sermons. He was popularly known as the "holy man" or "ghostly father".

Meanwhile the zealous Nicholas of Cusa had in the brief space of six months traversed the most important districts of his native land, leaving everywhere traces of his presence in beneficent regufations which encouraged the good and were a terror to the evil. He now turned his steps to the spot whence monastic reform in Northern Germany had, in the first instance, proceeded, and where many of the happy days of his youth had been spent. Amid general rejoicings he entered Deventer on the 12th August, and took up his abode with his beloved brethren in religion. It was his delight to share the common life of those virtuous religious; he ate with them, though occupying a special seat in conformity with his dignity, and observed the monastic rule in every particular. In the afternoon, when the brethren were assembled in choir, he delighted them with an edifying discourse. While here the Cardinal also visited Windesheim, where he first delivered a striking sermon, and then proceeded to the church, solemnly celebrated Pontifical High Mass, and imparted to all present the Indulgences of the Jubilee. Cusa spent more than two months in the Low Countries, visiting Deventer, Zwolle, Utrecht, Haarlem, Leyden, Arnheim, Nymwegen, Ruremonde, Mastricht, Ltege, Brussels, and most other places of importance. His attention was everywhere devoted not only to monastic reform, but also to that of the people. Van Heilo, his contemporary and assistant, writes: "He not only everywhere admonished and punished ecclesiastics, and required them to amend, but also in his sermons instructed the other members of Christian society in all things necessary, so that many, of high as well as of low estate, laity as well as clergy, were greatly moved in spirit by his words".

Cusa then passed through Luxembourg to enjoy, at his own beautiful home, and among his own people, a short period of well-earned repose. It is related that when his sister Clara came to welcome him at Treves, at the end of October, in festal array, he would not receive her until she had resumed her simple ordinary dress.

A foundation, whose origin dates from the Cardinal's sojourn with his family, still keeps alive the memory of his charity and of his affection for his home. He entered into an agreement with his brother John, the parish priest of Bernkastel, and his sister Clara for the establishment at Cues of a hospital where, in honour of the thirty-three years of our Lord's life, thirty-three poor people were to be provided for. The means required for the foundation were to be derived from the property of the family and from the Cardinal's revenues. "Perhaps", says one of Cusa's biographers, "this was the noblest of the fruits brought forth by the Church's summons to penance and satisfaction. The offering of this Christian family at Cues, with the preacher of the Jubilee in its midst, is in the genuine spirit of Christianity, and has been richly blessed by God".

The conclusion of Cusa's labours in Germany is marked by the great Provincial Councils of Mayence and Cologne, which brought the blessings of reform within the immediate reach of his own home.

The Provincial Council of Mayence was opened in the middle of November, 1451, and lasted for several weeks. The resolutions which it framed may be summed up as follows:—The edict of the Council of Basle regarding the holding of Provincial and Diocesan Synods was adopted. In these Synods the treatise of St. Thomas Aquinas, on "the Articles of Faith and the Holy Sacraments" was to be explained to those entrusted with the cure of souls and to be recommended as a useful handbook. A decree was passed dealing with the usurious practices of the Jews, and another regarding concubinage amongst the clergy, who were to be made subject to the penal laws passed at Basle. The holding of markets on Sundays and festivals and the abuse of Indulgences were forbidden, as also the erection of fresh confraternities to the prejudice of the public worship in the parish churches. The sentence of interdict was limited by a very wise resolution. In order to keep up respect for the most Holy Sacrament of the Eucharist. It was to be exposed only on the festival of Corpus Christi and during its octave. Other decrees had reference to abuses in nomination to posts in cathedrals and collegiate churches, and others again prescribed monastic reforms.

 An important mission now removed Cusa for a time from the scene of his labour. Bulls from Rome commanded him in August, 1451 to proceed to England, and also to visit the territories of the Duke of Burgundy, and there, as well as in the adjacent countries, to endeavour to establish that peace which the ever-increasing danger of Turkish invasion rendered so necessary to Christendom. In one of these Bulls, Nicholas V expresses his confidence that Cusa will, by the exercise of that circumspection and prudence which God has bestowed on him, bring about the much desired peace and become worthy to receive the palm of glory by which God rewards peacemakers. But national animosity was too powerful, and a truce was the utmost that could be obtained. Having returned to Germany he resumed his work by summoning a Provincial Synod to meet at Cologne. This assembly sat from the 24th February until the 8th March. Its decisions were substantially the same with those of the Synod of Mayence, and Cusa joined to their publication the following beautiful words, "By the influence of Divine love and the power of the Apostolic Spirit, which, according to the testimony of St. Jerome, never forsakes the chair of St. Peter, and at the present time devotes itself with special solicitude to feeding the flock of Christ, it has come to pass that our Holy Father, Pope Nicholas V, has cast his eyes on this great province of Cologne, and has sent us, although the least of all the Cardinals of the Sacred College, here, to see how you, brethren, his beloved sons, advance in the way of the Lord. Let us, therefore, thank God, who has collected us together for the promotion of holiness, and in order that by mutual consultation things may take a better direction. And as you are here assembled, most worthy Archbishop Dietrich, together with the honourable chapter and the representatives of the Suffragans, the worthy Abbots, Provosts, Deans, Canons, and other religious learned Priests and Masters in great number, it appears to me that the moment has come when from deliberate, ample, and common con- sultation a profitable result may ensue. For the sake of a better understanding, I think it well to premise that by these resolutions we do not in any way prejudice any apostolic ordinances published by ourselves or other Legates, nor repeal any provincial or diocesan decrees and laudable customs whatever they may be (in so far as they shall not be amended or limited by the decisions we are now about to publish) nor allow the authority of the Holy See or its Legate, or of the Metropolitan and his Suffragans, or any rights, liberties, privileges, and immunities to be in any way impaired. We shall study to maintain the proved right of each one. Moreover, for the sake of carrying some measure of reform into the affairs of the Church, until God grants us more fitting time for more careful consultation, we, Nicholas, Cardinal and Legate, etc., in virtue of our ample power presiding over this Holy Provincial Council, according to the express consent of the worthy Lord and Father in Christ, Lord Dietrich, Archbishop of Cologne, presiding conjointly with us, of his reverend Chapter and his Suffragans, and the unanimous approval of the whole Synod conclude and ordain as follows," etc.

The work done by Cardinal Cusa as Legate in Germany and the Low Countries may be looked upon as the most glorious of his well-spent life, and all honour is due to the Holy See for the selection of an instrument so well-fitted to accomplish a task of rare difficulty. Truly to use the words of Abbot Trithemius, "Nicholas of Cusa appeared in Germany as an angel of light and peace, amidst darkness and confusion, restored the unity of the Church, strengthened the authority of her Supreme Head, and sowed a precious seed of new life. Some of this, on account of the hardheartedness of men, has not grown up, some has brought forth blossoms which from sloth and negligence have quickly disappeared, but a good part has borne fruit in which we still rejoice. Cusa was a man of faith and of love, an apostle of devotion and knowledge. His mind embraced all provinces of human knowledge, but all his knowledge was from God, and its sole object was the glory of God and the edification and amendment of men".

CHAPTER IV.

THE LAST IMPERIAL CORONATION IN ROME,

1452.

The same pontificate which witnessed the abdication of the last anti-Pope, and the healing of the Schism of Basle, witnessed also the last coronation of an Emperor in Rome. Ever since the conclusion of the Concordat at Vienna, Frederick III had set his heart on a visit to Rome. He desired that the reconciliation thus effected between himself and the Pope should be sealed by his solemn coronation as Emperor in the Holy City. In spite of the almost universal contempt for authority of every sort which had prevailed for the last ten years and more perhaps, indeed for that very reason, a reaction in favour of the Empire seemed setting in amongst a certain portion of the nations. Thus, the less Frederick felt himself personally strong enough to assert his rights and bring his surroundings into subjection, the more eagerly did he seek compensation in the prestige that the coronation would confer on him. It was towards the close of the year 1449 that the thought of his journey to Rome began first to be seriously entertained at the Royal Court; but nothing was done. Frederick's position was such as to render his absence from Germany inexpedient, and the disturbed condition of northern Italy, consequent on the death of the last of the Visconti, was not inviting. The execution of the plan was therefore deferred, but it was not relinquished.

Later on the project of a marriage between the king of the Romans and Donna Leonora, daughter of the King of Portugal, was added to that of the coronation. In September, 1450, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini was despatched to Italy to enter into negotiations with King Alfonso, Leonora's maternal uncle, for this alliance, and with the Pope for the coronation. With his accustomed dexterity, Aeneas Sylvius successfully accomplished both commissions, and then Frederick began in good earnest and with unwonted energy to make his preparations both for the journey and for the reception of his bride. He issued an invitation and requisition to the Princes of the Empire, the Imperial cities, and all the nobles and loyal subjects in his hereditary dominions, in compliance with ancient usage, to attend him on his journey to Rome. The place of meeting was to be Austria for the Austrians and Bohemians, Carinthia for the Hungarians and Bavarians, Ferrara for the Suabians, the inhabitants of the Rhenish provinces, and the Saxons. Accordingly in his invitation to the Imperial cities, Cologne, Frankfort, and Strasburg, Frederick says that it is his will to proceed to Rome in order there to receive the Imperial Crown, and requests the above-named cities to provide him with an escort such as "their laudable ancient customs bind them to supply to the King of the Romans". He will himself so as to be at Ferrara by St. Catherine's day (November 25th), from which city he purposes to start on his progress to Rome. He therefore requests, and "in virtue of his authority as King of the Romans, solemnly enjoins and commands", that the said escort shall be sent by that day to Ferrara, "thoroughly equipped and well provided", as is fitting "in order to accompany him on the said journey, for the honour of the Holy Roman Empire and his own".

In March, 1451, Frederick sent two of his court chaplains, Jacob Motz and Nicholas Lanckmann, to Lisbon, to effect the formal ratification of his marriage contract. They were also commissioned to conduct the future Empress as far as the Tuscan part of Telamone, where a royal envoy would meet and receive her.

But, when it became evident that Frederick was seriously intending to proceed to Italy, the obstacles to the realization of his purpose multiplied daily. Not only were there symptoms in Austria of a dangerous agitation against his wardship of the young King Ladislas Posthumus, but the commotion stirred up in Italy also by the news of his impending arrival was amazing. So great was the alarm of the timid Pope Nicholas V that he entreated Heinrich Senftleben, then on his way to Germany, to do his utmost to persuade Frederick to desist from his purpose. But the King now displayed that singular stubbornness in his nature which made him blind to all dangers until they were actually upon him. Regardless of the embarrassments he might be leaving to his counsellors, and of anything that might happen when his back was turned, he set his face Romewards more resolutely than ever, and all attempts to dissuade him were still further frustrated by the changed attitude of the Pope, who, reassured by the representations of Aeneas Sylvius, and perhaps also influenced by other considerations, now favoured his project. He sent him a safe conduct and a cordial letter, warmly expressing the pleasure he felt at the prospect of soon greeting the King in Rome. Meanwhile the worst news continued to arrive from Austria. Aeneas Sylvius in his narrative emphasizes the fact that several of those who accompanied Frederick urgently besought him to put off his journey and return at once to Vienna to nip the impending insurrection in the bud. But the King was determined to cross the Alps. It was at Canale, 1st January, 1452, that his foot first pressed the soil of Italy. The young King Ladislas rode by his side, and the Bohemians, the Hungarians, and his brother, Duke Albert, with his Suabians, had already joined the Royal party at Villach.

Frederick's suite was neither numerous nor brilliant. In all he had not more than two thousand two hundred men, and of these only Albert, Ladislas, and the Bishops of Ratisbon, Gurk, and Trent were of princely rank. Nevertheless, to avoid all possible occasion of umbrage, even this insignificant force was divided, and advanced in separate bands! The alarmists in Italy, who had hitherto expressed so much consternation at the prospect of his royal progress, were silenced perforce, and in fact the reception accorded to the harmless pilgrim was everywhere both friendly and splendid. The republic of Venice, through whose territory Frederick first entered Italy, spared no pains to welcome the future Emperor with befitting honours. Gaspard Enenkel, the imperial councillor, says that the King crossed all the canals from Tervis to Padua on new bridges erected by the republic expressly for the occasion. There was the King right worshipfully entertained by all the people, clergy and laity, rich and poor, men, women, and children, all falling on their knees, praising him and doing him homage; truly if God Himself had come down from heaven they could hardly have done Him more honour, and all the King's costs were defrayed by the Venetians, till he came to the country of the Marquess of Verona.

His reception in Ferrara by the Marquess Borso d'Este was exceptionally magnificent. This wealthy prince hoped that Frederick would make him a duke, and to display his liberality he not only defrayed all the King's own expenses during his stay in Ferrara, but also those of the Suabians, Franconians, and Germans from the Rhenish Provinces, who had preceded him there. The entertainment of the envoys from the city of Strasburg gives a specimen of the splendour of his hospitality. He sent sixteen different kinds of wine, as much bread as two servants could carry, ten chests of confectionery, three of wax lights, thirty capons, two live calves, and provender enough to load ten men. The chiefs of the party, Burkhardt von Mülnheim and his son, received each a splendid gold ring set with gems, and a costly rosary. From the moment of Frederick's arrival on the 19th January a succession of various entertainments, pageants, balls, tournaments, etc., began, and were uninterruptedly continued.

In the midst of these festivities a less agreeable event occurred in the unexpected arrival of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, eldest son of the Duke of Milan, whose title Frederick had refused to recognize. This was on January 23rd. He was accompanied by his uncle Alessandro Sforza, and a brilliant retinue of Lombard nobles. He brought rich presents from his father of horses and weapons for the future Emperor, and saluted him in a speech "as long as two chapters of St. John's Gospel". The Duke of Milan had instructed Filelfo, a man in high repute for his skill in such compositions, to prepare this address, and gave him minute directions as to its length, matter, and arrangement. Galeazzo's audience took place on the 24th. The Duke's little son delivered his oration so admirably that not only the Germans, but the Italians also were amazed. "One would have thought", wrote Alessandro Sforza to his brother, "that one was listening to a practised orator of thirty, and he is but eight years old. Everybody wondered at the child, and the King himself expressed his satisfaction". Alessandro assured Frederick of his brother's loyal devotion, and besought him to visit Milan on his homeward journey. The King declined the invitation, but courteously, for he knew only too well that he had no power to enforce his imperial rights against Sforza’s usurpation.

“After this” (24th January), says Enenkel, "the King proceeded to Bologna, which is a great and strong city belonging to the Pope, who has a legate there who is a cardinal, and resides in the palace with many retainers. There is also a bishop there, and an old university having many students, and a broad and handsome square with great gates. The cardinal with all his retinue, and the bishop, with his clergy, and the university, and the burghers and all the people rode forth to meet the King, and received him with the greatest honour, and placed his throne under a canopy in the bishop's court. Also they supplied him with more than enough of everything that he could want, and he had free quarters at all the inns".

From Bologna Frederick crossed the Apennines to Florence. Aeneas Sylvius draws a vivid picture of the rapture of the Germans at the enchanting loveliness of the landscape on which they gazed from these heights, and especially of their appreciation of the stately beauty of the city. The reception here was even more magnificent than at Ferrara and Bologna. The Florentines received him right royally. There were upwards of a thousand horsemen splendidly attired in silk and gold, velvet and scarlet; and all knelt before him and gave him the keys of their gates, humbly declaring themselves and all their goods to be the King's, and that he might do, and ordain, and command there as he willed, being their rightful and natural lord, since they belonged to him and to the Holy Roman Empire. The clergy came to meet him outside the city, bearing the Host, and all knelt, and with them noble ladies and maidens, all decked out and adorned in the best that they had, and all received the King on their knees, and with them a multitude of the common folk, men, women, and children.

We see how great was the reverence still felt for the Roman Empire; but Frederick was, neither in power nor character, a fitting representative of the highest temporal dignity in Christendom. This fact did not escape the notice of the Italian envoys who accompanied him. On this point we have most interesting testimony, drawn from this very sojourn in Florence. Sceva de Curte, Sforza's ambassador, who was commissioned to invite the King to Milan, there to receive the crown of Lombardy, found it extremely difficult to obtain an audience; it seemed more important to Frederick to choose presents for his bride than to attend to public affairs. He spent all his time in looking at pearls and jewels, gold and velvet dresses, silken and woollen stuffs, "as if he had been a pedlar." "He buys little or nothing”, says this ambassador, "and meanwhile he keeps the Signoria of this noble city, the Lord Carlo di Arezzo, many burghers, the ambassadors from Siena, and the Marquess of Ferrara waiting from morning till night, so that all Florence laughs at him, which I much lament."

It was in Florence, also, that the Papal Legates, charged with the Holy Father's greetings, joined the King; one was Calandrini, step-brother to the Pope, the other Frederick's old acquaintance, Carvajal.

Siena was the next stage in the journey, and it was there that the future Emperor and his bride met for the first time. After a long and perilous voyage she had arrived at Leghorn on February 2nd. In front of the Porta Camullia a marble pillar, bearing the arms of the Roman Empire and of Portugal, still marks the spot where the scene took place, which, later, was immortalized by Pinturicchio's pencil. Aeneas Sylvius witnessed, and thus describes it: "When the Emperor first caught sight of his bride in the distance, he turned pale, for her stature appeared to him too low. But when she drew near, and he beheld her beautiful countenance and dignified bearing, his colour returned and he smiled, for he saw that he had not been deceived, and that his bride was even more lovely than report had made her. She was sixteen years of age, of middle height, with an open brow, black and sparkling eyes, a very white neck, and a faint colour in her cheeks. Her form was perfect, but her beauty was eclipsed by the gifts of her mind."

All the resources of that festive art in which the Italy of the Renaissance so excelled were displayed for the entertainment of the noble pair during their stay in Siena.

At first sight the alarm displayed by Nicholas at the approach of so pacific a guest seems incomprehensible. By his command all the defences of the city were set in order, the guards were doubled at the gates, the Capitol, and the Castle of St Angelo, and in addition to this, the Pope had sent for two thousand mercenaries and appointed thirteen district marshals to keep watch over all parts of the city. Why all these precautions? Was the Pope really afraid of Frederick? It seems more probable that what Nicholas feared was not Frederick, but certain dangerous elements in Rome itself, where the republican party was again beginning to stir. An Emperor who would be almost always absent was a more acceptable master to these people than a Pope whose rule, however mild, was an ever present restraint. Thus it appears likely that the motive, which induced the Pope to desire his Legates to obtain from Frederick at Siena a sworn promise that he would respect the Papal rights, was rather mistrust of the loyalty of the Romans than any doubt of the Emperor's good faith. Nicholas knew the weakness of his character, and hoped thus to guard against the danger of the pressure which might be put upon him from certain quarters to induce him to assume the government of the city. We shall still better understand the Pope's anxiety if we consider that the idea of the old Roman Empire was far from being extinct It was but quite lately that Valla, in his refutation of the gift of Constantine, had declared that it was absurd to crown as Emperor a prince who had abandoned Rome; that in truth the crown belonged to the Roman people.

The reception of the future Emperor was as splendid as the Pope could make it; he told the Milanese Ambassadors that he wished to show extraordinary honour to Frederick, and was prepared to spend from forty to sixty thousand ducats for the purpose.

Frederick travelled from Siena by Acquapendente, Viterbo (in which city he was scared by an unseemly brawl in the streets) and Sutri. It was during this journey that, as they were gazing together on the "billowy Campagna with its girdle of shimmering heights", the King prophesied to Aeneas Sylvius his elevatjon to the Papacy

On the evening of March 8th he drew near to the Eternal City, and was met by the deputation sent out to welcome him. First appeared the greater portion of the nobility, the Colonna and Orsini, with a host of retainers, then the Pope's treasurer with the militia of the city, finally the Papal Vice-Chamberlain, with the Roman senators and the most eminent of the citizens. From Monte Mario he beheld that marvellous panorama of the valley of the Tiber, and Rome spread out before him, looking like a sea of houses, which Dante describes as overpowering. There he lingered awhile, asking questions, and hardly able to tear himself away from the enchanting spectacle of the seven-hilled city, with all her monuments and towers, lighted up by the evening sun. The German knights were equally delighted; this view of the true capital of the whole world was enough in itself, they declared, to repay them for all the toils of the journey. At the foot of the hill Frederick found the Cardinals assembled to greet him. The King was given to understand that this honour had not been accorded to former Emperors; whereat those who, like Aeneas Sylvius had read history, could not help remembering that there had been a time when the Pope himself came out as far as Sutri to meet the Emperor. "But", he adds, "all earthly power is subject to change; in former days the majesty of the Empire eclipsed all lesser dignities, now the Pope is the greater".

An ancient custom forbade Frederick to enter the city on the night of his arrival, and he passed it outside the walls in the villa of a Florentine merchant. Donna Leonora was lodged in another villa. The royal suite encamped in the meadows of Nero, where the Pope had provided gorgeous silken tents, blue, red, and white. Many, however, with the King's permission, entered the city. Among these was Aeneas Sylvius, who at once hastened to the Pope, again to repeat in the most solemn manner his assurances of the loyalty of Frederick's intentions. Nicholas, however, still thought it wisest to be on his guard.

On the following day, March 9th, all the bands composing the royal escort were summoned for a grand review in the meadow opposite the Porta di Castello. But when the counts and knights and also the mercenaries of the free cities appeared each with their own banner, on a sudden came an order from the King that these should be "put away, and all march under the royal standard alone. "At which” says the Strasburg narrative, "there was great demur on the part of all the soldiers and burghers, but more especially from the captain of the Company of St. George, who said that it was an unheard of thing that the flag of St. George should be thus slighted, and that though he were under the very walls of Rome he would return home with all his men, unless the banner of this honourable and illustrious Company were permitted publicly to enter the city; and that in the memory of man no Emperor or King had ever refused this". However, all opposition was in vain; there was much murmuring amongst the knights and men-at-arms and burghers, but in the end all had to submit, and march into Rome under the Imperial standard alone. This ensign, a single-headed eagle on a banner of cloth of gold hung on a gilt staff, was borne by the Burgrave Michael of Magdeburg, and the naked sword of the King was carried by the Marshal von Pappenheim.

The bride followed at some distance behind the King; her horse was covered with a golden cloth, and she wore a beautiful mantle of gold and blue, and a costly gold necklace. The Papal horsemen, three thousand strong, in gorgeous armour, with bright helmets adorned with plumes, closed the procession, followed by a rear guard of two hundred Roman mercenaries on foot. Each division was accompanied by a band of trumpeters, to the intense delight of the populace, which had flocked in from all quarters to witness the pageant, and money was scattered amongst them.

At the Porta di Castello the King was received with great pomp by all “the clergy and prelates, and numbers of bishops, abbots, provosts, and other religious men with their holy symbols and ornaments, under canopies hung with gold and silk. Truly it was a glorious sight, and if God Himself, made Man, had come down upon earth they could not have reverenced Him more, for they had a cross and censers, and they sang with joyous voices: Ecce ego mitto Angelum meum vobis qui praeparabit viam ante me. The chamberlains who went before him threw much money among the people, and the mayor of the city carried a splendid sword behind him, and all the burghers and noble Romans, and a great number of noble ladies and damsels, knelt down before the King and welcomed him, as did also the common folk, of whom there was so vast a multitude that it was a wonder to see; and all kept holiday on that day and on the two following ones as though it had been Easter Day or Christmas". "The King and Queen rode under two canopies to the minster of the Prince of the Apostles, St. Peter; there the King alighted at the foot of the steps, and some of the cardinals went down to meet him, and led him up to where the Holy Father sat on his throne, surrounded by his clergy and officers. Then the King kissed his foot and offered him gold, whereupon the Pope stood up and gave the King his hand, who kissed it, and at the third time the Pope embraced the King and gave him the kiss of peace on one cheek; then the King knelt down before him and the Pope bent over him for a space, and after that he made the King sit down by his side".

On the following day Nicholas fixed the 19th March for Frederick's coronation, that being the anniversary of his own coronation. The intervening time was spent by Frederick in visiting the objects of interest in the city, and in frequent interviews with the Pope. In these the King's Austrian difficulties, in which he desired the support of Nicholas, were discussed, and also the affair of the crown of Lombardy, which he wished to receive from the hands of the Holy Father, his relations with Sforza in Milan being such as to make it impossible to accept it from him. The Milanese ambassadors did their utmost to dissuade the Pope from granting the iron crown, but in vain; they had to content themselves with a protest.

This coronation and the celebration of the royal marriage were arranged to take place together. On the 16th of March, after hearing a solemn Mass, the royal pair kneeling before the high altar in St. Peter's, received their costly wedding rings from the hands of the Pope, and the nuptial benediction from his lips. Then, after a second Mass, Frederick knelt again at the feet of Nicholas, and was crowned King of Lombardy with the iron crown which he had brought to Rome for the purpose.

On the following Sunday {Laetare, March 19tht) the imperial coronation took place, with the insignia brought from Nuremberg. The Pope was seated on his throne in front of the high altar in St. Peter's, on his right the college of cardinals, on his left the bishops and prelates. Outside the sanctuary two tribunes were erected for the King of the Romans and his consort. First of all Frederick had to take the oath which Louis the Pious was supposed to have sworn, and was then admitted into the college of the Canons of St. Peter's and clad in the imperial robes. Then, before the altar of St. Maurice, first the King and then the Queen were anointed on the shoulder and right arm with the holy oil. From thence they returned to their tribunes to hear the solemn coronation Mass. "Then they began to sing the Mass", says Enenkel, "and after the gloria, the Pope read the collects, first that for the day, and then the collect for the Emperor, who sat close by on his chair clad in the sacred robes of the Emperor Charles, a thing which had not for many hundred years happened to any Emperor, and which was accounted a very great honour and singular grace of God. After the gospel the Emperor and Empress, were led by the Pope before St. Peter's altar, there the Emperor knelt down and the Pope read for some while over him, and put the holy crown of the Emperor Charles upon his head; and he said all to him in Latin. Then he put the holy sword of Charles, bare, into his hand, and thus made the Emperor a knight of St. Peter; he girded on the sword, drew it and waved it, and put it back into its scabbard.

"After that the Pope put the holy sceptre into his right hand, and the royal orb into his left hand, all with goodly collects.

“When all this was ended, he kissed the Pope's foot and seated himself again in his chair; then his brother, Duke Albert, and other princes, lords, knights, and men, also those of the imperial cities, knelt before him and wished him joy and all happiness.

"After this the noble King Ladislas and the Duke of Teschen led forward the fair young Queen; she was richly attired, her head was bare and her hair very lovely to behold, falling in waving tresses over her neck behind; thus she was brought before St. Peter's altar stnd anointed, and many collects were said over her. Then the costly crown which had been specially prepared for her was put upon her head, and she was led back to her chair".

When all the ceremonies were done, the Emperor and Empress received Holy Communion from the hands of the Pope. At the conclusion of the service the Empress returned to her palace, while the Emperor remained to perform the duty of holding the Pope's stirrup and leading his horse from the church door. This done, he mounted his own, and both rode together to the Church of Sta. Maria Traspontina, where, after giving him the Golden Rose, the Pope took leave of the Emperor. Then Frederick rode to the bridge of St. Angelo, where he bestowed the honour of knighthood on his brother Albert, and more than two hundred nobles, many of whom, however, were not soldiers, and had never drawn a sword. When these ceremonies, which occupied about two hours, were concluded, the Emperor rode to the Lateran, where the solemnities of the day were closed by the great coronation banquet.

On the following day several of the Ambassadors presented congratulatory addresses, in high-sounding words, which but little corresponded with the truth, for in the political world the Imperial coronation passed almost unnoticed, though to Frederick personally it was the most brilliant moment in his life.

The newly-crowned Emperor remained in Rome until the 24th March, on which day he started for Naples to visit his relative King Alfonso. During this interval the two heads of Christendom again met frequently. These interviews resulted in a series of bulls in Frederick's favour; he received numerous indulgences and privileges, and a bull of excommunication was launched against the Austrian rebels.

The journey of the Imperial pair to Naples was like a triumphal procession. In all the places through which Frederick was to pass, the pageant-loving Alfonso had given orders for the most magnificent receptions, and provided with lavish prodigality for every want. Naples itself was like a fairy city, drowned in a giddy whirl of theatrical performances, tournaments, sports, dances, and festivities of all descriptions.

From these festive scenes the Emperor was suddenly torn by the news of the attempted flight of his ward Ladislas, whom he had left behind at Rome. In consequence he started at once for that city and arrived there on April 22nd; the same evening he had a long interview with the Pope. In an open consistory he again thanked the Holy Father and the cardinals for the honourable reception they had given him. It was in this assembly that Aeneas Sylvius made that fiery speech against the Turks, in which those remarkable words about the council, which have already been quoted, occur. Then Frederick set out on his homeward journey, now become urgent owing to the state of things in Austria, where a resort to arms to contest his wardship of Ladislas was imminent. "Yesterday mornnig", says one of the Sienese envoys on April 27th, the Emperor left the Eternal City. Both he and his suite were loud in their expressions of satisfaction at the noble reception given them by the Pope. Nicholas V, who through his representatives Cardinals Calandrini and Carvajal conducted his guest as far as the frontier, was no less pleased that the coronation had passed off peacefully and without disorder.

The Emperor did not venture to return through Milan, rightly judging that Francesco Sforza was not to be trusted; and in fact the Duke of Milan, already allied with France, had also come to an understanding with Frederick's enemies in Hungary and Vienna. He, therefore, chose the route by Florence and Ferrara, in which latter place, with great pomp, he bestowed on Borso d'Este the title of Duke of Modena and Reggio. This was the only imperial act of any importance that Frederick performed during this expedition to Rome. The negotiations begun in Ferrara, for the restoration of peace in Italy, never got beyond the first preliminaries; the ambassadors of Aragon held aloof, and the Emperor was too much taken up with the troubles in Germany to pursue them any farther. From May 21st to June 1st Frederick remained at Venice, where, as before, a series of entertainments were offered to him. But all this pageantry could not conceal the political insignificance of the empire. When the Emperor attempted to speak to the Doge of Venice about the pacification of Italy, the Doge replied that the Venetians had just declared war against Sforza with good hopes of success; consequently, under present circumstances the honour of the republic forbade any such negotiations. "We are sensible” said the Doge "of the respect due to the most exalted of earthly dignities, and that the Emperor should not be put off with words; therefore, we have at once announced our decision, which is irrevocable". Thus Frederick had not long to wait for an opportunity of testing the value of his new dignity. Before he left he again visited the shops, (but in disguise, that he might not be called upon to pay imperial prices), and made more purchases.

Under the circumstances we cannot be surprised at the severe judgment passed upon Frederick's expedition to Rome by the usually indulgent Archbishop, St. Antoninus of Florence. "Nothing appeared in him of the majesty of an Emperor, neither liberality nor understanding, for he almost always spoke by the mouth of another. But everyone could see how greedy he was, how he loved gifts and sought for them. At last he went home, leaving behind him a sorry impression of his rapacity". In fact Frederick had traversed the Italian peninsula not as Emperor and lord, but merely as a tolerated guest, under the safe conduct of the Princes and cities. Of outward show there had been enough and to spare, and his reception everywhere had been respectful, but all this thinly veiled the mistrust with which he was regarded by more than one of the Italian States. Without any increase of power the newly-crowned Emperor returned to his hereditary dominions, where the insurrection broke out immediately. In vain did Nicholas threaten the insurgents with the severest penalties of the Church; they answered by an appeal to a future Council. They compelled the helpless Emperor, whose Empire did nothing for him, to release King Ladislas. But the details of these occurrences belong to the history of the Empire.

Frederick III was the first Emperor of the illustrious house of Hapsburg who was consecrated and crowned in Rome. He was also the last King and Emperor to whom this honour was vouchsafed.

CHAPTER V

NICHOLAS V AS PATRON OF THE RENAISSANCE IN ART AND LITERATURE.— ALBERTI. — FRA ANGELICO DA FIESOLE. — FOUNDING OF THE VATICAN LIBRARY

For the history of the world, the true significance of the reign of Pope Nicholas V is not to be found in the political and ecclesiastical events that we have hitherto been recording. Full of confidence in the vitality and force of the Christian idea, this highly cultured Pontiff ventured to place himself at the head of the Renaissance both in art and in literature; and it is in this that the real importance of his Pontificate consists. In thus lending the resources and authority of the Holy See for the promotion of learning and art, he inaugurated a new era both in the history of the Papacy and in that of culture.

In the learned and literary world the elevation of the poor professor of Sarzana was greeted with exultation. All who had ever come in contact with the new Pope were aware of his ardent love for learning and for the ideal in all its forms. "He would wish", he once said, "to spend all he possessed on books and buildings". Francesco Barbaro, like Nicholas, a votary of the Christian Renaissance, in his graceful congratulatory letter, quoting Plato, counts the world happy, since now the wise are becoming its rulers, or its rulers are becoming wise. All eyes turned hopefully towards Nicholas, expecting the dawn of a new era, and these hopes were not disappointed. Hitherto he had had nothing but his health and his time to offer to the cause of learning; now it soon became evident that the Pope was resolved to devote all his means and his influence to its service.

Nicholas's plan was to make Rome, the centre of the Church, a focus of literature and art, a city of splendid monuments, possessing the finest library in the world, and in so doing to secure in the Eternal City an abiding home for the Papacy.

It is of essential importance that the Pope's motives in this undertaking should be rightly appreciated. He has himself declared them in the Latin speech which, on his death-bed, he addressed to the assembled Cardinals. This speech, preserved by his biographer Manetti, is the expression of his last wishes, and explains the guiding principle of all his actions and the end at which he aimed.

"Only the learned", says the Pope, "who have studied the origin and development of the authority of the Roman Church, can really understand its greatness. Thus, to create solid and stable convictions in the minds of the uncultured masses, there must be something that appeals to the eye; a popular faith, sustained only on doctrines, will never be anything but feeble and vacillating. But if the authority of the Holy See were visibly displayed in majestic buildings, imperishable memorials and witnesses seemingly planted by the hand of God Himself, belief would grow and strengthen like a tradition from one generation to another, and all the world would accept and revere it. Noble edifices combining taste and beauty with imposing proportions would immensely conduce to the exaltation of the chair of St. Peter". The learned Pope fully realized what an important influence the visible presence and past memories of the Capitol had exercised on the history of the Roman people.

The fortifications erected in Rome and in the Papal States were intended, the Pope explains, to serve as defences against both external and internal enemies. If his predecessors had protected themselves in a similar manner, against the Romans more especially, they would have been spared much tribulation. "If", said Nicholas, "We had been able to accomplish all that We wished, our successors would find themselves more respected by all Christian nations, and would be able to dwell in Rome with greater security both from external and internal foes. Thus it is not out of ostentation, or ambition, or a vain-glorious desire of immortalizing Our name, that We have conceived and commenced all these great works, but for the exaltation of the power of the Holy See throughout Christendom, and in order that future Popes should no longer be in danger of being driven away, taken prisoners, besieged, and otherwise oppressed."

It has been asserted that love of fame was the ruling motive which guided Nicholas in all his actions, and that this is the true explanation of the splendour of his court, his buildings, his libraries, his liberality towards learned men and artists. It is evident from these words, spoken on the brink of eternity, that this assertion is false. A man, to whose detestation of all untruthfulness and hypocrisy both friends and foes alike bear witness would not have lied thus upon his death-bed. No doubt Nicholas may not have been wholly insensible at all times to the seductions of fame, but a selfish desire for his own glory was never with him the first motive. This has been admitted even by some who heartily detest the Papacy. "All that Nicholas undertook", writes one, "was directed towards the exaltation of the Holy See; the one object of his ambition was to increase its dignity and authority by the visible splendour of its monuments, and the intellectual influence it would exert, by making it the centre of the learning of the world". 

The great architectural undertakings which the Pope thus justified partly on practical and partly on ideal grounds consisted of new buildings and of restorations. In the latter he only continued the works begun by his two immediate predecessors, to repair the neglect which had wrought such havoc in the city during the absence of the Popes at Avignon, and the disastrous period of the schism. But in the former he struck out wholly new paths.

Manetti, enumerating all the Pope's undertakings with the minuteness of a loving biographer, zealous for the honour of his hero, classes them under three heads, according as they were intended for defence, for sanitation or embellishment, and finally for piety. "The Pope had five things at heart, all great and important works, to rebuild the city walls and restore the aqueducts and bridges; to repair the forty churches of the stations; to rebuild the Vatican Borgo, the Papal Palace, and the Church of St. Peter's". It has been justly remarked that the three last named projects are closely connected together and differ essentially from the two first. They are, in fact, the off-spring of the new era, conceived in the genuine spirit of the Renaissance, while the others do not depart from the traditional lines of the medieval Popes.

The restorations of Nicholas are very extensive and embraced an enormous number of buildings, both religious and secular. His first care was for the forty churches in which, during Lent, the stations were held. The little church of San. Teodoro, at the foot of the Palatine hill, was twice in the hands of his workmen. The interesting church of San. Stefano Rotondo, which had been seen by Flavio Biondo, in 1446, roofless, with its mosaics in ruins, and its marble slabs cracked and peeling from the walls, underwent a thorough renovation. By order of the Pope restorations of various kinds were executed in the churches of the Holy Apostles, San. Celso, Sta. Prassede, Sta. Maria in Trastevere, Sant. Eusebio, Sta. Maria Rotonda (the Pantheon). At the same time those already commenced in the great Basilicas were continued, and new works begun. The restoration in the Churches of Sta. Maria Maggiore, San. Paolo, and San. Lorenzo fuori le mura were especially extensive and important. On the Capitol Nicholas rebuilt the palace of the Senators, and erected a new and beautiful edifice for the conservators. The papal palaces, adjoining the churches of Sta. Maria Maggiore and the Holy Apostles, were also restored.

One of this Pope's greatest merits was the attention he bestowed on the water supply of the city. Nothing perhaps shows more plainly the state of decay in which Nicholas found it, than the fact that the majority of its inhabitants were dependent for water on the Tiber and the various wells and cisterns; the only aqueduct which, though out of repair, still remained serviceable was that of the Acqua Vergine. Nicholas restored this, and thus made habitable that part of the city which was more distant from the river. An ornamental fountain, to which the name of Trevi was given, was erected at the mouth of this aqueduct in 1453; it was probably designed by the famous Alberti.

Rome also owed to Nicholas much clearing away of ruins and masses of rubbish, which in many places had made the streets impassable, and he began to pave them and make them more regular. But his plans for improving and embellishing the city went much further than this. By his command Alberti had prepared designs for pavilions and colonnades, which were to be erected for protection from the sun on the bridge of St. Angelo and other exposed places in Rome. The reopening of the abandoned parts of the city also occupied his attention. Very soon after his election, on May 23rd, 1447, in order to check the growing desertion of the extensive district called de' Monti, he issued an edict granting special privileges to all who should build houses in that region. This enactment, which was confirmed a year later, was, however, not more successful in producing the desired effect than the earlier efforts of the magistrates, or those of Sixtus V, in later times. The district "de'Monti" is to this day, in proportion to its size, the most thinly peopled part of Rome.

With a just appreciation of the needs of the times, the indefatigable Pope also turned his attention to the improvement and protection of the approaches to the city. The wooden central arch of the Milvian Bridge (Ponte Molle) was replaced by a stone one; and at its entrance, on the right bank of the river, a strong tower was begun, which was finished by Calixtus III, whose arms, the ox of the Borgia, it bears. The other bridges in the neighbourhood of Rome, such as Ponte Nomentano, Ponte Salaro, Ponte Lucano, were repaired and fortified. The bed of the Anio was cleared and made navigable, so that it could be utilized for the transport of the large stones from the Travertine quarries.

In 1451 the Pope's apprehensions on the occasion of the visit of Frederick III hastened the restoration of the city walls, which in many places were in ruins. Along the whole boundary of the city proper, from the Flaminian gate by the river as far as the Ostian gate, we still trace the handiwork of Nicholas, whose name appears on the mural tablets more frequently than that of any other Pope.

But all this shrinks into utter insignificance when compared with his colossal designs for the rebuilding of the Leonine city, the Vatican, and the Church of St. Peter's.

No part of Rome had suffered more than the Leonine city, which had always formed a separate town in itself. Eugenius IV had opened a road through the ruins and rubbish to the bridge, and had endeavoured to attract inhabitants to it by remitting all taxes within its precincts for a period of twenty-five years. Nicholas proposed, in close connection with the plans for the new Vatican Palace and Church of St. Peter's, to rebuild it altogether in the style of the Renaissance, and thus create a monumental residence for the Holy See.

Manetti's minute description of this vast project transports the imagination of the reader to Eastern lands, where such vast palaces and temples are reared for the habitations of gods and kings.

The tomb of St. Peter, actually situated at the one extremity, was to be the ideal centre of this grandiose plan. The opposite extremity was to be formed by a large square in front of the Castle and Bridge of St. Angelo. From this square three straight and broad avenues were to start, and terminate in another vast open space at the foot of the Vatican hill; the central avenue was to lead to the Basilica, the one on the right to the Vatican Palace, that on the left to the buildings facing it. These streets were to be flanked with spacious colonnades to serve as a protection against sun and rain, and the lower stories of the houses were to be shops, the whole street being divided into sections, each section assigned to a separate craft or trade. The upper stories were to serve as dwelling-houses for the members of the Papal Court; architectural effect and salubrity were to be equally considered in their construction.

The principal square, into which these three streets were to run, and of which the right side was to be formed by the entrance to the Papal palace, and the left by the houses of the clergy, was to measure five hundred and fifty feet in length and two hundred and seventy-five in breadth. In its centre there was to be a group of colossal figures representing the four Evangelists, which was to support the obelisk of Nero; and this again was to be surmounted by a bronze statue of the Saviour, holding a golden cross in His right hand. "At the end of this square", continues Manetti, "where the ground begins to rise, broad steps ascend to a high platform, with handsome belfry, adorned with splendid marbles, on the right hand and on the left. Between and behind these is a double portico having five portals, of which the three central ones correspond with the principal avenue coming from the bridge of St. Angelo, and the two side ones with the two other streets. This quasi-triumphal arch leads into a court surrounded with pillars and having a fountain in the centre, and finally through this into the church itself".

All that the progress of art and science had achieved, in the way of beauty and magnificence, was to be displayed in the new St. Peter's. The plan of the church was that of a Basilica with nave and double aisles, divided by pillars, and having a row of chapels along each of the outermost aisles. Its length was to be 640 feet, the breadth of the nave 320, the height of the dome inside 220; this was to be richly decorated, and the upper part of the wall was to be pierced with large circular windows, freely admitting the light. The high altar was to be placed at the intersection of the nave and transepts, and the Papal throne and the stalls for the Cardinals and the Court within the apse. The roof was to be of lead, the pavement of coloured marbles, and behind the church was to be a Campo Santo, where the Popes and prelates should be interred, "in order that a temple, so glorious and beautiful that it seemed rather a Divine than a human creation, should not be polluted by the presence of the dead". An immense pile of buildings at the side was destined for the accommodation of the clergy.

The Papal city, which, by its natural site, was detached from the rest of Rome, was to be fortified in such a manner, says Manetti, that no living thing but a bird could get into it. The new Vatican was to be a citadel, but at the same time to contain all the elegance and splendour of a palace of the Renaissance. A magnificent triumphal arch was to adorn the entrance. The ground floor, with spacious halls, corridors, and pavilions, surrounding a garden traversed by cool rivulets and filled with fruit trees and flowers of all sorts, was to be the summer habitation. The first floor was to be furnished with all that was required to make winter agreeable; while the airy upper story was to serve as a spring aqd autumn residence. The Papal palace was also to include quarters for the College of Cardinals, accommodation for all the various offices and requirements of the Papal Court, a sumptuous hall for the coronations of the Popes and the reception of Emperors, Princes, and Ambassadors, suitable apartments for the Conclave, and for keeping the treasures of the Church, several chapels, and a magnificent library.

Some modern writers have looked upon this project as chimerical; it would, they say, have required the lifetime of twenty Popes and the treasures of a Rameses to carry it into execution. The contemporaries of Nicholas judged otherwise, and justly, for the Pope, at the time of his election, was only forty-nine; and with all the resources that he could have accumulated during his peaceful Pontificate, what might he not have accomplished if, instead of only lasting eight years, it had continued for fifteen or twenty! What he actually achieved during the short period granted him is amazing. Almost all the absolutely necessary restorations and an immense number of new buildings had already been completed when death overtook him, just at the moment when he would have been free to concentrate all his powers on the creation of the Papal city. At fifty-seven, life was not too far advanced to make the building of a new palace, or a church, even on a magnificent scale, or the rebuilding of a quarter of a city impossible tasks for a man who had talent, materials, and money at his disposal in lavish profusion.

A modern writer of considerable acumen in regard to all that relates to the history of art has taken great pains to ascertain to whom the intellectual proprietorship of this vast architectural scheme, thus minutely described by Manetti, should be assigned. After a careful comparison between Manetti's description and the doctrines laid down in Alberti's work on architecture, he has come to the conclusion that the whole plan, not only in its general conception, but also in all its details, can be ascribed to no other mind.

Matteo Palmieri, in his brief chronicles of the year 1452, says: "The Pope, wishing to build a more beautiful church in honour of St. Peter, had laid the foundations, and already carried the walls, (in the apse of the choir only), to a height of 52 feet; but this great work, in no wise inferior to that of olden times, was first interrupted by the advice of Leon Battista, and finally stopped altogether by the untimely death of the Pope. Leon Battista Alberti, a man of a most sagacious spirit, and well versed in all the arts and sciences, laid before the Pope his learned works on architecture".

The above-named writer drew from these words an extremely probable conclusion. Nicholas had at first no intention of pulling down the venerable Cathedral of St. Peter's. The works mentioned in his account books, such as the restoration of the portico, the repaving of the floor, renewing the mosaics, doors, and roof, and filling the windows with stained glass, manifest, on the contrary, that his object was to repair and secure the ancient sanctuary and preserve it as long as possible. It was only the choir that he purposed actually to rebuild. Then the great Alberti, the humanistic architect, appeared before the humanistic Pope, and presented to Nicholas his ten books on architecture, the compendium of all his science and all his aspirations. The impression produced was instantaneous, profound, convincing. A comparison between Palmieri's statement, the testimony of the earlier account bpoks, and Manetti's description places the matter beyond doubt. Clearly the perusal of this book, further supported by the eloquence of its gifted author, was the turning point with Nicholas in his building plans. The earlier conservative designs were discarded by Leon Battista's advice and the new colossal scheme adopted.

The unsafe condition of the old Basilica, of which we shall speak presently, may have had an important influence on this decision. But before a single step had been taken towards the rebuilding of St. Peter's, all was stopped by the premature death of the Pope.t Later on, the project was resumed by Julius II, immediately upon his accession to the Papal throne, but on different designs.

To many the thought of pulling down this venerable temple, which had witnessed the rise and growth of the Papacy, and the first grasp of Christianity on the ancient world, was painful. In later times, also, the same sentiments have provoked some severe judgments on Nicholas for his action in this matter. But in the opinion of one who has carefully gone into its whole history, the rebuilding of St. Peter's had become an absolute necessity. "It was", he affirms, "only a question of sooner or later. Before fifty years were out this most interesting building must either have fallen of itself or else have been pulled down. From an architectural point of view the plan of the ancient Christian basilica is perhaps the most daring that exists. Its three upper walls, pierced with windows, rest on slender columns unsustained by buttresses or supports of any kind, and when once they have in any notable degree fallen out of the perpendicular, the case of the building is hopeless, it must be pulled down. This can easily be understood by anyone, and needs no special knowledge of the rules of architecture. Two unexceptional witnesses testify that this was the case with the old St. Peter's. Leon Battista Alberti states that the southern wall leant outwards to the extent of three braccia (4 ft 9 in.), and he adds, "I am convinced that very soon some slight shock or movement will cause it to fall. The rafters of the roof had dragged the north wall inwards to a corresponding degree". The testimony of the archivist, Jacopo Grimaldi, is perhaps still more telling, because unintentional. He says that the paintings on the south side are practically invisible, from the dust which gathers upon them on account of its slant, while those on the north wall can be seen; he estimates the deflection at five palms (3ft. 1’1/2 in).

If, however, we may acquit Nicholas of having needlessly laid hands on the venerable basilica of Constantine, we cannot hold him guiltless in regard to the other ancient buildings from which he ruthlessly purloined the materials for his own. In doing so he only followed in the footsteps of his contemporaries and predecessors. Nevertheless it seems strange that a Pope, who so highly appreciated the literature of the ancients, should have shown so little regard for their other creations. The account books of his reign are full of notices of payments for the transport of blocks of marble and travertine from the great Circus, the Aventine, Sta. Maria Nuova, the Forum, and, most of all, the Coliseum. More than two thousand five hundred cart loads were carried away from this amphitheatre in one year alone. Similar recklessness was, unfortunately, displayed in the destruction of a precious memorial of Christian antiquity, the mortuary chapel of the Anician family, built against the apse of St. Peter. Had not the humanist Maffeo Vegio, as he says, by accident, found his way into the abandoned and forgotten “Templum Probi”, popularly called the house of St. Peter, before it was demolished, we should have known nothing of the interior of this most interesting mortuary chapel, or of the epitaphs of Anicius Probus and Faltonia Proba. In justice, however, it must be said that on other occasions Nicholas showed great reverence for the relics of the old basilica, and was really careful to preserve the work of his predecessors. Thus he replaced the tomb of Innocent VII, and had the slabs of porphyry, which formed the ancient pavement, kept together and laid by. When the workmen employed in building the choir of St Peter's found some Christian graves, he was so delighted that he presented them with ten ducats apiece. He caused a chalice to be made out of the gold ornaments found in these tombs.

Notable alterations were made by Nicholas in the Vatican Palace. The account books show that these were commenced in the first year of his reign, and a special "architect of the Palace" appointed. The Pope began by causing one set of rooms to be restored and decorated, and then proceeded to the execution of the plan described by Manetti. Thus, by his command, the new library, the hall for the equerries, the Belvidere, and the new chapel of St. Laurence were successively built. According to Panvinius Nicholas also built a new chapel dedicated to his own patron Saint. Walls and towers rose rapidly around the restored papal citadel; one of the latter is still in existence. The building, which was being thus transformed, dated from the time of Nicholas III. If we ascend the great staircase of Pius IX, says one who knows Rome thoroughly, and thus enter the court of Damasus, the old building will be on our left, the greater part of its front concealed by the loggie of Bramante, and its longer side touching the great court of Julius II. In its present state the ground-floor dates from Alexander VI, the first-floor belongs to Nicholas V. The famous "stanze", whose walls were covered a little later with Raphael's paintings, together with those adjoining them and the so-called chapel of St. Laurence, remain, for the most part, architecturally unaltered, but, with the exception of the chapel, have been entirely repainted. The chapel of the Blessed Sacrament, on the other hand, built by Eugenius IV, and decorated by Nicholas V, was destroyed in the course of the alterations made by Paul III. The proportions of these "stanze" are singularly noble and harmonious, while the expanse of unbroken surface which their walls present and the semi-circular spaces above them corresponding with the intersecting arches of the ceilings make them peculiarly adapted for the reception of large compositions.

In his choice of artists and architects Nicholas fully maintained the cosmopolitan traditions of the Papal Court. Martin V had bought the little portable altar, now in Berlin, painted by Roger van der Weyden; Eugenius IV. had sat for his portrait to Jean Fouquet; Nicholas, whose ambition it was to make Rome the capital of the world, drew artists of all sorts thither from every part of Italy, and from Germany, the Netherlands, France, and Spain. The exuberant artistic life of Florence, and Nicholas's former relations with that city easily account for the preference accorded in general to Florentine masters. Alberti has been already mentioned. Associated with him we find the celebrated Bernardo Gamberelli, surnamed Rossellino. Before them another Florentine, Antonio di Francesco, had already entered the service of Nicholas. From the year 1447, his name appears in the account books as architect of the Palace, and he retained this post until the death of the Pope. His salary was liberal, ten gold florins a month; Rossellino received fifteen; Fioravante, also an architect, only from six to seven ducats. The fact that this Fioravante degli Alberti, a Bolognese, who, for his versatility, was nicknamed Aristotle, was employed by the Pope, has only been discovered quite recently. It was he who, in 1452, transported four gigantic monolith pillars from an old edifice behind the Pantheon, and placed them in the choir of St. Peter's. And there is no doubt that he was the person selected to put into execution the Pope's design of placing the obelisk on the four colossal figures of the Evangelists.

The architects appointed by the Pope had a number of clerks of the works under them, whose business it was to test the materials supplied, and measure the work done, under contract. Amongst those employed in this subordinate capacity, we find the names of artists of considerable merit. For the execution of the works three different systems were employed. Under one, the architects and workmen were paid fixed salaries monthly or daily, and had all materials found for them. Under a second, the work was paid by the piece. Finally, under the third, the whole building was put into the hands of a contractor, who provided both labour and material, and must consequently have been a man of considerable means. The most notable of these was a Lombard from Varese, Beltramo di Martino, to whom was entrusted the choir of St. Peter's, a portion of the new city walls, and the fortress of Orvieto. In some years the reimbursements received by him from the Pope on account of these works amounted to from twenty-five to thirty thousand ducats. "It is easy to see", says a modern writer, "what a population of workmen all these new buildings and their accompaniments must have drawn into Rome, and how rapidly an artisan class of citizens must have sprung up in the midst of the medieval herdsmen".

The capacity displayed by Nicholas in harmonizing the various branches of art, and assigning to each its proportionate place, was even more admirable than his largeness of conception and refinement of taste. With true insight, he made architecture the queen to whom all the rest were subordinate. If sculpture seems less favoured by this art-loving Pope, the cause is to be found in the circumstances which interrupted his work and left it unfinished; in the completed designs an ample part was assigned to it. Nicholas did much to promote and encourage the art of marquetry (Intarsia). The chapel of the Madonna della Febbre and his own study were richly ornamented with inlaid woods. Finally, painting was extensively employed in the decoration both of St. Peter's and the Vatican, and, amongst the many painters of whose services Nicholas availed himself, the foremost place must undoubtedly be given to the unique genius of Fra Giovanni Angelico da Fiesole (1387-1455).

This "charming master of inspired simplicity" brought religious painting to a height of perfection that it had never hitherto attained, possibly to the greatest which it is capable of attaining. "In his work the medieval ideal in response to the new life infused into it by the bracing air of the Renaissance, bursts forth into gorgeous blossoms; through him we see exactly how the kingdom of heaven, the angels, the saints, and the blessed were represented in the devout thoughts of his time, and thus his paintings are of the highest value as documents in the history of religion".

"If", says the biographer of Fra Bartolommeo della Porta, 41 Giotto, at times, in his force and depth resembles the prophets of the Old Testament or the Psalmist pouring forth his soul-stirring lays, or the face of Moses resplendent with the reflection of the Deity, Fra Angelico is the image of the Disciple of love. He is the painter of eternal love, as Giotto and Orcagna are the painters of the faith. Forhim, as for St. Francis of Assisi, the whole universe is a hymn, and in all things he sees the reflection of the uncreated love of their Divine Maker. The world lies bathed in those golden beams which diffuse light and warmth throughout all creation. Like St. Francis he dwells in a region so far removed from all the discords of this world that with him some rays of light reflected from the sun of spirits fall even on the bad. Through all the heavenly circles his gentle spirit yearns upwards to the throne of infinite pity, from thence he looks down upon the world; he is the herald, the prophet, the witness of the Divine mercy". Thus the pictures of the lowly Dominician impress us almost like a vision.

No one more truly appreciated Fra Angelico than Nicholas V. The relations between the Pope and the devout artist, who never took up his pencil without prayer, soon ripened into friendship their acquaintance had probably begun in Florence. Those wonderful paintings in the cloister of St. Mark's, which to this day are the delight of all lovers of true art, belong to the time when Nicholas was a student in that city. The frescoes begun by Fra Angelico in the Vatican for Eugenius IV, and, alas! destroyed under Paul III, were its most precious ornament at the time that Nicholas ascended the Papal throne. While still occupied with these he had other work also to do for the Pope. The account books of 1449 make mention of a study built for Nicholas in the Vatican, decorated with Intarsia work and gilt friezes and cornices, and in one it is positively stated that some paintings were executed in this chamber by Fra Giovanni da Firenze (Fiesole) and his pupils. We gather further from these accounts that Fra Giovanni di Roma who was a painter on glass, furnished two windows for this room, one representing the Blessed Virgin and the other Sts. Stephen and Lawrence. But to this day we find paintings by Fra Angelico of the lives of these saints, in good preservation, on the walls of the chapel of St. Laurence. Hence the inference almost amounts to a certainty tnat this celebrated chapel and the study mentioned in these books are identical, the latter having afterwards been converted into a private oratory for the Pope. The three walls of this chamber are covered with a double row of paintings, depicting the principal scenes in the lives of St. Stephen and St. Laurence. Fra Angelico thus gives visible expression to the popular custom of uniting the names of these two heroes of the Christian faith in a common invocation, which had prevailed ever since the time when their venerated remains had been deposited together in the same tomb, in the old basilica of San Lorenzo fuori le mura.

The charm of these pictures is indescribable and unfailing, however often they may be visited. Though past sixty when he painted them, as in Orvieto, Fra Angelico's freshness of conception and mastery of art show no tracesof failure or decay. The ordination of St. Stephen, the distribution of alms, and, above all, the picture of St. Stephen preaching, are three paintings which are as perfect in their way as the best examples of the greatest masters. It would be difficult to imagine a group more admirable in its composition, or more graceful in contour, than that of the seated and listening women in the last named picture. In that of the stoning there is, no doubt, some weakness in the delineation of the fanatical rage of the executioners, but this defect was inseparable from those qualities which are the painter's chief glory. His imagination, habitually dwelling in a region of love and devout ecstasy, was out of its element in such scenes of hatred and fury.

But, beyond this, the paintings in this room possess also a special interest, because they show, besides an increase in perfection and power in his own line, how far Fra Angelico was from turning away from the progress of his time, as one might, perhaps, have expected him to do. In many of these compositions the influence of the antique is unmistakably evident. The beautiful basilica in which St. Laurence stands while distributing alms shows how quickly Fra Angelico had grasped the principles of the new architecture: its proportions are as chaste as they are noble. The picture of the same saint before the judgment seat of the Emperor Decius is an archaeological restoration. Above the hall the Roman eagle is represented, surrounded by a laurel wreath. The only reminiscence of the Gothic is seen in the Baldacchini over the Fathers of the Church, everywhere else the classical style is supreme. But like his patron and friend, Pope Nicholas, Angelico joined to his appreciation of the antique an intense love for Christianity. Hence in all these compositions the influence of the classical ideal is never permitted to interfere with the Christian spirit which pervades them. He has thus proved that even in the domain of art, the Renaissance, rightly understood, was capable of leading to a higher perfection.

Many other eminent painters were also attracted to Rome by Nicholas. From Perugia came Benedetto Buonfiglio, one of the most distinguished of Perugino's predecessors, from Foligno Bartolommeo da Foligno, the master of Niccolò Alunno. The latter, according to the account books, painted a hall in the Vatican between 1451-1453. His salary was high, seven ducats a month, with board. In 1454 we find Andrea del Castagno in the Pope's service, and, according to Vasari, Piero della Francesca and Bramantino were also employed by Nicholas. Their names do not appear in the books, but there is a long list of others from Rome and its neighbourhood Of these the most eminent, judging by his pay (eight ducats a month), would seem to have been Simone da Roma; he was at work in the Vatican during almost the whole reign of Nicholas. A German and a Spaniard also appear amongst those who received commissions from the Pope.

Nicholas followed his own judgment in the distribution of their tasks, as freely as he did in the choice of the artists he employed. Thus, from Piero della Francesca he only required historical pictures; not a single altar-piece or religious painting of any kind was entrusted to him. His pictures contained portraits of Charles VII, the Prince of Salerno, and Cardinal Bessarion, and were placed in the hall in which we now see the miracle of Bolsena and the liberation of St. Peter. Nicholas V seems to have had a special partiality for stained glass. Not only St. Peter's, but also all the chief rooms in the Vatican, had painted windows. The humanist Maffeo Vegio is loud in his praises of their beauty and brilliancy.

The minor arts were equally encouraged by this Pope. “For many hundred years”, says a contemporary writer, “so much silken apparel and so many jewels and precious stones had not been seen in Rome”. To this large-minded Pope also belongs the honour of having founded the first manufacture of tapestry in Rome. He brought Renaud de Maincourt from Paris, and gave him four assistants and a fixed salary to weave tapestry. The goldsmiths and gold embroiderers were unable to fulfil all the commissions of the Pope; the resources of Rome and Florence were soon exhausted, and the workshops of Siena, Venice, and Paris were called into requisition. The account books are full of orders for tiaras, copes, and other vestments, censers, reliquaries, crosses, chalices, and ornamental vessels of all sorts for the services of the Church. In this, according to Manetti and Platina, the purpose of the Pope was the same as in his architectural undertakings. The pomp and magnificence displayed in the celebration of the Holy mysteries were equally a means for exalting the dignity and authority of the Holy See. Even in all the lesser details of its accessories and ornaments, the Church was to reflect the splendour of the Heavenly Jerusalem.

But the indefatigable energy of Nicholas, which astonisned his contemporaries, did not exhaust itself in his plans for Rome; the whole Papal States were to be equally efficiently protected and embellished. With a just sense of the dignity of the head of Christendom, this great Pope was determined that the heritage of St. Peter should no longer be at the mercy of the insults and attacks of turbulent vassals. What had been done for Rome by the restoration of the walls and the forts of St. Angelo was to be done also for all the principal places throughout the Papal States. Everywhere ruined walls were rebuilt, churches restored, public squares enlarged and beautified. Assisi, Civita Vecchia, Gualdo, Narni, Civita Castellana, Castelhuovo, Vicarello were fortified and embellished by Nicholas. In Spoleto the magnificent castle of Cardinal Albornoz was completed; in Orvieto the Episcopal Palace, the aqueduct, and the walls were restored. At Viterbo the Pope built baths for the sick on a princely scale. In Fabriano, which was famous for its pure air, and where the Pope resided for some time on account of the plague which had broken out in Rome, he rebuilt the Franciscan Church and enlarged the principal square, which he surrounded with a wall.

In fact, since the Carolingians, no Pope had built so much as Nicholas; the fresh eager enthusiasm of the early Renaissance is personified in him. “The works of Nicholas” said Aeneas Sylvius, "are as far superior to anything that the modern world has produced as are the castle of St. Angelo and the buildings of the old empire; they now lie scattered around us like gigantic ruins, but had they been completed the new Rome would have had nothing to fear from a comparison with the old". From his earliest youth Nicholas had loved and delighted in letters; it was but natural now that he had the powers that, much as he did for art, he should do still more for them. Under him Rome had seemed transformed into a huge building yard, an immense workshop and studio; it became also a vast literary laboratory. For, if architecture was the Pope's hobby, writing and translating and collecting books and translations in libraries was his passion. The humanists had good reason to rejoice at the election of Tommaso Parentucelli. Insignificant and poor as he seemed, and comparatively young for a Pope, for he was only forty-nine, they knew well, most of them from personal acquaintance, how fully bent he was upon throwing the whole weight of his influence and position as head of the Church into the scales on the side of learning.

Poggio, the humanist, who was in a certain sense the Nestor of the republic of letters at that time, in his letter of congratulation to the new Pope, gives eloquent expression to the hopes and wishes of his party. "I beseech you, Holy Father", he says, "not to forget your old friends, or suffer your care for them to grow slack because you have many other cares. Take measures to increase the number of those who resemble yourself, so that the liberal arts, which in these bad days seem almost extinct, may revive and flourish again. From you alone we hope for what has so long been neglected by others. To you is entrusted the glorious mission of restoring philosophical studies to their former honour and pre-eminence, and resuscitating the nobler arts”. These words found a glad response in the breast of Nicholas; they reflected his own sentiments.

"All the scholars in the world," says Vespasiano da Bisticci, "came to Rome in the time of Pope Nicholas, partly of their own accord, and partly at his request, because he desired to have them there". This, of course, is not literally true, but in point of fact it was the Pope's wish to bind the revival of classical literature as closely as possible to Rome and the Holy See, and with this object, from the very beginning of his reign, he did his utmost to attract all the learned and literary men of his day to his Court. Rising talent was sought out and encouraged, and there was hardly a single literary man of any note who did not receive some recompense or favour from Nicholas. When Maecenas heard that there were still some distinguished writers in Rome, who lived in retirement, and for whom he had as yet done nothing, he exclaimed, "If they are worth anything why do they not come to me, who am willing to encourage and reward even mediocrity". Had it been possible Nicholas would have been glad to have transported the whole of Florence to the banks of the Tiber.

The golden age of the humanists now began. Not satisfied with those whose services had already been secured by his predecessors, Nicholas summoned a host of new literary celebrities to the Eternal City. In a very short time he had instituted there a veritable court of the muses, composed of all the most distinguished scholars of the day: Poggio, Valla, Manetti, Alberti, Aurispa, Tortello, Decembrio, and many others.

The first thing that strikes the eye in glancing over the names of this brilliant company is that, like the artists employed by Nicholas, they are almost all strangers. There is but one Roman amongst them. The Eternal City seems strangely barren. Here and there we hear of a scholarly cardinal or prelate, but there is no mention of any improvement in the education of the people, or of intellectual tastes, with one or two exceptions, amongst the nobility, no literary activity in the convents, and no foundations except for theological studies.t To appreciate the full merit of this Pope we must take this state of things into consideration. It was he who, single-handed, turned the capital of Christendom into that brilliant centre of art and learning that it became. How much less difficult was the task of Cosmo de Medici, who was not obliged to begin creating an intellectual atmosphere.

Amidst the crowd of learned and literary men who quickly gathered around the Pope the Florentines naturally were admitted to the closest personal intimacy. Here again the noble figure of Alberti is the first to catch the eye; but unfortunately just as in Florence his personality is obscured by the throng of humanists who surround him, so also in Rome no details concerning him are extant. Giannozzo Manetti was the most intimate of all with Nicholas. As a Christian humanist he was truly "the man after the Pope's own heart", and in 1451 Nicholas made him Apostolic Secretary, and gave him a magnificent establishment when in 1453 he came to reside in Rome. Manetti's admirable biography of his generous patron attests his gratitude.

The bookseller Vespasiano da Bisticci was on very intimate terms with Nicholas. His excellent memoirs and sketches of character, which are invaluable to the student of the culture of his time, proclaim him to have been a man of warm heart, vigorous intellect, and sound judgment. The good Giovanni Tortello, the first librarian of the Vatican, also enjoyed a large share of the Pope's confidence.

Unfortunately in his selection of the men who seemed to him to be necessary for his work Nicholas displayed a readiness to overlook much that was seriously objectionable, which can hardly be justified. Personally the Pope was undoubtedly loyal to the Christian Renaissance, but he was so far carried away by the enthusiasm of the time as to be almost wholly blind to the dangers that were to be apprehended from the opposite side. Thus he accepted from the unprincipled Poggio the dedication of a pamphlet in which Eugenius IV was almost openly accused of hypocrisy, and did not scruple at raising his salary so as to enable him to live entirely by his muse. When the cynical sceptic was called away to Florence to become a member of the Chancery there, Nicholas took leave of him with regret, and allowed him to retain a nominal secretaryship as a token of regard. Filelfo, a perfect master in the art of scurrilous vituperation, was invited to Rome, and loaded with favours when he got there. The early death of the semi-pagan Marsuppini alone prevented his being brought thither, and provided for in such a manner as to enable him to give his undivided attention to the translation of Homer.

Nothing affords a more striking proof of the indulgence with which the humanistic movement had come to be regarded in Rome than the attitude assumed by the dissolute satirist Valla, to whom nothing was sacred. In common with the majority of the adherents of the false Renaissance, Valla was far from being a fanatical sceptic. Even under Eugenius IV he had written an obsequious letter retracting his former publications, and praying for an appointment. But the Pope very justly refused to be propitiated. Even Nicholas did not go so far as formally to invite to Rome and heap preferments on the author of the book "De voluptate", the declared enemy of the temporal power, the bitter satirist of the religious orders. But he tolerated the presence of such a man at the Papal Court, and even made him apostolic notary. The task of translating Thucydides into Latin was entrusted to Valla.

Most of the learned men thus summoned to Rome were employed in translating Greek authors into Latin. This was the Pope's especial delight. He read these translations himself with the greatest interest, liberally rewarded the translators, and honoured them with autograph letters. Vespasiano da Bisticci gives a long list of translations which owed their existence to this noble passion of Nicholas V. By this means Herodotus, Thucydides, Zenophon, Polybius, Diodorus, Appian, Philo, Theophrastus, and Ptolemy became now for the first time accessible to students. The delights of drinking in the wisdom of Greece from the source itself was inexpressible, “Greece”, writes Filefo, referring to these translators and to Nicholas's collection of manuscripts, “has not perished, but has migrated to Italy, the land that in former days was called the greater Greece”.

At a time when the knowledge of Greeks was confined to such a small number of students, these translations were most valuable; they were regarded as a branch of literature to which the most distinguished men did not disdain to devote their energies. Nothing can be more unjust than to speak slightingly of this band of eager workers, whose activity was perpetually kept at fever heat by the admonitions and rewards of the Pope, and call them mere operatives in a great translation-factory. The most eminent humanists of the day — Poggio, Guarino, Decembrio, Filelfo, Valla — laboured at these tasks. Their productions were much admired by their contemporaries, and royally rewarded by Nicholas, who was determined, as far as it was possible, to render all the treasures of Greek literature accessible to Latin scholars. Valla received for his translation of Thucydides, of which the original manuscript is preserved in the Vatican Library, five hundred gold scudi. When Perotti presented his translation of Polybius to the Pope, Nicholas at once handed him five hundred newly-minted Papal ducats, saying that he deserved more, and should receive an ampler reward later. He gave a thousand scudi for the ten first books of Strabo, and offered ten thousand gold pieces for a translation of Homer's poems.

When we compare these sums with the payments made to artists, we begin to realize how enormous they were. At that period the latter were held in far less esteem than scholars and professors. The same Pope who thought nothing of making a present of five hundred gold florins to two humanists, and bestowed on Giannozzo Manetti an official salary of six hundred ducats, paid Fra Angelico at the rate of fifteen ducats a month only, and gave Gozzoli but seven.

Learned and literary men were the Pope's real favourites; to them he gave with both hands. Vespasiano da Bisticci says that he always carried a leathern purse containing some hundreds of florins, and drew from it liberally on all occasions. And his manner of giving made the gift itself more efficacious. When he insisted on the acceptance of a present he would represent it as a token of regard rather than a recompense of merit He would overcome the scruples of modest worth by saying with playful ostentation, "Don't refuse; you may not find another Nicholas". Often he actually forced his rewards on learned men. When Filelfo, conscious of some disrespectful expressions, was afraid to ask for an audience, Nicholas sent for him, and in the most gracious manner reproached him for having been so long in Rome without coming to see him. When he took leave he presented him with five hundred ducats, saying, "This, Messer Filelfo, is for the expenses of your journey". Vespasiano da Bisticci, who relates the story, exclaims enthusiastically, "This is liberality indeed".

In fact Nicholas was the most generous man of a lavish age. "In the eight years of his Pontificate", says the historian of the Eternal City in the Middle Ages, "he filled Rome with books and parchments; he was another Ptolemy Philadelphus. This noble Pope might have been well represented with a cornucopia in his hand, showering gold on scholars and artists. Few men have had ampler experience of the happiness of giving towards worthy ends."

If Nicholas had been permitted to accomplish his design of familiarizing the Italians with the literature of Greece, the consequences would have been in the highest degree beneficial. The main evil of the early Renaissance was its ignorance of Greek. The efforts of Nicholas to correct this deserves the highest praise. Had the culture of the humanists been derived directly from Greek sources rather than from the degenerate Roman civilization, the whole later development of the movement would have been different. This, as we know, he was unable to achieve. But much was done by the band of scholars whom Nicholas assembled in Rome to promote and diffuse the knowledge of the Greek language and literature, the value and importance of which in the history of culture he so fully appreciated. The writings of Aristotle, disencumbered of the veil thrown over them by the Arabs and schoolmen, were now for the first time really understood. Greek history, hitherto only learnt from compendiums, was now studied in the original writings of its own historians. Herodotus, Thucydides, and many others were by the middle of the century either wholly or partially translated. These translations often left much to be desired both in regard to accuracy and latinity; nevertheless, such as they were, they formed a notable accession to the materials of learning, and were an enormous intellectual gain, especially in stimulating the desire for further conquests.

But, while fully admitting the value of the literary activity thus fostered by the Pope's liberality, we must not shut our eyes to the dark side. We have already pointed out how little discrimination he exercised in the selection of the scholars whom he invited. It stood to reason that scandals must arise. Like Florence in Niccoli's time, only to a still greater degree, Rome became an arena for literary squabbles and scandalous stories of authors. Bitter feuds were carried on for years together between the Latins and the Greeks, and between individuals, even within both parties.

The air was thick with the interchange of accusations and abusive epithets. Sometimes they even came to blows. One day in the Papal Chancellery George of Trebizond, in a fit of jealousy, hit the old Poggio two sounding boxes on the ear; then the two flew at each other, and were, with the greatest difficulty, separated by their colleagues. The Pope himself was obliged to interfere, and George, whose translations had proved worthless, was banished.

Equally disgraceful was the quarrel between Poggio and Valla. "They abused each other", says the historian of the humanists, "like a couple of brawling urchins in the streets. Poggio raged and stormed, as in former days he was wont to do against Filelfo, accusing his adversary of treachery, larceny, forgery, heresy, drunkenness, and immorality, and seasoning his accusations with scurrilous anecdotes and coarse epithets. Valla, whose motto was : ‘It may be a shame to fight, but to give in is a greater shame’, twitted Poggio with his ignorance of Latin and of the rules of composition, quoting faulty passages, and altogether affecting to look upon him as already in his dotage".

But even apart from these scandals the position of the humanists in the Court under this Pope cannot but appear anomalous. Nicholas embraced every opportunity for introducing learned men, who, as Platina remarked, occupied themselves much more with the library than with the Church, seriously compromising that ecclesiastical character which the Court of the head of the Church should display. Under Eugenius, the highest dignities had always been bestowed on monks, now none but scholars or translators were promoted. Not only lucrative, but also responsible posts were conferred upon them; thus Giuseppe Brippi, a poet, was placed at the head of the Papal Archives; and another humanist, Decembrio, was made chief of the abbreviators. This state of things made it possible for Filelfo, whose ambition after the death of his wife turned towards ecclesiastical preferments, to solicit the necessary dispensation from the Pope in hexameters! In this production, to which the Pope of course returned no answer, Filelfo declares that from early youth he had cherished a desire of devoting himself wholly to Christ, "the ruler of Olympus. It does not appear that this epithet shocked anyone; it was regarded as a Latin turn of expression or a harmless piece of pedantry.

The fact was that the votaries of the false Renaissance had not as yet openly broken with the Church. Doubtless many propositions are to be found in their writings which it would be hard to reconcile with Christian dogma, or the Christian point of view. But these were only obiter dicta, which those who uttered them would have been ready to explain away or retract as lightly as they were spoken. This alone can account for the fact that truly pious men like Nicholas — he was the first Pope who carried the Blessed Sacrament in procession on foot — could regard these things as mere harmless play.

It is evident that the encouragement given to the humanists was a cause of scandal to many at this time, as was also the money spent by Nicolas on his buildings, which it was thought would have been better employed against the Turks. These foes of the Renaissance were very numerous in the religious houses. At the same time a treatise composed by Timoteo Maffei, the pious prior of the regular Canons of Fiesole, is interesting as evidence of the revolution in opinion which the labours of this large-minded Pope was gradually effecting. He denies the assertion that "saintly ignorance" is becoming in those who are called to the religious life, and that humanistic studies are the ruin of piety. On the contrary, he shows by many quotations, from both sacred and profane authors, how much profit monks, as well as other men, may derive from classical knowledge, and ends with a reference to the Pope, to whom he says nothing could be more agreeable than the pursuit of such studiesf

Ecclesiastical literature was no less dear to Nicholas, who had taken a lively interest in it long before he could have anticipated that he should ever be called to occupy the Papal chair.

Here, then, were many deficiencies, and some of them very important. The open-handed Nicholas followed the example of Alexander when he set forth to conquer Asia. He promised a reward of five thousand ducats to any one who would bring him the Gospel of St. Matthew in the original tongue. This, of all possible discoveries, was the one he prized most. Gianozzo Manetti was commanded to translate the "Preparation for the Gospel" of Eusebius, together with various writings by Sts. Gregory Nazianzen, Cyril, Basil, and Gregory of Nyssa. The translation of the eighty homilies of St. John Chrysostom on the Gospel of St. Matthew appeared to the Pope especially desirable. This work was entrusted to George of Trebizond, who here again proved utterly incapable. Original works in this department were also desired by the Pope. Gianozzo Manetti was commissioned to write an apologetic treatise against jews and heathens, and also to translate the whole Bible from the original Greek and Hebrew texts. Unfortunately Nicholas died before this great work was completed, so that he was unable to reward it as he would have wished, and the plan was never carried out in the manner originally intended. The famous Dominican Cardinal Torquemada dedicated to him two treatises on canon law. Antonio degl' Agli, a Florentine, afterwards Bishop of Fiesole and Volterra, wrote a book for him on the lives and acts of the Saints. In the preface to this interesting work the author declares that, having laid it aside, he resumed it at the express desire of the Pope. He also explains its object. Unfortunately, he says, most of the legends of the Saints were full of fables, and written in an uncouth or affected style, which disgusted the humanists and made them despise Christianity. This he hopes to remedy. He has drawn from the best patristic sources, and especially the old Latin Manuscripts, which are more trustworthy than the Greek, as the Popes had early taken pains to verify the acts of the martyrs. The learned Ambrogio Traversari had already perceived the need of such a work, and begun to supply it. For himself he has done his best to make his book worthy of a place in the Papal library; to others he leaves the task of praising Rome's worldly heroes; his only ambition is to celebrate the heroes of the Church. To conclude, the labours of Nicholas V as a collector of books were indefatigable and most productive. In his penurious days he had spent every farthing he could spare on the purchase of manuscripts, and even been drawn into debt by his literary voracity; it is easy to imagine with what energy he would proceed now that he found himself in possession of such ample resources.

A noble library was to form the crowning glory of the new Vatican. The idea of this library, by means of which Nicholas hoped to make Rome the centre of learning for all the ages to come, was perhaps the grandest thought of this great Pope, who was as admirable for his genuine piety and virtue as for his many-sided culture. He wished to place all the glorious monuments of Greek and Roman intellect under the immediate protection of the Holy See, and thus to hand them down intact to future generations.

The zeal displayed by the Pope in the prosecution of this undertaking was unexampled. Not satisfied with collecting and copying the manuscripts that were to be found in Italy, he had agents at work in almost every country in Europe. He sent emissaries to Greece, to England, and to the grand master of the Teutonic Order in Prussia, to discover and buy, or copy all the hidden literary treasures that could be found in these countries. The influence which the Holy See possessed throughout all Christendom was exerted by Nicholas far more for the organization of books than of power. No expense was to be spared; the more spoil his agents brought back the better pleased was the Pope. A rumour reached him of the existence of an exceptionally pertect copy of Livy in Denmark or Norway, and he at once sent the well-known Alberto Enoche of Ascoli, with ample commendatory letters, to procure it. Apparently he was not successful in bringing back anything of much value. The private agents who were in his service in Greece and Turkey, both before and after the fall of Constantinople, were more fortunate in procuring new manuscripts, which were immediately copied and corrected in Rome. Armies of transcribers, many of whom were Germans and Frenchmen, were perpetually employed in this work. When in 1450 the plague in Rome obliged the Pope to retire to Fabriano, where at that time the best paper was made, he took his translators and copyists with him for fear of losing them.

Nicholas V, himself a calligraphist, required all manuscripts to be well executed. The few specimens still existing in the Vatican library are bound with exquisite taste, even when not illuminated. The material was almost always parchment, and the covers mostly of crimson velvet with silver clasps.

By means of these strenuous exertions the Pope succeeded, in a comparatively very short space of time, in bringing together a really unique collection of books. "Had Nicholas V been able to carry out his intentions", says Vespasiano da Bisticci, "the library founded by him at St. Peter's for the whole Court would have been a really marvellous creation". It was to have been a public institution, accessible to the whole learned world. Besides this Nicholas collected a private library of his own, the inventory of which is still to be found in the Secret Archives of the Vatican. This mostly consists of profane authors.

The care of this library was confided by the Pope to Giovanni Tortello, a quiet and unassuming scholar, absorbed in his books, and as well versed in theology as in classics. Few librarians have had so free a hand in regard to expense; his purchases were always sure of a welcome, and the more books he procured the better pleased was his patron. It has been estimated that Nicholas spent more than forty thousand scudi altogether on books.

The numbers of the volumes in the Papal libraries have been very variously stated, and the discrepancies between writers who had the means of knowing accurately are extraordinary. Tortello, who had drawn up a catalogue, now unfortunately lost, reckoned, according to Vespasiano da Bisticci, nine thousand volumes. Pope Pius II estimated it at three thousand; the Archbishop St. Antoninus of Florence, only one thousand. On the other hand, Manetti and Vespasiano da Bisticci, in the biographies of Nicholas V, distinctly state that at the time of the Pope's death the catalogue numbered five thousand volumes. This estimate is considered by the latest writers to come nearest the truth.

Possibly, however, even this may still be too high. In the Vatican Library there is an inventory of the Latin manuscripts belonging to Nicholas V, which was taken before the coronation of his successor, Calixtus III, on the 16th of April, 1455. That this inventory is complete seems evident, since it includes the private library of the deceased Pope. The Greek manuscripts are not mentioned, but the Latin are numbered up to eight hundred and seven. This was a large collection for those days; the most famous libraries were hardly more numerous. That of Niccoli, the largest and best in Florence, only contained eight hundred volumes; that of Visconti, in his castle at Pavia, nine hundred and eighty-eight. Cardinal Bessarion, in spite of his influential connections and lavish expenditure, could only succeed in bringing six hundred manuscripts together. Duke Frederick of Urbino's library, which consisted of seven hundred and seventy-two manuscripts, was said to have cost him thirty thousand ducats. The other Italian collections are all under three hundred volumes. Even the Medici in 1456 possessed only one hundred and fifty-eight, and in 1494 about a thousand manuscripts. 

According to this inventory the Latin manuscripts in the library of Nicholas V were contained in eight large chests. The contents of the first chest were mostly biblical, those of the second consisted of the works of the Fathers of the Church. The Pope's favourite author, St. Augustine, had sixty volumes, St. Jerome seventeen, St. Gregory six, St. Ambrose fifteen. The third chest contained forty-nine volumes by St. Thomas Aquinas, and six by Albert the Great. In the fourth were twelve books by Alexander of Hales, the same number by St. Bonaventure, twenty-seven by Duns Scotus. In the fifth, amidst many theological and historical works, we first encounter some of the heathen classics, amongst these the gorgeously-bound translation of Thucidydes, presented to the Pope by Valla . The interesting treatise by Timoteo Maffei mentioned above is also to be found here. The eighty-five volumes which filled the sixth chest consisted almost exclusively of works of theology and canon law. The seventh was devoted mostly to heathen classical authors, Florus, Livy, Cicero, Juvenal, Quintilian, Virgil, Claudian, Statius, Catullus, Terence, Ptolemy, Seneca, Apulian, Vegetius, Frontinus, Macrobius, Sallust, Valerius Maximus, Zenophon, Silvius Italicus, Pliny, Horace, Ovid, Homer in a translation, Justin, Columella, Euclid, etc. The eighth chest contained a miscellaneous collection of profane and ecclesiastical writers.

No other Pope was ever such a genuine book-lover as the former professor of Sarzana. "It was his greatest joy", says the historian of humanism, "to walk about his library arranging the books and glancing through their pages, admiring the handsome bindings, and taking pleasure in contemplating his own arms stamped on those that had been dedicated to him, and dwelling in thought on the gratitude that future generations of scholars would entertain towards their benefactor. Thus he is to be seen depicted, in one of the halls of the Vatican Library, employed in settling his books, and this, indeed, is his place by right, for he it was who founded that noble collection of manuscripts which still maintains its European reputation.

As the founder of the Vatican Library the influence of Nicholas V is still felt in our own times in the learned world to a greater extent perhaps than that of any other Pope; this library alone is enough to immortalize his name.

CHAPTER VI.

THE CONSPIRACY OF STEFANO PORCARO, 1453.

STRANGELY contrasting with the glories of the Jubilee and of the Imperial coronations comes the conspiracy which at the very outset of the year 1453, threatened, not only the temporal sovereignty, but even the life of Nicholas V, and there is something peculiarly tragic in the fact that the would-be murderer of the very Pope who had striven to render Rome the centre of the literary and artistic Renaissance was one of the false humanists. The great patron of humanism was himself to taste the fruit produced by that one-sided study of classical literature which, while it annihilated the Christian idea, filled men's minds with notions of freedom and with a longing for the restoration of the political conditions of ancient times.

It would be a mistake to look on the attempted revolt of Stefano Porcaro as an isolated event. In Italy the period of the Renaissance was the classic age of conspiracies and tyrannicide. Such assassinations were for the most part closely connected with the one-sided Renaissance which revived the heathen ideal. Even Boccaccio openly asks: "Shall I call a tyrant King, or Prince, and keep faith with him as my Lord? No! for he is our common enemy. To destroy him is a holy and necessary work in which all weapons, the dagger, conspiracies, treachery, are lawful. There is no more acceptable sacrifice than the blood of a tyrant”. In Boccaccio's mouth, indeed, this is little more than a rhetorical phrase, like the pathetic declamations against tyrants often borrowed, especially in the early days of the Renaissance, from Latin authors, and used without any serious conviction or any practical effect. But as time went on, Brutus and Cassius, the heroes of the humanists, found living imitators in many places.

Pietro Paolo Boscoli, whose conspiracy against Giuliano, Giovanni and Giuliode' Medici (15 13) was unsuccessful, had been a most enthusiastic admirer of Brutus, and had protested that he would copy him if he could find a Cassius, whereupon Agostino Capponi associated himself with him in this character. We are told that the unfortunate Pietro, the night before his execution, exclaimed: "Take Brutus from my mind, that I may die as a Christian". In the case of Olgiati, Larapugnani and Visconti, the murderers of Galeazzo Sforza of Milan, we have remarkable evidence of the manner in which the ancient estimate of the murder of tyrants had been adopted. These misguided students of the past held fast to an ideal Republic, and defended the opinion that it was no crime, but rather a noble deed to remove a tyrant, and by his death to restore freedom to an oppressed people. Cola de Montani, a humanist teacher of rhetoric, incited them to commit the crime. About ten days before it was accomplished, the three conspirators solemnly bound themselves by oath in the Convent of St. Ambrose: "then", says Olgiati, "in a remote chamber, before a picture of St. Ambrose, I raised my eyes and besought his aid for ourselves and all his people". So terribly was the moral sense of these men perverted that they believed the holy patron of their city and also St. Stephen, in whose church the crime was perpetrated, would favour the deed of blood. After the Duke of Milan had been slain (1476), Visconti repented, but Olgiati, even in the midst of torture, maintained that they had offered a sacrifice well-pleasing to G'od. A little before his death he composed Latin epigrams, and was pleased when they turned out well. While the executioner cut his breast open he cried out, "Courage! Girolamo! You will long be remembered! Death is bitter, but glory is eternal!" We learn from the annals of Siena that the conspirators had studied Sallust, and Olgiati's own words furnish indirect evidence ot the fact. A close observation of his character shows that it bore much resemblance to that of Catiline, "that basest of conspirators, who cared nothing for freedom".

The man, who sought the life of the noble Pope Nicholas V, had a nature akin to that of Catiline; he had been trained in the heathen school, and was filled with the spirit of the false Renaissance.

Stefano Porcaro belonged to an ancient family, which is mentioned as early as the first half of the eleventh century and was probably of Tuscan origin. The ancestral mansion, with its punning crest — a hog in a net — is still to be seen near the Piazza of Sta. Maria sopra Minerva, in the Vicolo delle Ceste. The day and year of Stefano's birth are unknown, and it would be difficult to obtain certain information on the subject. There is no doubt that he devoted himself at an early age, and with enthusiasm, to classical studies. His intellectual capacity and humanistic culture won for him, in 1427, the honourable position of captain of the people in Florence, and the Republic was so pleased with him that, on the recommendation of Martin V, his appointment was renewed the following year. His sojourn at Florence exercised an important influence on his mental development, for he was there admitted into a circle of celebrated humanistic scholars, and became intimate with Poggio, Manetti, Niccoli, Ciriaco of Ancona, and especially with the Camaldolese monk, Traversari, who had a high opinion of him, and was apparently quite ignorant of the change which had come over his spirit. The classical studies of the Roman knight had filled him with the utmost admiration for the ancient power and glory of the Roman Republic and the virtues of her citizens, and his head had been turned with the idea of her former freedom. Florence then produced a deep impression on his soul, as is witnessed by the eloquent Italian speech which he made as captain of the people, and which was, like the popular discourses of Bruni and Manetti, so widely circulated that copies of it are to be found in almost all the libraries of Italy. In this speech he declared that Florence seemed to him the ideal of perfect civil and political life, and that the grandeur, the beauty, and the glory of the Florentine Republic dazzled and bewildered him. The establishment of a similar Republic in Rome became the dream of his ambition. The temper of his mind is shown in his ostentatiously changing the family name from Porcari to Porci, giving out that it sprang from an old republican race, doubtless with the object of suggesting a reminiscence of Cato.

Like most of the humanists, Porcaro loved travelling; he visited France and Germany, and in 1431 returned to his native city, in company with his brother, Mariano. He must at this time have carefully concealed his republican leanings, for in 1433 Pope Eugenius IV appointed him Podesta in the turbulent city of Bologna, where he manifested considerable ability in restoring order and quiet. Traversari wrote of him, "All men admire him, and praise his zeal to an incredible degree; the pacification of the factious city is mainly due to him. Both parties trust him, and rejoice in the calm which has succeeded the tempest".

It is uncertain whether Porcaro had any part in the Roman Revolution of 1434; we know him in that year to have voluntarily undertaken the task of mediation between the Romans and the Pope, and to have gone to Florence for the purpose (September, 1434). His efforts failed, for Eugenius IV absolutely, and, as events soon showed, wisely rejected his proposal that the Castle of St. Angelo should be confided to a Roman. Sick and disheartened, Porcaro turned his back upon Florence. As yet, however, he made no attempt to form a party, but managed to keep the Pope in ignorance of his discontent. This is evident from the recently ascertained fact that Eugenius IV in this very year appointed him Rector and Podesta of Orvieto. Here, again, he left a very favourable impression; even the stern Cardinal Vitelleschi highly commended his government, and the citizens acknowledged his services by a present to the value of sixty ducats.

The next ten years of Porcaro’s life are still veiled in obscurity. It seems scarcely possible that he should have lived in Rome under the severe rule of Vitelleschi and Scarampo; perhaps during this period he became poor and embarrassed in his circumstances, and joined himself to companions of doubtful character. His aversion to priestcraft may naturally have been intensified by the ridicule which the humanists heaped upon the clergy and monks, and Valla's pamphlet against the temporal power of the Pope probably had a decided influence on the progress of his opinions, for during the vacancy of the Holy See after the death of Eugenius IV he reappears on the scene in a new character.

Such periods were apt to be a time of trouble in Rome, and Stefano meant to turn the favourable opportunity to account. He assembled in Araceli a band of men ready for any enterprise, made an inflammatory speech declaring that it was a shame that the descendants of ancient Romans had sunk to be the slaves of priests, and that the time had come to cast off the yoke and recover freedom. The fear of King Alfonso, who, with his army, was encamped at Tivoli, alone prevented the outbreak of a revolution.

There can be no doubt that Porcaro had actually rendered himself guilty of high treason. The new Pope, however, magnanimously forgave him, and appointed him governor-general of the sea coast and the Campagna, with Ferentino for his head-quarters, hoping by this means to win a gifted and dangerous adversary, and reconcile him with the existing state of things. The hope proved delusive, for, having returned to Rome, Porcaro renewed his revolutionary agitation, and, with characteristic audacity, went so far as to say: "When the Emperor arrives we shall regain our liberty". A tumult which occurred in the Piazza Navona, on the occasion of the Carnival, gave the ambitious man an opportunity of inciting the populace openly to resist the Papal authority.

Nicholas V was now compelled to take action, but he did it in the mildest manner. Porcaro was sent away from Rome to Germany on pretext of an Embassy, and, as fresh tumults broke out on his return, he was afterwards honourably exiled to Bologna. Cardinal Bessarion, the friend of his literary associates, was here appointed to take charge of him, and Porcaro was required to appear in his presence every day. The generous Pope granted the exile a yearly pension of three hundred ducats, and Bessarion added, from his own private resources, a hundred more — no inconsiderable sum for those days.

Porcaro repaid these benefits by plotting from Bologna against the Pope. Any determined man could always find instruments ready to his hand in Rome. The Eternal City contained a multitude of needy nobles and so-called knights, of partisans of the Colonna and Orsini in their feuds, of bandits, robbers, and adventurers of all sorts; and genuine political enthusiasts might also be found in the motley crowd. The cowardly rabble could be counted on wherever plunder was to be had.

When Porcaro had completed the necessary preparation for action he eluded the daily supervision of Cardinal Bessarion by a feigned illness, and then stole away from Bologna in disguise. Accompanied by but one servant, he rode in hot haste towards Rome, hardly ever dismounting. In Forli, however, he was unwillingly delayed, as the custom house officials would not allow him to proceed, though he declared that he would rather lose his baggage than spend the night in the city. By the aid of an acquaintance he managed to come to terms with them, and hastened on his way at nightfall, regardless of all warnings of danger from the bad condition of the roads. This incident induced him to avoid towns for the future, and in four days he had accomplished the long journey to Rome which at that period generally occupied twelve. On the 2nd of January he dismounted at the Porta del Popolo, went to the Church of Sta. Maria del Popolo, and then hid himself, until the first hour of the night, in a vineyard belonging to the church. The servant gave notice of Porcaro's safe arrival to his nephew, Niccold Gallo, a Canon of St. Peter's, who came and took him from his place of concealment, and they then went together to the family mansion of the conspirator, where another of his nephews, Battista Sciarra, awaited them. The three then repaired to the dwelling of Angelo di Maso, Porcaro's brother-in-law.

Porcaro, his brother-in-law and his two nephews were the heads of this conspiracy, and from their connections in the City were able without difficulty to make their preparations. On pretence of taking military service, Battista Sciarra engaged mercenaries, while the wealthy Maso collected stores of weapons, and kept in his house a number of men on whom he could rely; they were well entertained but knew nothing of the business in hand. One evening, when all were seated at a splendid banquet in Maso's house, Porcaro appeared amongst them in a rich, gold-embroidered garment, "like an Emperor". "Welcome, brothers," he said; "I have determined to free you from servitude, and make you all rich lords", and he drew forth a purse containing a thousand golden ducats, and distributed a share to those present. All were greatly astonished, but as yet learned nothing further of the plot.

It is impossible now to ascertain the exact number of those won over by the conspirators. Porcaro afterwards declared that he had hoped to muster more than four hundred armed men; he counted also on the aid of the greedy populace, for after the downfall of "Priestcraft" the "Liberators" were to be allowed to plunder freely. It was expected that the Papal Treasury, the Palaces of the Cardinals and of the officials of the Court and the vaults of the Genoese and Florentine merchants, would, when thus brought under contribution, yield more than seventy thousand gold florins.

The plan of the conspirators was to cause general confusion by setting the Palace of the Vatican on fire on the Feast of the Epiphany, to surprise the Pope and the Cardinals during High Mass, and, if necessary, to put them to death, then to take possession of the Castle of St Angelo and the Capitol, and to proclaim the freedom of Rome with Porcaro for tribune.

Porcaro's scheme was by no means an impracticable one, for in the tranquil city there were hardly any troops save the scanty guards of the Palace and the police. Piero de Godi, a contemporary, reckons them altogether at fifty, and the disparity of forces would have been yet more extreme if the hopes of external aid probably entertained by the insurgent party had been realized.

Had the conspirators acted at once, it is not at all unlikely that they would have succeeded in carrying out their purpose, but the delay occasioned by Porcaro's extreme fatigue after his hurried journey proved the salvation of the Pope.

The accounts of the event differ in some particulars. It is certain that Cardinal Bessarion immediately informed the Pope of Porcaro's suspicious disappearance, and Godi says that some Romans who had been invited to take part in the treason revealed the plot to Cardinal Capranica and to Niccolò degli Amigdani, Bishop of Piacenza, who was at the time Papal Vice-Camerlengo. An anonymous Florentine writer asserts that the Senator Niccolò de Porcinari himself warned Nicholas V of the impending danger. According to others, the Camerlengo Scarampo was the first to apprise the Pope of its existence, and went at once to the Papal Palace, which was a scene of confusion and consternation, to persuade Nicholas V of the necessity of immediate and decisive measures, inasmuch as every moment was a gain to the conspirators. A portion of the Palace Guard and of the garrison of St. Angelo, accompanied by the Vice-Camerlengo, who was also governor of the city, proceeded without delay to the house of Angelo di Maso, and encircled it. Most of the besieged made a brave resistance, but, being cut off from the rest of their adherents, they were compelled to yield to superior force. Battista Sciarra, however, who, during the conflict, frequently raised the cry of "People and Freedom!" fought his way out with a few followers, and got away from Rome. Porcaro, with less courage, had managed to escape in the confusion, and to hide himself in the house of his brother-in-law, Giacomo di Lellicecchi. A price being set upon his head, it was impossible for him to remain here, and his friend Francesco Gabadeo offered to help him in his extremity. They both went in haste to Cardinal Orsini, in the hope that he would afford them refuge in his palace, the House of Orsini being apparently at this time at variance with the Pope. But the Cardinal was by no means disposed to assist the conspirator. He caused Gabadeo, who had entered his presence, to be at once arrested and taken to Nicholas. Stefano, who was waiting downstairs, became suspicious at Gabadeo’s non- appearance, and fled to his other brother-in-law, Angelo di Maso, who lived in the quarter of the Regola. Meanwhile Gabadeo, in his prison, had betrayed Porcaro's probable place of shelter. About midnight, between the 5th and 6th of January, armed men entered Angelo's house; at their approach, Porcaro sprang from the bed where he was lying in his clothes, and got into a chest, on which his sister and another woman seated themselves, but the hero's hiding-place was discovered. As he was being led to the Vatican he kept exclaiming, “People! will you let your deliverer die?" But the people did not respond.

After offences so manifest and repeated, Pope Nicholas showed no further mercy. He regretted the fate of the gifted man, but decided to let justice take its course. Stefano Porcaro was taken bound to the Castle of St. Angelo, and on the 7th of January made a tolerably ample confession. He related his flight from Bologna and his meeting with the conspirators in the house of Angelo di Maso, as we have described them, and further declared that he had personally summoned his friends to assemble the night before the Feast of the Epiphany, and had intended, with them, and the armed men collected by them, to the number, as he hoped, of four hundred, to pass through the Trastevere to St. Peter's. Here they were to conceal themselves in the small uninhabited houses near the church, and to divide into four separate bands. As soon as the Pope's arrival in St. Peter's was announced, three of these bands were to take possession of the different entrances, while the fourth was to occupy the open space in front of the church. He had commanded these armed men to put to death anyone, in the church or out of it, who should offer resistance, and to make the Pope and the Cardinals prisoners. If they resisted, they also were to be slain. Porcaro further said that he had entertained no doubt of being able, after the imprisonment of the Pope, the Cardinals, and other lords, to seize the castle of St. Angelo, in which case the Roman citizens would have joined him. He would then have proceeded to make himself master of the strongholds in the neighbourhood of Rome, to demolish the Castle of St. Angelo, and adopt whatever other measures might appear necessary.

Porcaro's statement is corroborated by the evidence of well-informed contemporaries, and there is no doubt that the sentence of death pronounced by the Senator Giacomo dei Lavagnoli was a just one. He was hanged on the 9th January on the battlements of St. Angelo. He was dressed entirely in black, and his bearing was resolutely firm and dignified. His last words were: "O, my people, your deliverer dies today!" A number of his associates suffered the same penalty, but they were executed at the Capitol. A reward of a thousand ducats was offered for the apprehension of Battista Sciarra, or five hundred for his head.

The question naturally arises as to what Porcaro intended to do with the Papacy in the event of a successful issue to his enterprise. The conspirator's confession furnishes no definite answer, but most writers of the day affirm that he meant to remove the Holy See from Rome. Had the plot been carried out, Christendom would again have fallen a prey to the calamities from which she had so recently been delivered, and the papacy would have been exiled from Italy. An interesting passage in relation to this subject is to be found in Piero de Godi’s Dialogue. To the objection that, after the assassination of Nicholas V a new Pope would have been elected, and Rome would have again been conquered, the partisan of Porcaro replies : “Perhaps an Ultramontane would have been elected Pope, and would have gone to the other side of the mountains with the Court and left Porcaro in peace at Rome”. The consternation caused at the Papal Court by the conspiracy was so great that Alberti and others expressed their desire to quit the unquiet City. But after all, if the attempted revolution had been accomplished, and the Papacy again transferred to France, would not the Romans have very soon begun to pray for its return, as in the Avignon days? In the beginning of the Pontificate of Eugenius IV, when the revolution had triumphed in Rome, a few months of a liberty which brought nothing but anarchy had sufficed for the citizens, and they had besought the Pope to come back. A similar result would now have ensued, and all the more surely, because many of Porcaro's associates were men of the worst character. If his contemporaries compared him to Catiline, we cannot ascribe their words to vindictiveness and party prejudices, for his blood-thirsty and covetous followers were but too like the companions of the ancient tyrant.

Porcaro's conspiracy caused great excitement throughout Italy; it is mentioned by most of the contemporary chroniclers but not always condemned. The judgment of history is adverse to its author, but Roman opinion seems to have been greatly divided on the subject. "When I hear such people talk", writes the gifted Leon Battista Alberti, referring to those who found fault with the Pope, "their arguments do not touch me in the least. I see but too clearly how Italian affairs are going. I know by whom all has been cast into confusion. I remember the days of Eugenius, I have heard of Pope Boniface and read of the disasters of many Popes. On the one side I have seen this demagogue surrounded by grunting swine and on the other side the Majesty of the Holy Father. That cannot surely have been right which compelled the most pacific of Popes to take up arms".

There were some in Rome who looked on Porcaro as a martyr for the ancient freedom of the city. Infessura, the Secretary to the Senate, makes the following entry in his diary: "Thus died this worthy man, the friend of Roman liberty and prosperity. He had been exiled from Rome unjustly; his purpose was, as the event proved, to risk his own life for the deliverance of his country from slavery". 

The attitude of the humanists in the Court of Nicholas V is a matter of some interest. The conspiracy was to them a most painful event, for it was not impossible that the Pope might look on them with suspicion. A connection might be traced between the ridicule and scorn which Valla, Poggio, and Filelfo had heaped upon the clergy and monks, and Porcaro's enmity to the temporal power. The danger, however, was averted by their almost unanimous condemnation of Porcaro's attempt, and it did not occur to the Pope to hold the study of antiquity responsible for the immoderate lust of liberty. Yet there can be no doubt that the conspiracy was the outcome of the republican spirit which that study fostered, and which now rose against everything that it deemed to be tutelage or tyranny.

Other writers living in the Pope's vicinity, but not belonging to the humanistic ranks, also produced polemical works in both prose and verse against Porcaro. Piero de' Godi, whom we have often mentioned, wrote at Vicenza a history of the conspiracy, which has but lately become known in its entirety. It is in the form of a dialogue between a Doctor Bernardinus, of Siena, and Fabius, a scholar. The latter relates the event, speaking as an eyewitness, while the doctor, who had arrived in Rome subsequently, makes reflections on the Providence of God and the excellent government of Nicholas V, adducing a multitude of passages from Holy Scripture. The little work is in many ways worthy of notice; it is valuable as an authority, and, notwithstanding its manifestly Papal and party character, is perfectly trustworthy. The author vigorously asserts that Rome alone can be the seat of the Pope, and warmly upholds the temporal power of the Holy See. Considering that many among the Romans desired its removal from Rome, and that others shared the views regarding the annihilation of the Pope's temporal power lately expressed by Lorenzo Valla, it seems possible that Godi's Dialogue was an official production, intended by its popular form to counteract these widespread errors.

A similar tone of feeling pervades the long Lamentation of Giuseppe Brippi, who bitterly reproaches the Romans with their unpardonable ingratitude, and reminds them of the benefits which the Popes in general, and Nicholas V in particular, had conferred upon the city. Notwithstanding the bombastic style of the poet — if, indeed, Brippi is worthy of such a name, — some of his remarks are extremely just, as, for example, when he points out to the Romans that the Papal rule has always been much milder than that of the other municipal governors in Italy. Brippi merely makes some general observations on the conspiracy, but he gives the Pope some good advice, recommending him to complete the fortification of his Palace, to be attended by three hundred armed men when he goes to St. Peter's, and to allow no other armed men to enter the church; furthermore, to seek to gain the affection of the Romans, to support the poor, and especially impoverished nobles, because the love of the citizens is the best defence of a ruler.

Friendly powers hastened to congratulate the Pope on the failure of the conspiracy; the Sienese Ambassador was the first to arrive. He had an audience on the 6th of January and again on the 14th, when he offered the Pope all the forces of the Republic in case of need, and also mentioned that the city contemplated the erection of a palace for the Pope. The idea that the Pope would leave his unquiet capital was evidently general, and Siena wished to make sure of the honour and advantage of a Papal residence; a similar effort was subsequently made in the time of Pius II. The Republic of Lucca likewise sent letters to the Pope and his brother Cardinal Calandrini, expressing the deepest horror of Porcaro's crime. The Cardinal's answer to the authorities of Lucca, dated 4th February, 1453, is worthy of note. He declares that there was no question of plunder or of the freedom of the city, but that the object of the conspiracy was to drive the Christian religion out of Italy. These words probably refer to Porcaro's intention of banishing the Pope from the country.

It is extremely difficult to estimate the proportions attained by Porcaro's conspiracy. On this occasion, as on others of a similar nature, there was no lack of conflicting accusations. Suspicions existed that Milan and Florence were implicated, and the Florentines endeavoured to cast blame on King Alfonso and the Venetians. Some of the conspirators certainly fled to Venice and Naples, but after the failure of the plot those powers handed them over to the Pope, and they were executed. Other accounts speak of members of the Colonna family as taking part in the affair. It is impossible to arrive at any absolute certainty on the subject, because much information must naturally have been suppressed. Too much importance accordingly is not to be attached to the statement of the Sienese Ambassador, who, in a despatch of the 14th January, 1453, declared, as the result of his inquiries, that neither the Roman barons nor any foreign powers were concerned.

The terrible event exercised a most injurious influence on the excitable and impressionable nature of the Pope. Immediately after the discovery of the plot, Nicholas V displayed considerable courage by going to St. Peter's, of course with a strong escort, and celebrating High Mass on the Feast of the Epiphany. But from the moment that the phantom of the ancient Republic arose, threatening destruction to his life, his authority, and all his magnificent undertakings on behalf of art and learning, his peace of mind was gone. He became melancholy, reserved, and inaccessible. It is said that he brought a great force of troops to Rome, and was always henceforth attended by an armed escort when he went out. His agitation and disquietude were increased by the knowledge that although the city continued tranquil, there were many Romans who, like Infessura, admired Porcaro. All the benefits conferred by the Pope, his just and excellent government, his promotion of Romans to many ecclesiastical posts, the advantages derived from the presence of the Papal Court, and the freedom and prosperity enjoyed by Rome above all other cities of Italy, had not sufficed to banish the old disloyalty. Naturally, suspicion and distrust became more and more deeply rooted in his soul, casting a gloom over his once cheerful temper and undermining his health, which had already been shaken by serious illness.

Nicholas V had hardly recovered from the shock occasioned by Porcaro's conspiracy when another terrible blow fell upon him in the tidings that Constantinople had been taken by the Turks.

CHAPTER VII.

THE ADVANCE OF THE TURKS AND THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE.

The dogmatic differences between the Greek and Latin Churches had been removed by the Council of Florence, where Eastern and Western theologians had measured their strength, and the re-establishment of actual communion with Rome seemed to be the only means of healing the grievous wounds from which the Oriental Church, like every other severed from the common centre of Christendom, was suffering, and of imparting new life and vigour to the Byzantine Empire.

But when the Greeks returned home from Florence they found it very hard to carry into effect that which had been agreed upon at the Council, and the Union met with violent opposition. Marcus Eugenicus soon produced his polemical letters, and Sylvester Syropulus his "True History of the False Union”, a work which still constitutes the chief polemical arsenal of the Oriental schismatics. Gennadius and numerous other writers followed in the same line, and as they fostered the national enmity of the Greeks against the Latins, their works produced more effect than those of the friends of the Union, many of whom, however, were distinguished and worthy men. The celebrated Cardinal Bessarion, for example, laboured indefatigably in the cause to the end of his days, and the Protosyncellus Gregory, Archbishop Andrew of Rhodes, and Bishop Joseph of Methone are also worthy of honourable mention.

On this occasion, however, as it generally happens, the defensive party was at a disadvantage. The excellent men whom we have mentioned were unable to silence the calumnies of the schismatics, whose champion, Marcus Eugenicus, combined great talent and learning with extreme vehemence of character. He did everything in his power to stir up monks, clergy, and laity against the peace which had been concluded between Rome and Constantinople. The friends of the Union were treated with contempt and scorn, and called azymites, traitors, apostates, and heretics. The opposition of the majority of the clergy and of the populace to any tokens of fellowship with those who acknowledge the authority of Rome daily increased, while the Emperor hesitated to express his will in such decided terms as might have given a firm basis to the Union. Carried away by the prevailing tone of feeling, many even of those prelates who had taken part in the negotiations at Florence now repented of their co-operation, and openly proclaimed their regret that they had allowed themselves to be persuaded into signing the act of Union.

Antagonism to the West was so deeply rooted that it was absolutely impossible for the Union to gain any ground. When Metrophanes, the new Patriarch of Constantinople, took decided measures against the violent opponents of ecclesiastical unity, the three patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem issued a strong protest, commanded the clergy appointed by Metrophanes, under pain of excommunication, to resign their posts, and threatened the Emperor that unless he abandoned the dogmas imposed at Florence his name should be omitted from their prayers.

In Russia also the attempt at Union had proved ineffectual. The metropolitan of Kiew, Isidore, on his return to his country as cardinal and legate for the North had been cast into prison. In 1443 he managed to escape, and afterwards attained important ecclesiastical offices in Rome. It had been hoped that the whole of the Russo-Greek Church would by his means have been brought back to unity, but only the metropolitan province of Kiew, with its suffragan dioceses of Brjansk, Smolensk, Peremyschl, Turow, Luzk, Wladimir, Polotsk, Chelm and Halitsch, was reconciled to the Holy See, and Russia proper, with its metropolitan see of Moscow, continued in schism.

Under these circumstances the tidings of the terrible defeat of the Christian army at Varna (10th November, 1444) had a disastrous effect on public feeling at Constantinople by destroying the hope that the alliance with Rome might bring about deliverance from the Turks. A few years after the battle Sultan Mahomet, in a deadly conflict of three days' duration on the plain of the Amsel (Kossowo, 1448), wrested from the noble Hunyadi of Hungary most of the laurels he had won.

The Turkish forces were now directed towards the Peloponesus in the South and Albania in the West, and Hungary also was seriously threatened. It was natural therefore that these countries should engross the principal attention of Europe, while the Greeks were comparatively neglected. Moreover the attitude of the Court during the recent calamities had been one of shameful inaction, a circumstance which was calculated to increase the indifference of the West and to confirm the growing impression that Hungaryi rather than the Greek Empire, was the "shield against the Turks".

This view was shared by Nicholas V, who, from the beginning of his pontificate, had taken a lively interest in Eastern affairs and endeavoured directly and indirectly to support the operations against the Turks.

The defeat of Kossowo greatly alarmed the timid Pope, and, by means of his Legate, he made known to the Hungarians his opinion that, for the future, they would do well to confine themselves within the limits of their own kingdom. Hunyadi and his people, however, would not hear of such a course, and only reiterated their petitions for the co-operation of the Holy See. These were not in vain, for on occasion of the Jubilee, the Pope issued a Bull, by which, in view of the impending danger from the Turks, he dispensed all prelates, barons, knights, and commoners of the kingdom of Hungary, who should take part in the war against the infidels, from personal appearance in Rome, and in order that they might not be deprived of the benefit of the plenary indulgence, he, in the fulness of his apostolic power, decreed that it should be extended to them on condition that on three consecutive days they should visit the Cathedral of Wardein and certain other churches in the kingdom appointed for the purpose, and should there deposit half of the money that would have been spent in their journey to and from Rome and in a sojourn of fifteen days in that city. The fulfilment of these conditions was to be deemed equivalent to fifteen days' visits to St. Peter's, St. Paul's, St. John Lateran, and Sta. Maria Maggiore in Rome, provided that the persons in question should not during the year leave Hungary save to make war on the infidels. Chests, furnished with triple locks, were to be placed in the churches referred to to receive the offerings, and extensive faculties, even in regard to reserved cases, were granted to all priests.

Nicholas V also rendered important service to the cause by endeavouring to compose the strife which had broken out between Hunyadi and Gislira, the captain of the kingdom, and by absolving Hunyadi, on the 12th April, 1450, from an oath not to pass through Servia, which had been extorted from him by fear and violence. His glorious victory at Belgrade was thus rendered possible, and the defeats at Varna and Kossowo were amply avenged.

While the Pope thus favoured the Hungarians, he also supported the Albanians in their resistance to the Turkish power, and sought to induce them to make common cause with adjacent countries; of these, the most important was Bosnia, whose King, Stephen, had, as we have already related, returned to the Catholic Church in the time of Eugenius IV. Nicholas V at once took a warm interest in him, and in June, 1447, ne placed him and the reconciled magnates under the protection of the Holy See, and appointed Thomas, the Bishop of Lesina, his Legate. Moreover, he did everything to promote the erection of Catholic churches in this devastated country, and took vigorous measures against the widespread sect of the Paterines. Being informed by the Bishop of Lesina that their errors were, nevertheless, gaining ground, Nicholas gave him full power to grant an indulgence and spiritual favours to those who should fight against these "unbelievers". Furthermore, in June, 1451, he sent a new Nuncio to Bosnia, with the authority of a Legate, to labour for the pacification of the country. The action of the Pope was not due solely to considerations of a spiritual nature, for the Paterines were secretly and even openly in league with the Turks, and thus, as Rome perceived, constituted a terrible danger to the country. Even members of the secular and regular clergy, among the latter some few unworthy Benedictine monks, were implicated in their treachery, and, counting on the Sultan's favour, endeavoured to lay hands on the property of the Church. The Pope commanded his Nuncio first to admonish these offenders in a friendly manner, but afterwards to proceed to ecclesiastical penalties, and eventually to invoke the assistance of the civil authorities.

The names of Hunyadi and Skanderbeg are generally coupled together on the roll of heroes who in the fifteenth century made a valiant warfare against the ancestral foes of Christendom. We shall speak of Skanderbeg later on, when we come to deal with the history of Calixtus III, and must only here observe that Nicholas V gave every support in his power to "this champion and buckler of Christendom against the Turk"s, who defeated them in an important engagement in the year 1449.

The action of the Pope against the Turks was not limited to the cases we have mentioned. He carefully watched each phase of the struggle for Rhodes, and in various ways assisted the Knights of St. John in their gallant resistance. In 1451, when the Island of Cyprus was seriously menaced by the infidel power, he showed the utmost solicitude for its defence, and addressed an urgent appeal for assistance, coupled with the grant of an indulgence of three years not only to the Emperor but to the whole of Christendom; to France, Poland, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, England, Scotland, Castile and Leon, Aragon, Portugal, and Navarre, as well as to the different Italian States. At a later period Nicholas gave half of the offerings received from France to the King of Cyprus to enable him to rebuild the citadel of Nicosia.

The facts which we have adduced sufficiently prove with what injustice the Pope has been charged with neglecting the war against the infidels. The statement that he did as little as possible for the deliverance of the Greeks is equally false. It is perfectly true that Nicholas made the fulfilment of the terms of the Union agreed upon at Florence a condition of his assistance, and this was evidently his duty as Pope, for it was incumbent on him to resist the encroachments of the schismatical Greek propaganda.

The prospects of the Union were most gloomy in the Byzantine Empire. The new Emperor, Constantine, the last of the Palaeologi, was unable to withstand the fanaticism of the people, and sent a special ambassador to Rome in the year 1451 in order to appease the Pope for the non-fulfilment of the agreements Nicholas replied in a long and incisive brief dated October 11th, 1451.

"The matter in question", Nicholas V declares, "is the unity of the Church, a fundamental article of the Christian confession of faith. A united Church is an impossibility unless there is one visible head to take the place of that Eternal High Priest whose throne is in heaven, and unless all members obey this one head. Where two rulers command there can be no united empire. Outside the Church's unity there is no salvation; he who was not in Noe's ark perished in the deluge. Schism has always been punished more severely than other crimes. Core, Dathan and Abiron, who sought to divide the people of God, were punished more terribly than those who had defiled themselves by idolatry.

"The Greek Empire itself is a living witness to this truth. This glorious nation, once so rich in learned and holy men, has now become the most miserable of all nations; almost the whole of Greece is given into the hands of the enemies of the cross. What is the reason of this heavy judgment of God? The once chosen people of God were sorely chastened by Him for two crimes. They were led into captivity in Babylon for idolatry; and for their putting to death our Redeemer Jesus Christ they were wholly given over into the power of the Romans, the city of Jerusalem was destroyed, and until this very hour the whole nation is scattered in exile throughout the world. Now we know that since the Greeks received the Catholic Faith they have never committed either of the above-mentioned crimes, on account of which the wrath of God might have given them into Turkish bondage. Some other sin must have provoked the Divine Justice, and this sin is the schism which was begun under Photius, and has since lasted for five hundred years. Full of sorrow and with a heavy heart do we make this complaint, and we would willingly have buried it in everlasting silence, but if a remedy is to be applied the wound must be laid bare. For almost five hundred years Satan, the author of all evil, and especially of division, has seduced the Church of Constantinople into disobedience to the Roman Bishop, the successor of St. Peter and representative of our Lord Jesus Christ. Innumerable negotiations have meanwhile been undertaken, a great many Councils have been held, countless embassies have been sent to and fro, until at last Emperor John and the Patriarch Joseph of Constantinople, accompanied by numerous prelates and great men, met Pope Eugenius IV, the Cardinals of the Roman Church, and a considerable body of Western Prelates at Florence in order, with the blessing of God, to put an end to the schism and establish unity.

"These negotiations were carried on before the eyes of the whole world, and the decree of Union drawn up in Greek and Latin and signed by all present has been made known to the whole world. Spain, with its four Christian kingdoms, Castile, Aragon, Portugal, and Navarre; Great Britain, Ireland, and Scotland, the great islands lying beyond the continent; Germany, inhabited by numerous nations, and extending over far countries; the kingdom of the Danes, Norway, and Sweden, situated towards the extremest north; Poland, Hungary, and Pannonia; Gaul, which stretches between Spain and Germany from the western ocean to the Mediterranean, are its witnesses. All these countries possess copies of the decree of Union by which that ancient schism is at last removed, according to the testimony of the Greek Emperor, John Palaeologus, of the Patriarch Joseph, and of all the others who came from Greece to the Council of Florence, and by their signatures sanctioned the Union.

"And now so many years have already passed during which the decree of the Union has been disregarded by the Greeks, and there appears no hope of any readiness to accept it, the matter is put off from one day to another, and the same excuses are always brought forward. The Greeks cannot really believe the Pope and the whole Western Church to have lost their senses so as not to perceive the meaning of these constant excuses and delays. They understand it perfectly, but bear with it after the example of the Eternal Chief Pastor, who gave the barren fig tree two years more to bring forth fruit.

"Be it known to your Imperial Highness", continues the Pope, "that we also will wait until this letter of ours has received your consideration, and if you, with your great men and your people, think better of it, and accept the decree of the Union, you will find us, the Cardinals and the whole Western Church always ready for you and well disposed towards you. But should you and your people refuse this, you compel us to do that which is demanded by your welfare and our honour". The Pope then lays down as conditions of peace that the Emperor should recall the Patriarch Gregory and reinstate him in all his dignities, that the name of the Pope should be inserted in the Diptychs, and that prayers should be offered for him in all the Greek Churches. Should any persons be in doubt regarding the decree of the Union the Emperor was to send them to Rome, where they would be honourably treated and every care taken to remove their doubts.

The Papal letter of the 11th October, 1451, is also interesting, inasmuch as it implies that Rome had recognized the utter fruitlessness of the often repeated public disputations at Constantinople, where the excited populace not only supported the speakers opposed to the Union, but from the beginning rendered any concession to the Latins impossible.

Meanwhile, the danger which, during more than a generation, had been threatening Constantinople and the whole of the East, seemed to be averted. Sultan Mahomet, instead of attacking Cyprus, as had been apprehended, directed his forces against the ancient enemy of his kingdom, the Mahometan Prince of Karamania.

The Greeks, seeing their most dangerous adversary thus occupied in Asia, were deluded enough to adopt a tone of menace towards him, and sent an embassy to his camp to inform him that unless the pension, paid for Urchan, the Sultan's nephew, who was being brought up at Constantinople, were doubled, they would put him forward as claimant to the throne. Mahomet answered this preposterous demand in a furious speech, hastily made peace with the Prince of Karamania, and satisfied the Janissaries with money, so as to be able, without annoyance from internal or external foes, to turn his whole power against Constantinople. As soon as he reached Adrianople he refused to pay to the Emperor the revenue of the region on the Strymon, which was destined for Urchan's maintenance, and then began to take measures for the subjugation of the capital. Early in the winter of 1451-1452 he sent orders throughout the different provinces of his kingdom, requiring that a thousand builders, with a corresponding number of hodmen and bricklayers, should be sent, and the necessary materials prepared for the erection of a fortress on the Bosphorus above Constantinople. The tidings caused the greatest consternation among the Christian population in that city, in Thrace, and in the Archipelago. "The end of the City has come” they exclaimed, "these things are the forerunners of the downfall of our race; the days of anti-Christ are upon us. What will become of us? Rather let our lives be taken from us, O Lord, than that the eyes of Thy servants should see the destruction of the City, and let not Thine enemies say 'Where are the saints who watch over it?’.” The Emperor Constantine despatched ambassadors to Adrianople to remonstrate against the building of the proposed fortress. The Sultan's answer was a declaration that he would have anyone, who again came to him about this business, flayed. The fortress was begun in the spring of 1452, the Sultan himself having made the plan and selected the site at the narrowest part of the Bosphorus, where a strong current drives vessels from the Asiatic to the European side, on the promontory of Hermaeum.

Here, then, a fortress rapidly arose, with walls from two-and-twenty to five-and-twenty feet thick, and towers with leaden roofs, sixty feet high. The Turks gave it the name of Bogaz Kessen, which means cutter off of the Straits and also cutter-off of the neck. As master of this castle and one opposite to it, named Anatoli Hissar, which had been built by Bajazet, the Sultan had it in his power to cut off all communication between the republics of Genoa and Venice and their colonies on the Black Sea, and also to deprive the city of Constantinople of the access to that Sea which was absolutely necessary to its inhabitants.

During the progress of the work disputes arose with some of the inhabitants of Constantinople who had corn-fields in the neighbourhood, and bloodshed ensued. The Greek Emperor then addressed a grave and dignified letter to the Sultan, who vouchsafed no other reply than a declaration of war (June, 1452), and caused the messengers who brought it to be beheaded. Mahomet was, however, too wise immediately to begin hostilities; for the time being, he merely reconnoitred the walls, trenches, and gates of Constantinople, and on the ist September retired to Adrianople.

The following winter passed by in quietness, but preparations were vigorously carried on on both sides for the decisive struggle. The Emperor again showed himself disposed for Union with the Latins, no doubt with the view of obtaining their assistance against the Turks. Whether in this matter he acted in perfect good faith may be left an open question; but even granting that his purpose was sincere, it would have been impossible for him to carry it into effect in face of the fanatical opposition of his people. This must have become evident at Rome, where the long-cherished hope that the whole Greek Church would accept the Union effected at Florence had now died out.f It was necessary, however, in order not to make too light of the Pope's dignity, that appearances should be kept up, and that his rights, which had been acknowledged at Florence, should be officially recognized at Constantinople, for on no other grounds could he be held bound to afford material assistance to the Greeks.

The question of helping the Greeks was warmly discussed in Rome, where great differences of opinion prevailed on the subject. An anonymous treatise written there in the December of 1452, gives us some interesting details, and endeavours, with the learning and rhetoric peculiar to the humanists, to show that the preservation of Constantinople was a necessity for Christendom. Conflicting opinions prevailed in Rome as to the line of conduct pursued towards the Greeks. Starting from the principle that no communication is to be held with heretics, schismatics and excommunicated persons, one party was absolutely opposed to the idea of giving them any assistance, and held that the impious schismatics would but meet with due punishment. This view is strongly condemned by the author of the treatise who adduces passages from the fathers of the Church, and from Aristotle, Sallust, Valerius Maximus, Seneca, and other classical writers. He then appeals to the principle of Christian charity, and to the love of sinners inculcated by our Saviour, and maintains that, notwithstanding their schism and their ingratitude, the Greeks ought to be helped. Should assistance be refused, there is, he continues, reason to fear that the conquest of Constantinople may be followed by a general massacre of the Christians. If it be said that the Greeks will persist in their schism, this is indeed true with regard to many of them, but not to all, for amongst them are distinguished and religious men. No one knows what course these will take; we need not trouble ourselves about the future; for the present the first thing to be done is to grant the prayer of those who are so hardly beset by the enemies of the Christian name. He then urges the glorious past of the City of Constantinople. Men remarkable for their learning, their piety, and purity of life have dwelt within her walls, which contain countless relics of the Saints and richly adorned churches; moreover tor the sake of the great Emperor Constantine to whom the Christian people and the Roman Church are so deeply indebted, it is, he declares, a duty to preserve his city from falling into the hands of the unbelievers.

He then proceeds to point out the motives which render it incumbent on the Pope to take measures for the preservation of Constantinople, making honourable mention of the exertions of Eugenius IV against the Turks; he gives a lively picture of the threatening peril, enumerates the horrible cruelties practised by the infidels, and insists on the necessity of re-establishing peace, if only in a temporary manner, in Italy. In view of the dangers which threaten Constantinople, Cyprus, and the shores of the Mediterranean, Christian kings and princes, and especially all prelates and ecclesiastics, are bound, he concludes, to arm themselves for the defence of Christendom.

Warnings of this nature, as a modern historian has observed, coupled with the well-grounded apprehension that the Turks might, after the conquest of the Greek Empire, attack Italy, produced their effect in Rome, and greatly promoted the favourable consideration of the ceaseless petitions for aid, especially as the Emperor accepted the conditions proposed by the Pope. In May, 1452, Cardinal Isidore, an enthusiastic Greek patriot, was sent as Legate to Constantinople. He was accompanied by about two hundred auxiliary troops, and by Archbishop Leonard of Mytilene, who has left us an account of the siege of Constantinople. The selection of Isidore as Legate was a most excellent one, and if the reconciliation was not effected, he certainly cannot be held responsible for its failure. The great majority of the Greeks were not even now in earnest in the matter, and the solemn function in honour of the Union celebrated on the 12th December, 1452, in the church of St. Sophia, with prayers for the Pope and the exiled Patriarch Gregorius, was a mere farce.

Many Greeks did not shrink from openly expressing their sentiments. "Once we are rid of the Turkish dragon," they said, "you shall see whether we will hold with the Azymites or not". Both laity and clergy conspired to frustrate the Union, and a wild outburst of fanaticism ensued while the Turks were actually approaching the very walls of Constantinople. The schismatic clergy, incensed by the Emperor's open adhesion to the decrees of the Council of Florence, solemnly anathematized all its partisans, refused absolution to those who had been present at the function held in honour of the Union, and exhorted the sick rather to die without the sacraments thin receive them from a Uniate priest. The populace cursed the Uniates, the sailors in the harbour drank to the destruction of the Pope and his slaves, and emptied their cups to the honour of the Blessed Virgin, shouting, "What need have we of the help of the Latins?" The friends of the Union were naturally too weak to hold their ground against the violence of popular feeling, and succumbed in their unequal conflict with the national will, which, impotent in all besides, proved itself obstinate and unbending on the one point of opposition to Rome. The Union was again rent asunder, and St. Sophia, which the schismatics called a cave of demons and synagogue of Jews, became a mosque. This furious antagonism to Rome extended to the highest classes of Byzantine society. The Grand Duke Lukas Notaras, the most powerful man in the powerless empire, was not afraid to say that he would rather see the Turkish turban in the city than the Tiara of Rome.

It is not surprising that the Latins showed but little zeal on behalf of a nation so hopelessly deluded, and that both in Rome and elsewhere some were found to maintain that no help ought to be given to the schismatics. The violently anti-Latin temper of the Greeks explains, and in some degree excuses, the fact that the Western Powers did not render the speedy assistance which might have saved the glorious capital of the East.

Besides the Pope and the King of Naples, the Republics of Venice and Genoa were the only Christian Powers who helped the Greek Emperor, and their help was given from mercenary motives. The Venetians and Genoese were well aware that their own interests would be seriously affected by a Turkish occupation of the Greek capital. Constantinople and its suburbs had become a second home to many of their citizens. Within its walls the two republics possessed much valuable property, both public and private, and its fall would involve the severance of their connection with their colonies on the Black Sea, and their consequent loss. Genoa and its colony of Chios accordingly sent war material and a considerable body of soldiers, and, unlike their vacillating fellow-countrymen in Pera, devoted themselves heart and soul to the cause.

The powerful Republic of Venice displayed far less zeal. Twice in the year 1452 did the Ambassadors of the Greek Emperor repair to the city, earnestly imploring counsel and aid against the threatened attack of the Turks; but no decided promise was made to them, for the interest of the principal personages was at this time concentrated almost exclusively on the war against the Duke of Milan. Material considerations alone induced the Signoria to send some few ships to Constantinople, but the despatch of a fleet was postponed until the 7th May, 1453, because it was feared that it would have to act in concert with the ships promised by the Pope and King Alfonso. The ten vesselscommanded by Jacopo Loredano, whose arrival had been so eagerly desired by the besieged, naturally came too late. Indeed, the following instructions, given to Jacopo Loredano, are calculated to awaken some misgivings as to the real intentions of the Venetian Republic. "On the way to Constantinople you are not in any way to cause any injury to the cities, troops, or vessels of the Turks, inasmuch as we are at peace with them. For although we have prepared this fleet for the honour of God and the defence of the City of Constantinople, we will not — if it can possibly be avoided — involve ourselves in war with the Turks".

Regarding the assistance afforded by Pope Nicholas V, the accounts which have reached us are unfortunately very defective, and in some cases contradictory. The diary of Infessura, the Secretary to the Senate, a somewhat untrustworthy document, informs us that the Emperor's ambassadors were detained in Rome, and were unable to obtain a decided answer. St. Antoninus of Florence says in his Chronicle, that Nicholas V directly refused them a grant of pecuniary assistance. As, however, the fact that this Pope sent money in the year 1452 for the purpose of fortifying the walls of Galata, is proved by an inscription, these accounts cannot be correct. We have, moreover, the testimony given by the Pope himself when on the very brink of eternity.

Nicholas V informed the Cardinals assembled around his death-bed that, on receiving the tidings of the siege of Constantinople, he had at once determined to help the Greeks to the best of his power. He was, however, well aware that his own unassisted resources were insufficient to oppose an adequate resistance to the immense armies of the Turks. He had, therefore, openly and plainly, declared to the Greek ambassadors that his money, his ships, and his troops were at the disposal of the Emperor, but that, inasmuch as this help was inadequate, his Majesty ought without delay to seek the assistance of other princes; assuring them of the support of the Papal forces. The Ambassadors had departed, well pleased with his answer, but, after making unsuccessful application to many princes, had returned to Rome, whereupon he had given them his help, such as it was.

Accordingly, on the 28th April, Nicholas V commanded the Archbishop of Ragusa, Jacopo Veniero of Recanati, to proceed as Legate to Constantinople, with the ten Papal galleys and a number of ships, furnished by Naples, Genoa, and Venice. The united Italian fleet did not, however, come into action, for on the 29th of May the fate of the city was decided.

On the 23rd March, 1453, Mahomet II left Adrianople, and on the 6th April took up his position within a mile of Constantinople. According to the lowest, and therefore most probable estimate, his army numbered a hundred and sixty thousand men. To meet this powerful, rapacious, and fanatical host, the Emperor had, in all, four thousand nine hundred and seventy-three Greeks, and about two thousand foreigners, Genoese, Venetians, Cretans, Romans, and Spaniards.

The siege, of which we have details from a number of eye-witnesses, began immediately. Besides fourteen batteries, which were planted opposite to the walls of the city, the Sultan had twelve large pieces of artillery destined for special positions, and discharging stone cannon-balls of from two hundred to five hundred pounds' weight. One giant cannon, made by a Hungarian, is perhaps the largest mentioned in history, and its stone balls weighed from eight hundred to twelve hundred pounds.

It was evident that the city, with its slender garrison, would ultimately be compelled to yield to such a force. The catastrophe was delayed by the position of Constantinople, which rendered it very difficult of assault, and by the personal courage of the Emperor and of some few other Greeks. But the chief credit of the defence is due to the skilful tactics of the Italian ships, and to the foreign troops and the Venetian Catalan, and other colonists, together with the Genoese, who had secretly come from Pera. They ceaselessly repaired the breaches made by the enemy's artillery, and brilliantly repelled many Turkish attacks. Moreover, under the direction of a German engineer, countermining was carried on with such success that the Turks finally abandoned their mines. A dangerous bastion constructed by the infidels was destroyed in a single night, and the astonished Sultan exclaimed, "Never could I have believed the Giaours capable of such great deeds, not even if all the Prophets had assured me of the fact!"

The greater number of the Greeks, however, played a pitiful part during the siege. Instead of fighting, they consoled themselves with the foolish predictions of their monks, wept and prayed in the churches, called upon Our I Lady to deliver them, never considering that God is wont to help those who exert themselves, and at the same time humbly place their confidence in Him. A historian justly observes, "They loudly confessed their sins, but no one confessed his cowardice, the unpardonable sin of a nation devoid of patriotism". The Emperor alone distinguished himself by his courage, but one man could not save a nation, many of whose members, from their bigoted hatred of the Latins, preferred quiet and toleration under the Turkish sway.

The cowardice of the Greeks was equalled by their avarice, which kept them from employing the number of troops required for the defence of the widely extended walls of their city. The unreasoning covetousness which had been the proximate occasion of this terrible siege now contributed in great measure to bring about the final catastrophe. The small force of defenders could no longer hold the long chain of fortifications, partly ruined as they were by the enemy's artillery, and on the 29th of May the Janissaries made another desperate attack. The Emperor, with a great many of his faithful followers, fell. Cardinal Isidore, who was not recognized, was sold as a slave. Thousands of the Greeks who escaped death shared his fate, especially all those who had taken refuge in the church of St. Sophia. An ancient prophecy had foretold that the Turks would advance as far as the Pillar of Constantine, but would then be driven by an angel from heaven not only out of the city but back to the Persian frontier. As soon accordingly as they had entered the city, crowds pressed into the great church, which, with all its vestibules, corridors, and galleries, was densely thronged, multitudes who, ever since the feast held in honour of the Union had scorned the spiritual graces which they might there have found, now seeking within its walls to save their lives. "Had an angel really descended from heaven at this moment", says the Greek historian Dukas, "and brought them word to accept the Union, they would not have acknowledged it, and would rather have given themselves up to the Turks than to the Roman Church."

The infidels, meanwhile, had become masters of the city, and had slain some thousands of its inhabitants before the idea of making gain out of them as slaves arrested the work of bloodshed. On reaching the church of St. Sophia they burst open the doors and dragged the helpless fugitives off to slavery. The beautiful church was desecrated by all sorts of horrors, and then turned into a mosque. A crucifix was borne through the streets, with a Janissary's cap on its head, while the miscreants shouted, "Behold the God of the Christians".

The Sultan did not compel the Greeks to conform to Islam, but rather sought to win their priesthood to his side by espousing the cause of the enemies of the Union. He brought about the election to the Patriarchate of Gennadius, a zealous member of the orthodox party and a violent opponent of the Latins. The ceremony of installation took place on the 1st of June, and the procession passed through streets still stained with blood. The Sultan, adopting the ancient custom of the Byzantine Emperors, delivered a golden staff to the newly-elected Patriarch, in token of investiture. The last traces of the Union were thus obliterated in the great Turkish Empire. Henceforth it survived only in Lithuania and Poland, in some Mediterranean Islands subject to the Latin rule, and in the isolated Greek communities in Italy, Hungary, and Sclavonia. The Sultan jealously claimed for himself all privileges enjoyed by the Emperors, especially the power of granting confirmation and investiture to the Patriarchs, and it soon became the custom for each Patriarch to pay a considerable sum of money for his investiture, and thus to purchase his high dignity from the infidel ruler. As time went on, other Turkish magnates also received tribute from the Patriarch; money was the only means of obtaining anything at the Porte, and yet its magic power was not always a certain defence from bitter humiliations, from ill-treatment and plunder. Turkish despotism and Greek corruption brought the Patriarchate to the lowest depths of degradation to which the head of a Church with such a history could fall.

The tidings of the great victory of the Turks over the "Christian dogs" were borne on the wings of the wind throughout the East. Success was now on the side of Mahomet II, and the consequences were more immediately disastrous there than in the West. The Oriental Christians at once felt the shock of the great blow which had fallen on their cause in the Bosphorus. In their first panic the whole population of these districts thought of nothing but speedy flight, and flocked to the seaside in order to embark for the West, on the first appearance of the Turkish flag. Slowly but surely was the way prepared for the complete closing up and barbarizing of the glorious lands bordering on the Mediterranean Sea. No pause in the victorious advance of the Turks was to be expected, although for a time the Sultan retired with his army to Adrianople, and sent his fleet to the harbours of the Asiatic shore.

Soon indeed it became clear that, not content with victory on land, the Porte aspired to supremacy in the Archipelago and the Black Sea. Mahomet II spared no pains to create a formidable fleet, and Constantinople and Gallipoli afforded him every facility for his operations. No resource remained to the terrified Christians on these shores but to purchase the permission to exist by the payment of a heavy tribute. The Sultan was not slow to take advantage of their distress. On his return to Adrianople he announced to the ambassadors, who came to congratulate him, that for the future Chios must pay six thousand instead of four thousand ducats, and Lesbos three thousand as a tribute. Thomas and Demetrius, the cowardly Byzantine despots of the Peloponesus, who had meditated flight to Italy, laid a present of a thousand gold pieces at his feet, and received in return empty promises of peace and friendship. The Emperor of Trebizond was required by the Porte to pay the annual tribute of two thousand gold pieces for himself and the neighbouring shores of the Black Sea, and also to appear at an appointed time every year in the Sultan's Court. The despot of Servia had to purchase Mahomet's good will by a tribute of twelve thousand ducats a year.

It would be difficult to describe the terror of Western Christendom on learning that "the centre of the old world and the bulwark which protected European civilization from Asiatic barbarism" had fallen into the hands of the infidels. Men felt the event to be a turning point in the history of the world. In the downfall of the Byzantine Empire, which united Eastern Europe with Asia, and which had been so instrumental in the civilization of the Slavonic races, the ruin of all that the first great medieval period had accomplished was begun. The Christian conquest of Jerusalem in 1099 was tardily avenged by the foundation of a Turkish Empire on European soil, which had the effect of paralyzing the whole political system of Europe. All common action on the part of Christian nations was crippled, and Stamboul became that smouldering centre of discord which it still continues to be in the Eastern question of the present day. In face of the constant danger from the Turks the reforms, social as well as ecclesiastical, so urgently needed by Christendom, were neglected, and the Holy Roman Empire, second only in prestige to that of Byzantium, was drawn into the vortex of revolution.

"The Kingdom of Mahomet II” according to a modern historian, "was for the first time thoroughly consolidated by the conquest of that magnificent central position uniting the great lines of communication between the Adriatic and Mesopotamia, and Belgrade and Alexandria, and carrying with it the sovereignty of the Empire of the Caesars and the Constantines. The magnitude and danger of the Eastern question dates from this event".

The Republic of Venice was the first among the Western powers to learn that Constantinople had fallen, and that the bravest of the Palaeologi had died a hero's death. The tidings came on the 29th June, when the great Council was sitting; Luigi Bevazan, the Secretary of the Council of Ten, read the letters in which the Castellan of Modone and the Bailo of Negroponte announced the calamity. The consternation and grief which overpowered all present were so great that no one ventured to ask for a copy of the terrible news.

From Venice it soon spread in all directions. On the 30th June the Signoria sent word to the Pope, adding that they deemed it likely that His Holiness would have already heard of the disaster by some other means.

On the 8th July it was known in Rome. The celebrated preacher, Fra Roberto of Lecce, told the populace, who broke out into loud lamentations. As it was a long time before any other accounts arrived to confirm those received from Venice, and as Constantinople was known to be well-provisioned, many persons both in Rome and Genoa considered them to be false. Later on some maintained that the city had been reconquered in a marvellous manner. "This", wrote Cardinal d'Estouteville, on the 19th July, "is possible but not probable". The consternation at Rome was increased by a report that the Papal ships had been captured by the infidels, and that the Turks were preparing, with a fleet of three hundred vessels, to follow up the conquest of New Rome by that of the ancient city.

All writers agree in stating that the Pope and the Cardinals were overwhelmed at the tidings of the fate of Constantinople. The dominant feeling, however, in the mind of Nicholas V and throughout the West was rather apprehension of further advances of the infidels than pity for the Greeks, who, by their dishonesty in regard of the Union and by the hatred which they never failed to manifest for the Latins had alienated the sympathy of the rest of Christendom. Moreover, the rich Greeks had been as unwilling to make material sacrifices for the defence of their metropolis as they were to put aside their animosity. The well-informed chronicle of Bologna expressly attributes the fall of Constantinople to their avarice in not furnishing money for the payment of the troops, and St. Antoninus of Florence declares that in the year 1453, the Pope was extremely indignant at their again beseeching the impoverished Italians to give them pecuniary aid, although themselves possessed of hoards of wealth which would have amply sufficed to pay for troops.

The Pope's first measure on hearing of the calamity was to despatch legates to the different Italian powers in order to put an end to the internecine wars which raged amongst them. The excellent Cardinal Capranica accordingly left Rome for Naples on the 18th of July, and two days later Cardinal Carvajal started on his mission to Florence, Venice, and the camp of the Duke of Milan. Nicholas V also ordered five triremes to be equipped at Venice at his expense (the cost amounted to seventeen thousand three hundred and fifty-two Venetian gold ducats); and the Genoese, Angelo Ambrogini was sent with three galleys to the Greek waters. He found the Mediterranean already swarming with Turkish ships, and had great difficulty in making his escape.

On the 30th September the Pope addressed a Bull of Crusade to Christendom in general. In it he declared Sultan Mahomet to be a forerunner of anti-Christ, and to restrain his diabolical arrogance called upon all Christian princes to defend the faith with their lives and their money, reminding them of their Coronation Oath. A plenary Indulgence was granted to everyone who should for six months, from the 1st February of the following year (1454), personally take part in the holy war, or send a substitute. Every warrior was, as in former times, to wear the cross on his shoulder. The Church aided the cause by contributing money. The Apostolic exchequer devoted to the Crusade all the revenues which it received from greater or smaller benefices, from archbishoprics, bishoprics, convents, and abbeys. The cardinals and all the officials of the Roman Court were to give the tenth part of their whole income, and anyone who should be guilty of fraud or fail to pay this tenth was to be excommunicated and deprived of his post. A tithe was also imposed on Christendom at large under pain of excommunication, and anyone who should treacherously provide the infidels with arms, provisions, or materials of war was to be severely punished. Furthermore, that the undertaking might not in any way be hindered, the Pope, acting under the authority of Almighty God, determined and commanded that there should be peace throughout the Christian world. Prelates and dignitaries of the Church were authorized to mediate between contending parties, and, if possible, effect a reconciliation. In any case a truce was to be concluded. The refractory were to be punished by excommunication, or, in the case of whole communities proving obstinate, by interdict. "Western Europe", to quote the words of the historian of Bohemia, "now witnessed a renewal of the scenes which had taken place at the beginning of the Hussite war. Missioners were preaching, distributing crosses and indulgences, collecting tithes, holding popular assemblies, and promoting warlike preparations, but the indifference was greater, and the results smaller than they had previously been, for the institutions and symbols which had once been able to inflame the world with ardent zeal in the cause of the Holy Sepulchre and the Promised Land had now but little power over men's minds." The states of Europe were too much divided and too much occupied with their own internal affairs to rise up and unite in resisting the Turk. The great political unity of the Middle Ages was broken, Christendom as a corporate body had ceased to exist. Clear-sighted contemporaries were fully alive to the melancholy fact. Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini bitterly complained that Christendom had no longer a head who could command general obedience. "People", he says, "neither give to the Pope what is the Pope's, nor to the Emperor what is the Emperor's. Respect and obedience are nowhere to be found. Pope and Emperor are considered as nothing but proud titles and splendid figure-heads. Each State has its particular Prince, and each Prince his particular interest What eloquence could avail to unite so many discordant and hostile powers under one banner? And if they were assembled in arms, who would venture to assume the general command? What tactics are to be followed? What discipline is to prevail? How is obedience to be secured? Who is to be the shepherd of this flock of nations? Who understands the many utterly different languages, and is able to control and guide the varying manners and characters? What mortal could reconcile the English with the French, the Genoese with the men of Aragon? If a small number go to the Holy War they will be overpowered by the infidel, and if great hosts proceed together, their own hatred and confusions will be their ruin. There is difficulty everywhere. Only look at the state of Christendom." Under these circumstances Hungary, whose danger was the most imminent, had to undertake alone the war with the terrible enemy.

The decision arrived at by the Parliament assembled at Buda in January, 1454, corresponded to the urgency of the case. The celebrated Hunyadi was chosen General for a year, and a summons was issued declaring that not merely the landed proprietors, great and small, but also the Prelates were bound to perform military service. Nobles who, without adequate cause, should leave the camp were to be punished by the confiscation of their property, and com-moners by death. Nevertheless, Hunyadi could not but see that his army was far too weak to gain complete success

After Hungary the Republic of Venice was undoubtedly the power exposed to greatest danger. The Sultan had offered her a direct insult by causing the Venetian Bailo at Constantinople to be executed, and imprisoning upwards of five hundred Venetian subjects. Added to this was the serious loss of merchandise, estimated by Sanudo at two hundred thousand ducats. Immediately on receiving tidings of the fall of Constantinople, Cardinal Bessarion had addressed an urgent letter to Francesco Foscari, the Doge, calling upon him to defend the cause of Christendom. If we may credit Filelfo the appeal was not in vain. He says that the Doge made an impressive speech, declaring that no time was to be lost, but that hostilities with the Turks ought at once to be commenced in order to avenge the affronts offered to the Republic at Constantinople.

During the consultations at Venice, however, the opinion that every effort should be made to arrive at some kind of understanding with the Sultan prevailed. The threatening attitude of Milan, solicitude for the five hundred captives, the increasing financial difficulties of the Republic and the mercantile interests which overruled everything, all tended to confirm this decision. The merchants well knew what the fall of Constantinople implied; they were perfectly aware that their rich possessions in the East were in the most serious danger, and that the Italian Peninsula itself might next be imperilled. Yet, with their usual short-sighted egotism, their first thought was to save anything that might at this critical moment be saved, to gain an undue advantage over all other naval powers by securing the favour of the Porte, and to maintain their mercantile importance at the high point which it had reached before the catastrophe at Constantinople.

We cannot, therefore, be surprised to find that the words of the Papal Legate fell upon deaf ears. Instead of beginning the holy war, the Signoria recognized the peace which formally existed with the Sultan, and employed Bartolomeo Marcello to open negotiations for the release of the captive Venetians and the renewal of friendly relations with the Porte, and also to prepare the way for the conclusion of a commercial treaty. Jacopo Loredano was in the meantime sent with twelve galleys to protect Negroponte.

Marcello was successful in his mission, and on the 18th April, 1454, concluded a treaty with the ruler of the infidels, which served as a basis for all subsequent relations between Venice and the Porte. The first paragraph of this shameful compact runs as follows: — "Between Sultan Mahomet and the Signoria of Venice, including all its present and future possessions, as far as the banner of St. Mark floats, henceforth, as formerly, there is peace and friendship". Another article expressly lays down that Venice shall not in any way, by ships, weapons, provisions, or money, support the Sultan's enemies in their undertakings against the Turkish kingdom. "And thus", indignantly exclaims the historian of Turkey, "the Republic of Venice was the first Christian power which, after the fall of Constantinople, neglected all other considerations, and, simply for its own advantage, entered into a treaty of peace with the Sultan, and secured for itself freedom of commerce throughout the whole Turkish Empire and the right of employing its own representatives to look after the interests of its subjects settled there.

It cannot be said that the Signoria was unconscious of the shameful nature of this proceeding, for, before the conclusion of peace with the Sultan, it addressed a somewhat confused letter of apology to Nicholas V.

The Republic of Genoa, which, next to Venice, was the naval power of Italy most interested in Eastern affairs, also endeavoured to enter into friendly alliance with the Sultan. The tidings of the fall of Constantinople had caused unexampled alarm and discouragement amongst her inhabitants, and here, as elsewhere, many had clung to the hope that they were false. It was at once decided in Council that all available ships should be made ready, that ambassadors should immediately go to King Alfonso, and that if the terrible report were confirmed, an envoy should be sent to all States of Christendom to bring about a general peace, inasmuch as the loss of the whole of the Levant and of the Archipelago appeared in such a case to be imminent.

But these good resolutions ended the matter, and the Genoese, weakened by internal dissensions and by the war with Naples, took no decisive step; indeed, in their utter helplessness and despondency they would have nothing more to do with their possessions on the Black Sea, and on the 15th November, 1453, made them over by a formal contract to the Bank of St. George. This great financial company, which by its immense pecuniary resources, the well-known rectitude and solidity of its administration, its considerable landed possessions, and its widely extended foreign connections, had acquired the position of a State within the State, seemed alone able to accomplish that which the exhausted Republic could no longer undertake. But even the Bank of St. George was unable to prevent Caffa, the chief emporium on the Black Sea, from becoming tributary to the Porte.

The cause of the crusade found no better support from King Alfonso of Naples than from the Republics of Venice and Genoa. This crafty politician was, indeed, lavish of fair words, and in the spring of 1454 he seemed ready to come forward as the champion of Italy and the avenger of the terrible disgrace which the conquest of Constantinople had brought upon Christendom. By his example, he wrote to the Cardinals, he hoped to incite the other Christian princes to an expedition which should drive the Turks completely out of Europe. But his professions were not followed by action. He cared for nothing but his own exaltation and that of his dynasty, and never struck a single blow for the defence of Christendom.

The conduct of the Duke of Milan was equally unworthy. Delighted to see his enemies, the Venetians, fully occupied by Eastern affairs he caused his troops to advance into the territory of Brescia. This circumstance must be taken into account in extenuation of the attitude of the Venetian Republic.

The Republic of Florence, allied as it was with the Duke of Milan in opposition to Venice and Naples, shared his sentiments. From reliable sources we learn the almost incredible fact that in the blind hatred of Venice the Florentines viewed the terrible blow dealt to the Christian cause in the East with satisfaction. Nicodemus of Poutremoli, Francesco Sforza's Ambassador to Florence, when announcing the disaster, wrote: "I also wish that it may go ill with the Venetians, but not in this manner to the detriment of the Christian faith. I doubt not that your feeling is the same. Would to God that Pope Nicholas had built less and had believed me! How often have I told him that, besides its other innumerable advantages, the pacification of Italy would greatly tend to the honour of His Holiness". 

While the Italians, to quote the words of a contemporary chronicler, were thus tearing each other to pieces like dogs, most of the other Western States held aloof from the proposed crusade. None of them, indeed, openly refused assistance; on the contrary, all the princes formally professed themselves ready to take part in the expulsion of the Turks from Europe, but when it came to the point not one was prepared to act. Aeneas Sylvius openly admits that nothing was to be expected from the northern kingdoms. England was a prey to perpetual civil wars, and Nicholas V vainly endeavoured to restore her to peace and unity. We shall have to relate the utter failure of the crusading projects of the powerful Duke Philip of Burgundy, and all through the great kingdom of France the Pope's summons was almost unheeded. The French King, Charles VII, had not even deigned to answer Filelfo, who, before the fall of Constantinople, submitted to him the plan of an expedition. The Emperor Frederick III, who, according to the medieval view, was above all other princes bound to defend the Christian cause, was not, as the following pages will show, the man to make up his mind to such an undertaking. Portugal was perhaps the only power, with the exception of Hungary, which made serious preparations for war against the infidels. Its King, Alfonso, promised to maintain twelve thousand soldiers at his own expense for a year, and at a considerable cost and amid many complaints from his people made ready for action, but obstacles of various kinds made it impossible for him to accomplish his purpose.

The words-which Aeneas Sylvius had written to the Pope were but too true; discord was rampant in Europe, and the different nations hardly ventured to move against the common foe of Christendom. Moreover, the tranquillity of the past months had persuaded them that the danger which threatened from the East was not so imminent as it had seemed in the first shock of the catastrophe. The Papal summons to the Holy War failed to evoke a sympathetic response throughout Europe, and it became evident that the bond which in the great medieval ages held princes and peoples together had grown slack.

CHAPTER VIII.

NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE IN ITALY— THE CRUSADE IN GERMANY — SICKNESS AND DEATH OF THE POPE

While consultations were being held throughout Western Christendom as to the means of repelling Turkish aggression, a cause for which no one was ready to make any real sacrifice, envoys arrived from Cyprus and Rhodes. They implored assistance, bearing witness to the magnitude of the peril which threatened Europe, and unanimously asserting that no cessation of Turkish hostilities was to be expected. These envoys were accompanied by Cardinal Isidore of Russia, some Franciscans of Bologna, and a few other Italians, who had escaped from the massacre at Constantinople or from bondage among the infidels. The Cardinal, more fortunate than Cesarini, had escaped the terrible massacre which followed the victory of the Turks, by dressing a corpse in his own clothes and taking those of the dead man. Unrecognized in this disguise, he had been captured and sold as a slave, but at length succeeded in making his escape, at first at the Peloponesus, and thence to Venice, where he arrived in the end of November, 1453, as one returned from the dead. He and the Franciscans were the first to make known the full details of the catastrophe of the 29th May, 1453.

Cardinal Isidore gave a terrible account of the cruelties practised by the Turks, and declared that they were determined to conquer Italy. The danger was, he believed, imminent, and the necessity for the union of Christians imperative. He thought the forces at the Sultan's command more numerous than those of Caesar, Alexander, or any other conqueror, and the pecuniary resources at his disposal to be equally enormous. The Turkish fleet already consisted of two hundred and thirty ships, the cavalry was thirty thousand strong, and there seemed to be no limit to the numbers by which the infantry might be increased. Calabria would probably be the spot selected for the first incursion of the infidels, and it was possible that Venice might also be attacked. According to the report of the Sienese ambassador in Venice, the Cardinal was firmly persuaded that unless within six months peace was restored another year and half would see the Turks in Italy.

It was evident that serious measures against the Turks could not be contemplated until concord had been re-established in the Italian peninsula, and accordingly Nicholas summoned the ambassadors of all the Italian powers to a Peace Congress in Rome. The matter was pressing, and the Pope's messengers were despatched in all haste towards the close of September. About a month later the ambassadors began to appear in the Eternal City. On the 24th of October, 1453, envoys from the Republic of Florence and Venice arrived; the latter were specially charged to excuse the Signoria for their negotiations with the Turks.

The Duke of Milan, who believed that the Venetians were merely endeavouring to gain time for fresh warlike preparations, reluctantly resolved to take part in the Congress. The delay of his ambassadors created a most unfavourable impression in Rome, and tht Pope and his cardinals bitterly complained of Francesco Sforza. On the 10th November the long-expected envoys at length arrived,t and business accordingly could begin. The despatches which have come down to us regarding this Congress are unfortunately of a very fragmentary character, and those of the Venetian and Neapolitan envoys are altogether wanting. It is, therefore, impossible to give a clear account of these complicated proceedings, but there can be no doubt that the greatest difficulties arose in the way of a satisfactory settlement. All parties, indeed, were profuse in professions, but when their proposals were brought forward it became evident that the pretensions of each Power were so extravagant as to render the restoration of peace almost hopeless.

King Alfonso of Naples demanded from the Florentines the repayment of the sums which the war had cost him; the latter, far from being disposed to pay anything, called upon the King to deliver up to them Castiglione della Pescaja in the Maremma. The Venetians insisted that Sforza, for whose assassination they had, on the 14th September, 1453, promised a hundred thousand ducats, should restore all his conquests in the territories of Brescia and Bergamo, evacuate Cremona, and consider the banks of the Po and the Adda as the boundary of his States. Sforza, however, instead of making any concession to the Republic of St. Mark, asked that Crema, Bergamo, and Brescia should be restored to him. He had not the least intention of concluding peace so quickly, and his ambassadors complained of the pretensions of Naples and Venice to rule over Tuscany and Lombardy. Each one of the hostile powers brought violent accusations against his adversary before the Pope. The envoy of the Marquess of Mantua assured Nicholas that Venice, if victorious, would strive to make the Pope her chaplain, adding that his master would rather fall into the hands of the Turks than into those of the Venetians!

If anything had been wanting to render a favourable result of the Congress impossible, the deficiency was supplied by Nicholas. He had already endeavoured secretly to foment the dissensions of the other Italian powers, with the object of diverting hostilities from his own dominions and securing for them alone the blessing of peace, and to this line of policy he continued to adhere. Impossible as it is to justify the Pope's conduct, we nevertheless take into account the circumstances which partially excuse it. Had the States of the Church been involved in the conflicts of the period, all that he had accomplished at immense cost, and by the labour of years, in the hope of making Rome the centre of art and of learning, would have been undone. This idea took such possession of his mind that all other considerations had to give way. Moreover, the relations which existed between him and King Alfonso of Naples were of a character unfavourable to the success of the Congress. The King did everything in his power to complicate the negotiations and hinder Nicholas from taking any step which might have tended to peace. If we may credit the ambassador of Francesco Sforza, Alfonso, even in the month of July, had threatened to ally himself with the revolutionary party in Rome in the event of the Pope adopting a policy at variance with his wishes. The monarch had supporters in the Court, his influence over the timid Pontiff had for years been excessive, and Nicholas yielded unduly, carrying on the negotiations, as even his eulogist Manetti admits, in a lukewarm and indifferent manner. The state of his health no doubt had much to do with his timidity; at the end of August he was ill, and in December he was confined to his bed with so severe an attack of gout that for a long time even the Cardinals were not admitted to his presence. After a short period of improvement, the malady returned at the end of January with fresh intensity, and for fully a fortnight Nicholas V was again unable to grant any audiences. A secret Consistory, which had been fixed for the 29th January, 1454, had, on account of the Pope's condition, to be held in his bedroom. The reports of the Florentine ambassadors enable us accurately to follow the history of Nicholas's illness. After announcing on the 6th of February that the Pope was again holding receptions, they had, five days later, to say that the gout had returned. In the beginning of March they speak of a fresh attack, and so it went on, for he never again rose from his sick bed. Can we wonder that in the midst of such suffering, and oppressed by ceaseless anxieties, he had not sufficient energy for vigorous and determined action?

The Congress finally arrived at the end which had been foreseen. On the 19th March, 1454, the Sienese ambassadors announced to their Republic the utter failure of the negotiations, and on the 24th the Florentine envoys left Rome; the assembly effected nothing, and its members parted in mutual dissatisfaction.

A simple Augustinian friar, Fra Simonetto of Camerino, accomplished that which the Congress had been unable to effect. The Venetians, whose finances were exhausted, and who were in need of peace, sent him as a secret messenger to Francesco Sforza to treat with him personally and lay fair proposals before him. The unquiet state of Sforza's own camp made him willing to accede to these, and Cosmo de' Medici, who alone was in the secret, favoured the negotiations. He knew that the intolerable burden of taxation was causing increasing discontent among the Florentines, and that there was a general longing for peace throughout the city. Francesco Contarini, the Venetian ambassador to Siena during the years 1454 and 1455, repeatedly informs the Signoria of the general feeling which prevailed at Florence. "The citizens", he writes in April, 1454, "had raised a great outcry against the new taxes, and used strong language against Cosmo and the others who desired war".

Fra Simonetto's negotiations were brought to a conclusion at Lodi on the 9th April, 1454, when Sforza agreed V to restore to the Venetians all his conquests in the territories of Bergamo and Brescia, with the exception of a few castles, only laying down the condition that those who had espoused his cause should remain unpunished. The Duke of Savoy and the Marquess of Montferrat were, if they desired to share in the benefits of peace, to deliver up the places which they had taken in Novara, Pavia and Alessandria; in the event of their refusal the Duke of Milan held himself free to recover them by force. The Lords of Corregio and the Venetians were to give back to the Marquess of Mantua the part of his territory which they had annexed, and he was to restore to his brother Carlo his inheritance; finally the Castle of Castiglione della Pescaja in Tuscany, which King Alfonso had conquered, was to be retained by him on condition that he should withdraw his army from the rest of the Florentine States. All the Italian powers were called upon to give in their adhesion to the peace within an appointed time if they desired to partake of its benefits.

The peace of Lodl did not at once produce the effects expected by the States, which were longing for tranquillity. Venice and Milan had kept the matter so secret that, with the exception of Florence, no power had been aware of what was going on. Accordingly the announcement that a treaty had been concluded on the 9th April was a surprise to all, and especially to King Alfonso of Naples. He had hitherto imagined that, as the most important of Italian princes, he could at his will impose peace, and now found himself treated as a secondary power, and invited to subscribe to an agreement framed without his knowledge. He expressed his indignation in no measured terms to the Venetian Ambassador, Giovanni Moro, and endeavoured, as it proved, in vain, to hinder his allies, the Sienese, from becoming parties to it.

On the 30th August Venice, Milan, and Florence entered into a League for five-and-twenty years for the defence of their States against every attack, but Alfonso, in his anger, held aloof for nearly a year, and tedious negotiations, prolonged by dread of France, ensued. The Pope, who had at first resented his exclusion from the compact of Lodi, brought these to a happy conclusion by sending Cardinal Capranica, the most distinguished among the members of the Sacred College, to Naples as his legate, with the special mission of persuading Alfonso to join the League. The Cardinal was successful, and, on the 30th December, 1454, Sforza was informed by his ambassadors at Naples that the King had determined publicly to proclaim peace, and to enter into the alliance on the approaching Feast of the Epiphany. "On the Feast of the Epiphany, when the solemnity of the Three Kings takes place, Alfonso, after the example of those Three Kings who offered Gold, Frankincense, and Myrrh, will bring as an offering to God — first, peace for all Italy; secondly, the League for greater quiet and security; and thirdly, the League against the enemy of Jesus Christ for the defence of our holy Faith. On that day the Papal Legate will celebrate Mass, and this holy Peace, the League and Alliance will be proclaimed, it God permit and your Highness consent". The peace was, however, actually confirmed by the Neapolitan Monarch on the 26th January, 1455, but with the condition that the Genoese, whose ancient offences Alfonso could not pardon, and Sigismondo Malatesta, who had deceived him, should be excluded from it. By a further compact the Pope, Naples, Florence, Venice, and Milan bound themselves by an offensive and defensive alliance for five-and-twenty years. The Pope ratified this great Italian League on the 25th February, 1455, and it was solemnly published in Rome on the 2nd March. The happy event was celebrated with splendid festivities by the command of Nicholas V in that City and throughout the States of the Church.

There was good cause for these rejoicings, for now Italy might be considered as at peace, and the peace seemed likely to prove permanent. In Upper Italy, Milan and Venice, and in Lower Italy the Pope and the King of Naples counterbalanced each other. Florence was determined to maintain the political equilibrium, and never to join those who evidently desired to impair it. The eyes of all were anxiously turned towards the East. Many of the lesser princes were ardently devoted to the interests of art and learning, and the rest, if not exempt from the vices oftyrants, were at least capable of appreciating the general intellectual revival which distinguished the age. Venice, Genoa, and Florence, with their rich commerce, were naturally averse to the continuance of war. Accordingly with Fra Simonetto's peace begins the most flourishing period of the Italian Renaissance. King Alfonso, Duke Francesco Sforza, Cosmo de Medici and the Republic of Venice, together with Pope Nicholas V, constituted the intellectual aristocracy of Italy, and the lesser princes followed them.

While the negotiations for the pacification of Italy were thus successful, the deliberations which took place in the Holy Roman Empire in 1454 and 1455 regarding the means of defending Europe from the Turk came to little good. It soon became sadly evident that the solidarity of Christendom as opposed to Islam had ceased to exist.

Frederick III had summoned a great diet to meet at Ratisbon on St. George's Day (23rd April), 1454, "to deliberate concerning the defensive and offensive measures to be taken against the enemies of Christ in order that these should be punished, the sufferings of the martyrs avenged, the friends of God and Christian men consoled, and the faith upheld in an honourable and suitable manner, since all those who help this cause become partakers of the grace of God in the Papal indulgence for the health of their souls and obtain everlasting life."

Frederick III promised himself to be present unless prevented by some special hindrance. The imperial letter of invitation was addressed, not merely to the German States, but to all princes and republics of Christian Europe, so that it was generally supposed that a Congress of Christendom, like the Council of Constance, was about to assemble. But when the time drew near the disappointment was immense. The Emperor did not come in person, but only sent a representative. The Pope sent Bishop John of Pavia as his legate, and an embassy came from Savoy, but otherwise the Italian powers were unrepresented. The only foreign prince who came to Ratisbon was the Duke of Burgundy, and of all the many princes of Germany none but the Margrave Albert Achilles of Brandenburg and Duke Louis of Bavaria appeared. Stranger still, no one came on behalf of the young King of Bohemia, for whom the help of Christendom had been in a special manner invoked. In February there was a prospect of his presence at the Diet, but intrigues among those about him probably kept him away. In Buda a plan was made for the removal of Hunyadi from the government, in view of his appointment as General of the whole Christian forces against the Turks; but there is no doubt that the real object of this scheme was to keep him at a distance.

The empire never appeared to less advantage than at this Diet, and the result of the Emperor's appeal was all the more deplorable at a moment when the nation was in a state of anxious and alarmed expectation. The intestine divisions of Germany, and the weakness of its ruler, were patent to all, and we cannot wonder that even the fiery eloquence of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini failed to bring the Diet to any important decision. It was merely resolved that peace should be maintained in all countries, and that about Michaelmas another, and, if it pleased God, a more numerous and effective assembly should be held. In the event of the Emperor appearing in person, Nuremberg was selected as the place of meeting, otherwise it was to be Frankfort. The blustering Duke of Burgundy declared that if the other princes would likewise take part in the expedition he would proceed against the Turks with a force of sixty thousand men. The Diet assembled at Frankfort-on-Maine in October, 1454, was somewhat more numerously attended than that of Ratisbon. Albert of Brandenburg, together with the Margrave of Baden, represented the Emperor; Aeneas Sylvius and the Bishop of Gurk appeared as his ambassadors; the Bishop of Pavia, who was engaged in the collection of the ecclesiastical tithes in Germany, was commissioned to act as the Pope's plenipotentiary; Jakob of Treves and Dietrich of Mayence alone of the German electors were present; Archduke Albert, who arrived after the proceedings had commenced, was the only one of the temporal princes to answer the summons. A tone of drowsy indifference characterized the Diet. Many of its members openly expressed their aversion to a crusade, and their contempt for Emperor and Pope. Both of these lords, they said, “merely want to extort money from us, but they will find themselves mistaken, and learn that we are not so simple as they imagine”. The discourses of Capistran and of Aeneas Sylvius, and the urgent prayers of the Hungarian envoys, were powerless to evoke any zeal for the common cause of the West. "The lords had no good will in the matter", says a chronicler. The energy and exertions of the Margrave of Brandenburg alone saved the deliberations of the Diet from complete failure, and at least kept up a respectable appearance". A German force of thirty thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry was to be sent the following year to assist the Hungarians, but it was necessary that a fleet should at the same time proceed against the Turks from the Italian ports. The fleet was to be provided by the Pope, the King of Naples, and the Republics of Venice and Genoa, while the Emperor was to come to an agreement with the German princes at Vienna to furnish the land forces. The Diet of Vienna accordingly was the consequence of that of Frankfort, which in its turn had been the result of one held at Ratisbon. The witty saying of Aeneas Sylvius, in the year 1444, that the German Diets could not be accused of sterility, since each was the parent of a new one, was thus again verified.

The Vienna Diet was even more pitiful than its predecessors. The Empire was so scantily represented that practically it consisted only of the Emperor himself and the Electoral College. Its leader and ruler was the crafty Jakob of Treves; he personally represented four electors, and the others were his puppets. They came, commissioned to evade the Turkish question, and to urge on the Emperor their projects of reform; and, notwithstanding the speeches made by Aeneas Sylvius, Capistran and Johannes Vitez of Zredna the proxy for King Ladislas, adhered to their purpose. Vexatious explanations ensued, and the Turkish question remained unsettled. On the 12th April the tidings of the death of Nicholas V arrived, and were far from unwelcome to this miserable assembly, furnishing, as they did, a decent pretext for the departure of its members, who agreed to put off to the following year further consultations regarding the crusade.

The health of Nicholas V had always been indifferent. Even as a boy he had dangerous illnesses, and there can be no doubt that the fatigues and privations of his youth, as well as the wearing labours of his maturer years, had told on his weakly constitution. His nervous anxiety about his health is thus easily accounted for. The pressure of work and of care had been greatly increased from the time that he wore the tiara, yet, during the earlier years of his pontificate, he seems to have enjoyed a fair amount of health and to have displayed immense energy.

In the year 1450 we hear that a sudden and severe illness attacked Nicholas V at Tolentino, and that his physician, the celebrated Baverio Bonetti of Imola, had no hopes of his life. Nevertheless, the Pope very soon recovered, but in December of the same year he again fell ill, and from this time forth he never seems to have been really well. A great change was remarked in his disposition; his former expansiveness gave place to excessive reserve. Francesco Sforza's ambassador, Nicodemus, whom we have often mentioned, wrote, on the 7th January, 1453, to the Duke, that during the previous year an extraordinary change had taken place in the Pope, and that one of its causes was his sickness.

The year 1453 was in every way a disastrous one to Nicholas V. It opened with Porcaro's conspiracy, and the tidings of the fall of Constantinople arrived when its course was half run. The account, which says that grief for this event killed Nicholas V, may be an exaggeration, yet there can be no doubt that the agitation and anxieties, which were its inevitable consequence, must have had a most injurious effect. The Pope had a bad attack of gout soon after Porcaro's conspiracy, and another before the year was over. From the end of August, 1453, until June, 1454, he was, with short intervals, confined to his bed, hardly ever able to give audiences and altogether incapable of taking part in the great feasts of the Church. In August, 1454, he was again suffering acutely from the gout, and the baths of Viterbo failed to give him any relief. In the early part of November he was afflicted with gout, fever, and other maladies, and the ambassadors contemplated the possibility of his decease. The sickness which was consuming the Pope's life manifested itself in his countenance, for his brilliantly clear complexion had become yellow and dark brown.

His physical sufferings were aggravated by disappointment and anxiety. From the beginning of his reign he had attached the greatest importance to the maintenance of peace in the States of the Church, and had been successful in re-establishing it. But from the time of Porcaro's conspiracy serious changes took place. Not only did the revolutionary party gain strength in Rome, but a dangerous agitation prevailed throughout the States of the Church. "The whole of the States of the Church are in commotion", writes Contarini, the Venetian ambassador in Siena, on the 14th May, 1454, "and messengers are sent from all sides, especially from the Marches to Rome". Troops of disbanded soldiers, who had taken part in the war of Lombary, overran the defenceless country. The Pope was soon convinced that many, even among his own people, were unworthy of confidence. The auditor of the governor of the patrimony of St. Peter was imprisoned as a suspicious character.

Towards the end of the reign of Nicholas V great troubles broke out in the patrimony and the adjacent portion of Umbria. They originated in a quarrel between the cities of Spoleto and Norcia, in which Count Everso of Anguillara espoused the cause of Spoleto. The Pope, hoping to bring about a reconciliation between the hostile cities, forbade the Count to take part in the contest, and also endeavoured to hinder Spoleto from entering into an alliance with Everso. Neither party, however, heeded the Papal behest, and accordingly Nicholas was constrained to intervene with an armed force. Spoleto submitted, but the Count, aided by the treachery of Angelo Roncone, managed to escape. The Pope punished the traitor with death. Fresh tumults also occurred in Bologna.

The following spring brought no alleviation to the Pope's sufferings. From the beginning of March he grew daily worse; he was perfectly aware of his state, and, as we learn from the Milanese ambassador in a letter of the 7th March, spoke of the place where he wished to be buried, and seriously prepared for death. On the 15th of the month he received the sacrament of extreme unction; on the previous day he had ordered that briefs should be sent to the chief cities of the States of the Church, requiring them in all things to obey the Cardinals until God should give the Church a new Pope.

With a view of making a good preparation for death Nicholas V summoned to his presence Niccolo of Tortona and Lorenzo of Mantua, two Carthusians renowned for their learning and sanctity; these holy men were to assist him in his last hours, and accordingly were to remain constantly with him. Vespasiano da Bisticci has given us a minute description of the last days of the Pope. He tells us that Nicholas was never heard to complain of his acute physical sufferings. Instead of bewailing himself he recited Psalms and besought God to grant him patience and the pardon of his sins. In general his resignation and calm were remarkable. The dying man comforted his friends instead of needing to be comforted by them. Seeing Bishop John of Arras in tears at the foot of his bed he said to him, "My dear John, turn your tears to the Almighty God, whom we serve, and pray to Him humbly and devoutly that He will forgive me my sins; but remember that today in Pope Nicholas you see die a true and good friend". But the Pope also passed through moments of deep dejection, in which his terrible bodily sufferings and his anxieties regarding the disturbances in the States of the Church almost overwhelmed him. At such times he would assure the two Carthusian monks that he was the most unhappy man in the world. "Never", he said, "do I see a man cross my threshold who has spoken a true word to me. I am so perplexed with the deceptions of all those who surround me, that were it not for fear of failing in my duty I should long ago have renounced the Papal dignity. Thomas of Sarzana saw more friends in a day than I do in a whole year". And then this Pope, whose reign was apparently so happy and so glorious, was moved evea to tears.

As Nicholas felt that his last hour was close at hand, his vigorous mind roused itself once more. When the Cardinals had assembled around his dying bed he made the celebrated speech designated by himself as his will. He began by giving thanks to God for the many benefits conferred upon him, and then, in the manner which has already been related, justified his action in regard to the great amount of building which he had undertaken, adding the request that his work might be completed. He then spoke of his measures for the deliverance of Constantinople, because complaints had been raised against him by a great many superficial men unacquainted with the circumstances. After a retrospect of his early life and of the principal events of his Pontificate, Nicholas continued: "I have so reformed and so confirmed the Holy Roman Church, which I found devastated by war and oppressed by debts, that I have eradicated schism and won back her cities and castles. I have not only freed her from her debts, but erected magnificent fortresses for her defence, as, for instance, at Gualdo, Assisi, Fabriano, Civit& Castellana, at Narni, Orvieto, Spoleto, and Viterbo; I have adorned her with glorious buildings and decked her with pearls and precious stones. I have provided her with costly books and tapestry, with gold and silver vessels, and splendid vestments. And I did not collect all these treasures by grasping avarice and simony. In all things I was liberal, in building, in the purchase of books, in the constant transcription of Latin and Greek manuscripts, and in the remuneration of learned men. All this has been bestowed upon me by the Divine grace, owing to the continued peace of the Church during my Pontificate". The Pope concluded by exhorting all his hearers to labour for the welfare of the Church, the Bark of St Peter.

Then Nicholas raised his hands to heaven and said: "Almighty God, give the Holy Church a pastor who will uphold her and make her to increase. I also beseech you and admonish you as urgently as I can to be mindful of me in your prayers to the Most High". Then, with dignity, he raised his right hand and said, in a clear, distinct voice, "Benedicat vos omnipotens Deus, Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus". Soon after this Nicholas, whose eyes were to the last fixed on a crucifix, gave back his noble soul to Him whose place he had filled on earth.

"It was long", says Vespasiano da Bisticci, "since any Pope had passed in such manner into eternity. It was wonderful how he retained his perfect senses to the last. So died Pope Nicholas, the light and the ornament of God's Church and of his age."

Nicholas V was laid in St. Peter's, near the grave of his predecessor. The costly monument erected in his honour by Cardinal Calandrini was transferred in the time of St. Pius V to the Vatican grotto, where some parts of it are still to be seen. Here is also the modest effigy of the great Pope, with the four-cornered white marble urn which contains his mortal remains. His epitaph, composed by Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, is the last by which any Pope was commemorated in verse.

EPITAPH ON NICHOLAS V.

Hie sita sunt Quinti Nicolai antistitis ossa,

Aurea qui dederat saecula, Roma, tibi.

Consilio illustris, virtute illustrior omni,

Excoluit doctos, doctior ipse, viros.

Abstalit errorem quo schisma infecerat orbera,

Restituit mores, moenia, templa, domos.

Turn Bernardino statuit sua sacra Senensi,

Sancta Jubilei tempora dum celebrat.

Cinxit honore caput Friderici et conjugis aureo,

Res Italas icto foedere composuit.

Attica Romans complura volumina linguae

Prodidit. Heu! tumulo fundite thura sacro.

BOOK IV

CALIXTUS III, THE CHAMPION OF CHRISTENDOM AGAINST ISLAM,

1455-1458