READING HALL "THE DOORS OF WISDOM" |
HISTORY OF ANCIENT EGYPT |
EGYPT IN THE NEOLITHIC AND ARCHAIC PERIODS
CHAPTER II.
EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY
A brief consideration of the descriptions of predynastic
objects given in the preceding pages, and of the deductions which may be fairly
made from them, will convince the reader that it is impossible to formulate any
system of predynastic chronology, or even to assign any dates to the objects
themselves, which shall be other than approximately correct. The antiquities
referred to fall into two great classes, namely, those which are declared to be Palaeolithic and those which we may rightly assume to
be Neolithic. The remains declared to be palaeolithic consist of flint implements, i.e., borers and the like, which have been found
on high plateaux in the Nile Valley, and flakes of
flint which General Pitt-Rivers discovered in situ in the gravel stratum
at the mouth of the Valley of the Tombs of the Kings at Thebes. The great
antiquity of the flint borers, etc., has been doubted, and they have been
declared to belong to the period of the VIth or XIIth Dynasty, but the archaeologist will have considerable
difficulty in believing that in the time of the XIIth Dynasty., when the Egyptians were well acquainted with the art of working in
metal, and when they possessed beautifully worked and finely-shaped flint
knives for ceremonial purposes, there were people living on or near the plateaux close to their towns who were using in daily life
flint borers and axe-heads of the types which are the result in other countries
of man’s earliest attempts to work flint, and which represent his first step on
the ladder of civilization. In the matter of the flakes of flint which General
Pitt-Rivers found in situ at Thebes there can be no reasonable ground for
doubt as to their very great antiquity, for the knowledge and experience in
such matters possessed by this eminent man were so great that his views must be
accepted. Add to this the opinion of Sir John Evans on the extreme probability
of the existence of a Palaeolithic Period in Egypt,
and that of M. J. de Morgan, both of whom base their statements upon personal
observation of Egypt and the remains of her ancient peoples, and the case for
the extreme antiquity of the flints declared by them to be Palaeolithic is complete. The neolithic remains are of a much more varied character, and
they reveal to us man under conditions which must be quite different from those
under which he lived in the Palaeolithic Period. But
although the remains of neolithic man in Egypt are so many and of such various
kinds, we cannot group them chronologically, except in the vaguest manner, and
when the objects found in the graves of the predynastic period have been
divided into two classes, which may be labelled “Early Neolithic” and “Late
Neolithic” respectively, the present limit of chronological knowledge of the
period has been reached. To attempt to gauge the antiquity of such things
according to any chronological theory or system is useless. When, however, we
arrive at dynastic times we are on firmer ground, for the Egyptians themselves
have provided us with data which will enable us to arrive at a good general
idea of the period of the duration of their civilization, and with lists of
kings which at least show what opinions on the subject of their order and
succession were held by those who drew them up. When the information afforded
by such lists can be supplemented and corrected by facts supplied by the
monuments, either directly or indirectly, it is of the greatest value, but
where we have only the statements of the lists to rely upon, some caution in
arriving at a decision must be exercised, for experience has proved that the
lists are not infallible. And it must be distinctly understood that, until we
have more evidence of a definite character on the general facts of Egyptian
history, and more accurate means for finding the date of the starting point of
Egyptian civilization, we shall have to be content with a system of chronology
which contains several gaps, and a series of minimum dates for the greater
number of the reigns of the kings, and for the beginning of which an exact date
cannot be assigned. The data required for formulating an accurate system of
Egyptian chronology are these :—1. A complete list of kings; 2. The true order
of their succession; 3. A list of the lengths of the reigns of the kings. We
have, it is true, lists of kings who ruled during the earlier part of the
period of Egyptian history, but we have no definite statements in them either
as to the order in which one king succeeded the other, or as to the length of
each king’s reign, or when the king whose name stands first in the lists began
to reign; we have also lists of Egyptian kings written in Greek which are
divided into dynasties, and which profess to give the number of the years of
the reign of each king, and also the number of the years which each dynasty
lasted; but these, like the old Egyptian lists, are not infallible, as we shall
see. Now let us consider what value such lists have in helping us to establish
an accurate system of chronology, and how far they may be trusted.
The most complete native list of kings known to us is
contained in the famous Royal Papyrus of Turin, which, as the name given to it
indicates, is preserved at Turin. It originally formed part of the collection
made in Egypt by M. Drovetti, the French Consul-General
in that country, which was offered for purchase to the French Government in
1818, but was declined, and was afterwards acquired by the king of Sardinia;
subsequently it was sent, with other things, to Turin, but on its arrival in
the Museum of that city it was found to be broken into scores of little pieces,
which lay in a heap at the bottom of the box in which it had been packed. The
document is written in the hieratic character. The nature of its contents was
first recognized by Champollion le Jeune, who, in the Bulletin Universel (Nov., 1824), described it
as a “tableau chronologique, un vrai canon royal” and in spite of “l’état presque complet de destruction” of the papyrus, he was able to
collect between 160 and 180 royal prenomens; many
were complete, and many were incomplete, and “un certain nombre se suivent.” The condition of the papyrus was
lamentable, and when Champollion had discovered of what priceless worth it
would have been in a complete state, the sight of its “miseri frammenti” must have filled him with grief. In 1826
Seyffarth went to Turin, and undertook to join the fragments of the papyrus
together, and he formed an uninterrupted series of successive reigns, which,
although restored, appeared to be an absolutely complete Royal Canon; but his
knowledge of the hieratic character, as facts prove, was of a most limited
description, his system of Egyptian decipherment was faulty, and he seems to
have relied chiefly upon the forms of the fragments for guidance in placing them
in what, we must assume, he believed to be their correct positions. Thus he
boldly reconstructed a roll of papyrus of twelve columns or pages, each column
containing from twenty-six to thirty names of gods or kings. The worthlessness
of Seyffarth’s “restoration” was soon recognized, for Rosellini declined to
publish the “restored” text of the Turin Papyrus in his great work, and stated
plainly that he doubted if the fragments as placed by the learned German were
in the same positions as they had been when the document was intact; and he
had great difficulty in determining what guide and what authority had been
followed by Seyffarth in his arrangement of them, because the fragments into
which it had been broken were so small that they could not afford any great
indication of the order in which they had been originally arranged. Rosellini’s
opinion was shared by the late Dr. Birch, who declared that the “extreme smallness
of the fragments renders the mere mechanical adaptation of the pieces very
problematical,” and that there is evidence that the restoration is erroneous in
many places. More damaging still to Seyffarth’s “restoration” was its very strong condemnation by M. de Rouge, who said, “le document, dans son état actuel, est
sophistiqué et cela avec une déplorable habileté, quoique ce résultat ait été
sans aucun doute, bien loin des intentions de M. Seyffarth.” On account of a controversy between himself and Champollion-Figeac
as to the arrangement of the names of certain kings in such a way as to lead
the student to believe that they followed naturally after those of kings of the Xlltli Dynasty, M. de Rouge visited Turin, and having
examined that part of the papyrus with the help of a strong magnifying glass,
he came to the conclusion that the pieces of papyrus which had been joined by
Seyffarth did not join naturally, that they fitted badly, and that the fibres of the papyrus itself did not match. Besides this,
it is clear, when the system of decipherment of hieroglyphics proposed by
Seyffarth is taken into consideration, that he could not have guided himself in
his “restoration” by the readings of the names, and finally there seems to be
no doubt that in arranging the fragments of the papyrus he employed the
information which Champoilion le Jeune had published in 1824, and that he arbitrarily made the order of the kings in
it to agree as far as possible with that given in the Greek lists attributed to
Manetho. The above testimony is sufficient to show that beyond supplying the
names of a number of kings, many of which do not occur elsewhere, the Royal
Papyrus of Turin in its present state is of no use in our investigations, for
it affords us no information as to the period of the beginning of Egyptian
civilization, and it does not give us the order of the succession of the kings
whose names it records; we cannot even make use of the fragments of it which
are inscribed with numbers and contain the lengths of the reigns of certain
kings stated in months, years, and days, for it is uncertain to which names
they apply. Dr. Birch calculated that the papyrus when complete contained the
names of about three hundred and thirty kings, which, he declared, coincided
with the three hundred and thirty kings mentioned by Herodotus.
Of the greatest importance for the study of Egyptian
chronology is the Tablet of Abydos, which was discovered by Dümichen in the Temple of Osiris at Abydos in 1864; a good idea of the general arrangement
of the Tablet will be gathered from the following illustration. Here we see
Seti I, accompanied by his son and successor Rameses II, addressing
seventy-five of his predecessors, whose cartouches are arranged in
chronological order before him; the list is ended by Seti’s own name. The names
on the list are as follows; the Roman numerals in brackets are added to
indicate the dynasties to which the kings belong :—
[I]
1. Mena. 2. Teta. 3. Ateth. 4. Ata. 5. Hesepti.
6. Merbap. 7. Semsu (?). 8. Qebh
[II.]
9. Betchau. 10. Ka-kau.
11. Ba-en-neter. 12. Uatch-nes. 13. Senta.
[III.]
14. Tchatchai. 15. Nebka. 16. Tchesersa. 17. Teta.
18. Setches. 19. Ra-nefer-ka.
[IV.]
20. Seneferu. 21. Khufu.
22. Tetf-Ra. 23. Khaf-Ra.
24. Men-kau-Ra. 25. Shepseskaf.
[V.]
26. Userkaf. 27. Sahu-Ra.
28. Kakaa. 29. Neferf-Ra. 30. Usr-en-Ra. 31. Men-kau-Ileru. 32. Tetka-Ra.
33. Unas.
[VI.]
34. Teta. 35. Userka-Ra.
36. Meri-Ra. 37. Mer-en-Ra. 38. Neferka-Ra. 39. Mer-en-Ra-sa-emsaf 40. Neterka-Ra. 41. Menka-Ra.
[VII.-X. ]
42. Neferka-Ra. 43. Neferka-Ra-nebi. 44. Tetka-Ra-maa-45. Neferka-Ra-Khentu. 46. Mer-en-Heru. 47. Senefer-ka. 48. Ka-en-Ra. 49. Neferka-Ra-tererel. 50. Neferka-Heru. 51. Neferka-Ra-pepi-senb. 52. Seneferka-annu. 53 kau-Ra.
54. Neferkau-Ra. 55. Neferkau-Heru.
56. Neferka-ari-Ra.
[XI.]
57. Neb-kheru-Ra. 58. Seankhka-Ra.
[XII.]
59. Sehetepab-Ra. 60. Kheper-ka-Ra. 61. Nub-kau-Ra. 62. Kheper-kha-Ra. 63. Kha-kau-Ra. 64. Maat-en-Ra.
65. Maa-kheru-Ra.
[XVIII.]
66. Neb-pehtet-Ra. 67. Tcheser-ka-Ra. 68. Aa-kheper-ka-Ra. 69. Aa-kheper-en-Ra. 70. Men-kheper-Ra. 71. Aa-kheperu-Ra.
72. Men-kheperu-Ra. 73. Neb Maat-Ra. 74. Tcheser-kheperu-Ra-setep-en-Ra.
[XIX.]
75. Men-pehtet-Ra. 76. Men-Maat-Ra.
A brief examination of this list shows that the scribe
arranged in chronological order the names for which he had room in the space
allotted to the list, and that he only made a selection from the names
in the lists which, we may presume, he had before him, but what guided him in
making this selection cannot be said. Some think that he wished to commemorate
only such kings as were great and glorious according to the opinion prevalent
in the XIXth Dynasty, and others that the names of
legitimate kings only were given; but it is certain that the space at the
disposal of the sculptor was limited, and that he commemorated only a small
number of names, which, appear to have been chosen at random. From the Tablet
of Abydos we learn the names of a comparatively large number of kings, and
presumably the order in which they reigned, but it affords no information
either about the lengths of their reigns or the number of years which their
reigns together represent.
Of less importance, but still of considerable
interest, is the Tablet of Sakkara, which dates from the time of Rameses II,
and contains a list of forty-seven royal names drawn up, practically, in the
same order as that employed in the Tablets of Abydos. It was found in the tomb
of an overseer of works, who was also a “royal scribe ’’and a chief reader,
called Thunurei, and the most remarkable fact about
it is that the first name in the list is not that of Mena, but Mer-ba-pen, or Mer-pe-ba, whose name
is the sixth in the Tablet of Abydos. This may be due to carelessness on the
part of the scribe who drew up the list, or even to a blunder by the sculptor,
but it may be the expression of an opinion that Mer-pe-ba was the first actual king of Egypt.
We have now to consider the Tablet of Karnak. This
interesting monument was discovered by Burton near the sanctuary of the great
temple of Amen-Ra at Karnak, and dates from the period of the XVIIIth Dynasty; it contains a representation of Thothmes
III adoring sixty-one of his ancestors, whose names are duly set forth in
cartouches above their figures. Half of the kings face one way, and half the
other, but the cartouches are not arranged in chronological order; this list,
like the others already described, does not give a complete series of the predecessors
of Thothmes, and again it is not evident on what principle the selection of the
names of the kings was made. The great value of the list consists in the fact
that it gives the names of many kings of the XIth, XIIIth, XIVth, XVth, XVIth, and XVIIth Dynasties, and thus supplies information which is
wanting in the Tablets of Abydos and Sakkara. From the above paragraphs it will
be seen that from the three selections of kings’ names which form the King
Lists of Abydos, Sakkara, and Karnak we may collect the names of more than one
hundred kings who reigned between Mena or Menes and Rameses II, and that for
the period which follows the reign of the last-named king we must seek for
information from other sources.
Next to the lists of kings drawn up in hieroglyphics
must be mentioned the famous List of Kings which was divided into dynasties,
and which formed part of the great historical work of Manetho on ancient
Egyptian history. This distinguished man was born at Sebennytus,
the Theb-neteret of the hieroglyphic inscriptions,
and he flourished in the reigns of Ptolemy Lagus and Ptolemy Philadelplius; his name seems to be the Greek form of the
Egyptian Ma-en-Tehuti, i.e. “Gift of God” He is
described as a “ high priest and scribe,” and bore a reputation for great
learning, and he was undoubtedly admirably fitted to draw up in Greek the
history of Egypt, and an account of her chronology, and of the manners, and
customs, and religious beliefs of her people. His works are:— 1. Aiguptiaká. 2. Biblos Sofeos 3. Iera Biblos. 4. Fisikom Epitomí.
5. Peri Eorton. 6. Peri Archaismú ke Eusebias. 7. Peri Kataskevis Kuthion; but
among modern nations his reputation rests chiefly upon the first of these,
which we may regard as his history of Egypt. He divided the kings of Egypt into
thirty dynasties; the first section of his work dealt with the mythological
part of the history of Egypt and with the first eleven of these dynasties; the
second with Dynasties XII.-XIX.; and the third with Dynasties XX.-XXX. Now the
principal versions of the King- List of Manetho are four in number, and they
are found in the famous “Chronography,” which was drawn up about the end of the VIIIth century of our era by George the Monk, the
Syncellus of Tarasius, Patriarch of Constantinople, and which professed to give
an abstract, with dates, of the history of the worlf from Adam to Diocletian. The oldest version of Manetho is made known to us by
an extract from the Chronicle of Julius Africanus, a Libyan who flourished
early in the IIIrd century A.D.,
which is preserved in the Chronicle of Eusebius (born A.D. 264, died about 340), Bishop of Caesarea; the version given by Eusebius
contains many interpolations; and that preserved in the Armenian rendering of
his works is considered by some to be the more correct. Besides the versions of
Africanus and George, commonly called Syncellus, we have another known as the “Old
Chronicle,” and still another which is called the “Book of the Sothis.” The
above mentioned four versions of Manetho’s King List are as follows :—
I.—Manetho as quoted by Julius Africanus and Eusebius
III.—THE OLD CHRONICLE
IV. —THE BOOK PF THE SOTHIS1. Menes 35 2776 a.m.
2. Kurodes 63 2811
3. Aristarchos 34 2874
4. Spanios 36 2908
5,6 72 2944
7. Osiropis 23 3016
8. Sesonchosis 49 3039
9. Amenemes 29 3088
10. Amasis 2 3117
11. Akesephthres 13 3119
12. Anchoneus 9 3132
13. Armiyses 4 3141
14. Chamois 12 3145
15. Miamus 14 3157
16. Amesesis 65 3171
17. Uses 50 3236
18. Eameses 29 8286
19. Ramesomenes 15 3315
20. Usimare 31 3330
21. Ramesseseos 23 3361
22. Ramessameno 19 3384
23. Ramesse Iubassz 39 3403
24. Ramesse Uapliru 29 3442
25. Koncharis 5 3471
26. Silites 19 3477
27. Baeon 44 3496
28. Apacluias 86 3540
29. Aphophis 61 3576
30. Sethos 50 3637
31. Kertos 29 3687
32. Aseth 20 3716
33. Amosis 26 3736
34. Chebron 13 3762
35. Amemphis 15 3775
36. Amenses 11 3790
37. Misphragmuthosis 16 3801
38. Misphres 23 3817
39. Tuthmosis 39 3840
40. Amenophthis 34 3879
41. Oros 48 3913
42. Achencheres 25 3961
43. Athoris 29 3986
44. Chencheres 26 4015
45. Acherres 8 4041
46. Armaeos 9 4049
47. Ramesses 68 4058
48. Amenophis 8 4126
49. Thuoris 17 4134
50. Nechepsos 19 4151
51. Psammuthis 13 4170
52 4 4183
53. Kertos 20 4187
54. Rampsis 45 4207
55. Amenses 26 4252
56. Ochyras 14 4278
57. Amendes 27 4292
58. Thuoris 50 4319
59. Athothis 28 4369
60. Kenkenes 39 4397
61. Uennephis 42 4436
62. Susakeim 34 4478
63. Psuenos 25 4512
64. Ammenophis 9 4537
65. Nephercheres 6 4546
66. Saites 15 4552
67. Psinaches 9 4567
68. Petubastes 44 4576
69. Osorthon 9 4620
70. Psammos 10 4629
71. Koncharis 21 4639
72. Osorthon 15 4660
73. Takalophis 13 4675
74. Bokchoris 44 4688
75. Sabakon 12 4732
76. Sebechon 12 4744
77. Tarakes 20 4756
78. Amaes 38 4776
79. Stephinathes 27 4814
80. Nechepsos 13 4841
81. Nechos 8 4854
82. Psammitichos 14 4862
83. Nechao 9 4876
84. Psamuthes 17 4885
85. Uaphris 34 4902
86. Amosis 50 4936
An examination of the versions of Manetho's King List according to Julius
Africanus and Eusebius shows that they do not agree in many important
particulars, i.e., in arrangement of dynasties, in the lengths of the
reigns of the kings, and in the total numbers of kings assigned to the
different dynasties. Moreover, according to Julius Africanus 561 kings reigned
in about 5524 years, while according to Eusebius only about 361 kings reigned
in 4480 or 4780 years. In the Old Chronicle the total number of kings given is
84, and they are declared to have reigned about 2140 years, and in the Book of
the Sothis the total number of kings is 86 and the total duration of their
reigns is given as about 2500 years. Now the information which we have obtained
from the Egyptian monuments shows that the Old Chronicle and the Book of the
Sothis are quite useless for chronological purposes, because it is self-evident
that they do not contain complete lists of the kings, and that the names of the
kings which are in them, as well as some of the dynasties, are out of order.
This is a statement of fact and not a conjecture. But how are the discrepancies
between the lists of Julius Africanus and Eusebius to be explained? The version
of Julius Africanus is clearly the more accurate of the two, because it agrees
best with the monuments, and Bunsen was probably right in saying that his
object was not to arrange a system of Annals, but to give the traditions
unaltered, and just as he found them. In fact, judging only by the mere forms
of the kings’ names which he gives, and which (even after the lapse of 1600
years, and in spite of the ignorance and carelessness of subsequent copyists)
are on the whole remarkably correct, it seems pretty certain that he must have
had a copy of Manetho’s list before him. The version of Eusebius was based upon
that of Africanus, and he appears to have been careless in copying both names
and figures, and the names of many kings are wanting in the extant copies of
his works. We know from Plutarch that Manetho was a high-priest and scribe
connected with the mysteries in the temple of Heliopolis, and there is no doubt
that, in compiling the work which he had received the royal command to
undertake, he would be in a position to draw his information from sources which
were regarded as authoritative and authentic by his brother priests. That his
name carried weight, and that his reputation for learning was very great for
centuries after his death, is evident from the fact that impostors endeavoured to obtain circulation for their own
pseudo-historical works by issuing them under his name. We have no right to
blame Manetho for the mistakes which his editors and copyists made, and in
considering his list the wonder is that the version of Julius Africanus agrees
as closely as it does with the monumental evidence. The discrepancies in the
numbers are due chiefly to the misreading by the scribes of the Greek letters
which stood for figures; the names, however, are generally given in correct
order, and as instances of this fact we may quote those of the XIIth and XVIIIth Dynasties.
The evidence of Herodotus (b.c. 450) and Diodorus
Siculus (b.c. 57) concerning Egyptian chronology is
interesting, especially that of the former writer. Some of the information
given by Herodotus is, no doubt, derived from Hecataeus of Miletus, but, as is
the case also with Diodorus, much of it is the result of his own inquiries and
observation. The list of kings given in each of their works is, on the whole,
of little value, for Herodotus apparently merely set down in writing the names
of the kings whose buildings he passed 011 the Nile in the order in which he
saw them, and Diodorus filled his history with a large amount of legendary
matter from which, of course, no conclusion can be drawn. As an exception,
however, it may be noted that the account of the kings who built the Pyramids
in the IVth Dynasty agrees absolutely with the
monuments as regards the names of the kings, the lengths of their reigns, and
the order in which they reigned, and in several passages Diodorus1 correctly
estimates the period of time which had elapsed since the beginning of the
Egyptian monarchy at about 4700 years.
It will be evident from what has been said above that it is impossible from
the King Lists in hieroglyphics and Greek to formulate any system of chronology
which shall be more than approximately correct, and although the evidence
derived from such lists and from the monuments of individual kings when taken
together is wonderfully strong in favour of the high
antiquity of Egyptian civilization generally, it does not enable us to fix the
period when we may assume that Egyptian history began. The Tablet of Abydos and
the versions of Manetho ascribed to Julius Africanus and Eusebius, and even
the worthless Book of the Sothis, all agree in making Mena to be the first
historical king of Egypt, though we now know that he was not the first king of
Egypt, but none of these authorities affords the information which will enable
us with certainty to assign a date for his reign. Nevertheless, attempts have
been made to obtain some fixed point in the King Lists from which it might be
possible to deduce his date, and the means employed have been :—1. The Sothic
Period ; 2. Synchronisms ; 3. The Orientation of Egyptian Temples. Of the
Sothic Period we have five mentions in the inscriptions; three of these have
been submitted to strict examination by Sir Norman Lockyer, K.C.B., and he
thinks that the rising of Sirius on the 27th day of Epiphi,
in the reign of Pepi-Meri-Ea, took place about b.c. 3192, and that the other risings of Sirius mentioned
by Brugsch took place about b.c. 1728 and b.c. 270 respectively.3 Now Pepi-Meri-Ra’s
name is the thirty-sixth on the Tablet of Abydos, and it is clear that he is
either Phios or Phiops,
i.e., a king of the VIth Dynasty according to the
version of Manetho given by Julius Africanus; this being so, and by adding
Manetho’s totals of the years of the first five dynasties, i.e., 253 + 302 +214
4274 +248, or 1291 years to BC 3192, we arrive at the date for Mena of BC
4483. No one can pretend to accept this as a definite date, but it is at least
useful as showing that the evidence derived from the use of the Sothic Period
in Egyptian chronology indicates an antiquity for the civilization of Egypt
which is higher than some are prepared to admit; on the other hand, Mr. Cecil
Torr believes that the Sothic cycle was invented by the later Greeks at
Alexandria, and he thinks that there is very little hope of correcting any
dates in history by reference to the cycles of the phoenix1 and the dogstar, or other things pertaining to the calendar. In a
recent paper 3 an attempt has been made to fix the date of Usertsen III, a king of the XIIth Dynasty, by means of two of
the Kahun papyri which mention the rising of Sirius
on the 16th day of the IVth month of the winter of
the 7th year of the king’s reign, and the festival gifts which were made on the
following day; and it is argued that this took place between BC 1876 and BC
1872. It is further argued that between Usertsen III
and Amenophis I, whose ninth year (according to a calculation based upon a
statement in respect of Sothis in the Ebers Papyrus) corresponds with BC
1545—1542, we must only allow a period of 330 years, and that between the end
of the XIIth and the beginning of the XVIIIth Dynasty we must only allow from 200 to 210 years in
our calculations. That assertions of this kind must be received with caution is
evident from the fact that another investigator, using the same data, declares
that the true date of Usertsen III is BC 1945; i.e.,
there is a difference of about seventy years in the results of the calculations
of the two writers on the subject. But according to Censorinus,
the Dog-star, or Sirius, rose on the first day of the first month of the
Egyptian year AD 139, and therefore the preceding Sothic Period began in BC
1322; this date is called by Theon of Alexandria “the era of Menophres,” who has been identified by Prof. Petrie with Rameses
I, whose prenomen is Men-peh-Ra,
and this identification may possibly be correct. Now Prof. Mahler has asserted that
a Set Festival, i.e,, the festival which was observed
at the end of a period of thirty years, which was celebrated on the 28th day of
a certain month of Epiphi in the reign of Thothmes
III, was commemorated in the year BC 1470, and as a period of about 150 years
probably elapsed between the reigns of Thothmes III and Rameses I, the two
dates are, more or less, in agreement. It must, however, be remembered that, as
said above, very little reliance is to be placed on any calculations of this
kind in attempting to formulate an exact chronology, especially as authorities,
both ancient and modern, are not agreed as to the exact date in the second
century of our era when the Sothic Period ended on which they based their
calculations. We may note in passing that the date assigned by Prof. Mahler to
the reign of Thothmes III, i.e., from BC 1503 to BC 1449, is proved to be about
half a century too low by the synchronisms of Burna-buriash and Ashur-uballit with Amenophis III and Amenophis IV,
as we have shown below; the arguments adduced by Prof. Petrie in favour of Prof. Mahler’s date for Thothmes III, to the
effect that the Set Festival celebrated by Mer-en-Ptah
in the second year of his reign took place BC 1206, and the rising of Sirius in
the ninth year of Amenophis . took place BC 1546, do not confirm Prof. Mahler’s
arguments, because the calculations by which these elates are arrived at both
start, the one forwards and the other backwards, from BC 1478, the date adopted
by Prof. Mahler. This likewise is an unsatisfactory method of arriving at an
exact system of Egyptian chronology.
In connection with the Sothic Period must be mentioned Prof. Petrie’s
attempt to extract the means of arriving at a date for the reign of Mer-en-Ra, a king of the VIth Dynasty, from the inscription of the official Una, whose labours in the service of his royal master are so well known. Near the end of his inscription
Una says that his Majesty Mer-en-Ra sent him to the
quarry of Het-nub to hew out a large alabaster table for offerings; this he
did, and placing it in a broad boat, he floated it down the river to Memphis in
seventeen days. The boat measured sixty cubits by thirty cubits, and he built
the boat, or raft, and quarried the table for offerings in seventeen days in
the month of Epiphi. Una then says, i.e.,
“behold there was no water on the thesu, i.e., shoals
or sandbanks,” but notwithstanding the difficulty, he adds, he brought the
boat, or raft, safely into port at the Pyramid of Khanefer of Mer-en-Ra, in peace. Prof. Petrie argues from this
statement that when Una arrived off Memphis in the month of Epiphi the waters of the Nile had subsided so greatly that he was unable to float the
boat or barge with its heavy load over the land which had been recently
inundated, for the depth of the water on the land did not permit him to do so.
So far all is clear, and this is undoubtedly what the words in hieroglyphics
indicate. But Prof. Petrie adds, “This fact shows the season of the month Epiphi in that age, from which—by the shifting of the
calendar round the seasons in each Sothis period of 1460 years—it is possible
to get an approximate date for the reign of Mer-en-Ra
at about 3350 BC.” What Una narrates may show that the month of Epiphi was considerably out of place in the year when he
went to Het-nub, but the possibility of deducing any date for the reigning king
from this circumstance is too remote to be seriously entertained for a moment.
Of more interest, and of much greater value, are the synchronisms which can
certainly be established between Amenophis IV, king of Egypt, and Burra-buriash, king of Karaduniyash, or
Babylonia, and between Shashanq I, king of Egypt, and
Rehoboam, king of Israel. Now we know from the form of the name Burna-buriash or Burra-buriyash that we are dealing with a member of the Kassite Dynasty which ruled over
Babylonia, and we also know that the period of their rule was about BC 1400,
because Nabonidus, who reigned from about 555 to BC 538, tells us in one of his
inscriptions that Shagash-alti-buriyash,
who was one of the Kassite kings, reigned 800 years before him. From the Synchronous
History, we know that Burra-buriyash was a
contemporary of Puzur-Ashur, king of Assyria, and we
know that Puzur-Ashur lived at an earlier period than Ashur-uballit, king of Assyria. Now Nabonidus also
tells us that Burra-buriyash lived 700 years after Hammurabi;
we have therefore to fix the period for the reign of the latter king before the
information can be of much value to us. Now Ashur-bani-pal, king of Assyria,
who reigned from 668 to 626, says that the Elamite king Kudur-Nankhundi invaded Babylonia 1635 or 1535 years before he himself conquered Susa, i.e., Kudur-Nankhundi invaded Babylonia about BC 2285 or 2185.
But it was this same Elamite power which Hammurabi crushed, and so he must have
lived after Kudur-Nankhundi; we may therefore at the
latest place the date of his reign at about BC 2200. If, then, Burra-buriyash lived 700 years after Hammurabi, the date of his
reign would be about BC. 1450 or 1400. We must return for a moment to Ashur-uballit, king of Assyria, who was one of the
successors of Puzur-Ashur, king of Assyria, and whose
date may be fixed by the following facts. On a slab in the British Museum, No.
44,85s, Ramman-nirari states that he is the
great-grandson of Ashur-uballit; in another
inscription Shalmaneser I states that he is the son of Ramman-nirari I, and in another Tukulti-Ninib asserts that he is the son of Shalmaneser I; from these three statements it is
clear that Ashur-uballit was the
great-great-great-grandfather of Tukulti-Ninib. Now,
Sennacherib made a copy upon clay of an inscription of Tukulti-Ninib which had been cut upon a lapis-lazuli seal; this
seal had been carried off to Babylon by some successful conqueror of Assyria,
and Sennacherib found it there after he had vanquished the Babylonians and had
captured their city. We know that Sennacherib reigned from about. 705 to BC
681, and he tells us in a few lines added to his copy of the writing on
Tukulti-Ninib’s seal that the lapis-lazuli seal was
carried off to Babylon 600 years before his own time; therefore Tukulti-Ninib must have reigned at least as far back as BC 1280,
and as there is no evidence to show that the seal was carried off during his
lifetime, we may assume rightly that Tukulti-Ninib’s date is about BC 1300. But we have seen that Ashur-uballit was Tukulti-Ninib’s greatgreat-great-grandfather,
and therefore he can hardly have lived less than 100 years before Tukulti-Ninib; thus it is clear that the date which we must assign
to the reign of Ashur-uballit cannot be later than BC
1400. Now we know that the Tell el-Amarna tablet at Berlinwas written to Amenophis IV by Ashur-uballit,
therefore these two kings were contemporaries, and the date of Amenophis IV
cannot be later than BC 1400. We have seen above that Burra-buriyash was a contemporary of Puzur-Ashur, king of Assyria,
the predecessor of Ashur-uballit, and his date may,
at the lowest computation, be fixed at about BC 1430; but we know that Burra-buriyash wrote letters to Amenophis III, and therefore we
shall be right in saying that the beginning of the reign of this king cannot be
much later than BC1450. This synchronism is thus well established.
The next synchronism to be mentioned is that of Shashanq I, king of Egypt, with Jeroboam, king of Israel, and Rehoboam, king of Judah,
about BC 950. The date of this synchronism is calculated from the earliest
certain date or event in Syrian history, i.e., the battle of Karkar, which took place BC 854; in this battle Ahab and
his allies were defeated by Shalmaneser II, king of Assyria, who reigned from 859
to 825 BC. It is well known that as far back as 893 BC nearly all the principal
events in Assyrian history may be dated by the names in the Eponym Canon, and
although the battle of Karkar is not mentioned
in the Bible narrative, the evidence for its date is as certain as such things
can ever be.
Finally, we may refer to the synchronism of Gyges, king of Lydia, with
Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria, and Psammetichus I, king of Egypt. We know from
the inscriptions of Ashurbanipal that he waged war against Gyges, and that
Gyges assisted Psammetichus in his revolt against the Assyrian king, and there
is no doubt that these events took place about 650 BC. An indirect confirmation
of this statement is supplied by the Greek poet Archilochos,
a contemporary of Gyges, who mentions a total eclipse of the sun which took
place at midday, and it has been calculated astronomically that this eclipse
took place on April 6th, 648 BC.
In recent years Sir Norman Lockyer has devoted very considerable time and labour to the working out of the important question of the
astronomical basis upon which ancient Egyptian temples were oriented, and he
has arrived at the conclusion that it is possible to assign dates to the
periods when many of the largest and most venerable of these edifices were
founded. He has obtained his results by means of purely astronomical calculations,
and they agree generally with the evidence which may be deduced from the
discoveries concerning the “New Race” and the kings of the 1st Dynasty, which
have been made since the Dawn of Astronomy was written. There can be no doubt
about the correctness of many of his assertions as to the refounding and reconstruction of the largest of the temples, and it is important to note
that the dates proposed by him for the original foundings for certain temples, although at one time believed by some to be too early, may
now be regarded as probably correct. Astronomical evidence supports the
evidence derived from every other source in assigning a remote antiquity to the
period when Egyptian civilization began; but unfortunately it does not assist
us in formulating a complete system of Egyptian chronology with exact dates.
We may now sum up the results which may be fairly deduced from the facts
set forth above. The King Lists, whether written in hieroglyphics or Greek, contain
omissions and conflicting statements, but the evidence of such Lists as a
whole, when taken into consideration with the information on Egyptian history
which is supplied by the monuments, may be regarded as generally correct and
quite credible. From the King Lists the Royal Papyrus of Turin must, of course,
be excluded, for the small fragments into which it was reduced in the box on
its way to Turin were pieced together by a man whose system of hieroglyphic
decipherment has been universally rejected, and whose knowledge of the hieratic
character was so small as to be useless for the purpose to which he tried to
apply it; moreover, according to the testimony of de Rouge, whose learning and
integrity are beyond question, and whose statement on the subject must be
regarded as final, 110 arguments can be rightly based upon the position of the
fragments which seem to contain the names of kings of the so-called XIIIth and XIVth Dynasties. The
difficulty which besets the Egyptologist who tries to assign a date to the
reign of Menes, the first king of Egypt according to the Tablet of Abydos, is
well illustrated by the fact that Champollion-Figeac gives as his date 5867 BC; Boeckli, 5702 BC; Lepsius, 3892 BC; Mariette, 5004 BC;
Bunsen, 3623 BC; Wilkinson, 2320 BC; and Brugsch, 4455
or 4400 BC. Of these writers the only ones whose chronological views are to be
seriously considered are Lepsius, Mariette, and Brugsch,
between whose highest and lowest dates is an interval of over 1100 years.
Viewed in the light of recent investigations, the date of Lepsius seems to be
too low, whilst that of Mariette, in the same way, seems to be too high ; we
have therefore to consider the date for Menes arrived at by Brugsch.
This eminent Egyptologist based his system of chronology upon the well-known
calculation of Herodotus, that the duration of three consecutive human lives
represents a century, and he thought that he could determine approximately 1
the periods of time which have elapsed between Menes and the end of the XIIth Dynasty, and from the beginning of the XVIIIth Dynasty to the end of the XXVIth,
by means of the King Lists and the pedigrees of high Egyptian officials.
Although this system is open to many objections on the score of inaccuracy in
respect of the dates of certain events which may now be fixed with considerable
exactness, it has much to recommend it, and is on the whole the best that has
been devised; in any case, the knowledge which Brugsch possessed of Egyptology in all its branches was so vast, that in a general
question of this kind his opinion carries great weight, and is entitled to the
utmost respect. The present writer here, as elsewhere, has adopted Brugsch’s system, with certain modifications which were
rendered necessary by recent discoveries, e.g., the date of Thothmes III must
be brought down from 1600 to between 1550 and 1500 BC; the interval between the XIIth and the XVIIIth Dynasties, as stated by Brugsch, can hardly have been
so long. But in view of our ignorance of the historical events which took place
between the end of the XIIth and the end of the XVIIth Dynasty, it has been well to retain his dating of
the kings of the Middle Empire, i.e., those of the XIth, XIItli, XIIIth, and XVIth Dynasties. The length of the duration of the two
great gaps in Egyptian history, i.e., from the end of the VIth to the beginning of the XIth Dynasty, and from the
end of the XIIIth to the end of the XVIIth Dynasty, is at present unknown ; all we can now say
is that they seem to have been shorter than was assumed by Brugsch,
who based his opinion on Manetho’s figures, which in this section are certainly
garbled. Until we obtain monumental authority for filling up these gaps, any
attempt to do so which is based upon the Royal Papyrus of Turin, or upon the
evidence of the unidentified royal names which are found on scarabs, is quite
futile; this being so, it is far more satisfactory to employ for the Ancient
and Middle Empires the dates computed by Brugsch. It
must, however, be distinctly understood that, when Brugsch gives the date for, let us say, Amenemhat I as 2466 BC, he does not mean to
imply that Amenenhat I ascended the throne in that
year, but that his generation falls roughly about that time, i.e., about thirty
years earlier or later than 2466 BC. Similarly, he does not intend his readers
to think that he believed Rameses I to have begun to reign 1333 BC, but only in
the second half of the XIVth century BC. It is very
important that this fact should be borne in mind, lest the system of Brugsch be confused with the systems which assign exact
dates to every Egyptian king, for no exact dates can be assigned to any
Egyptian kings before the XXVIth Dynasty, although as
far back as the beginning of the XVIIIth Dynasty no
greater error than fifty years is possible.
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