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BOOK III
THE COUNCIL OF BASEL
1419-1444.
CHAPTER I.
MARTIN V AND ITALIAN AFFAIRS.
1418-1425.
ON leaving Constance Martin V felt himself for the
first time free. He had been taught by the events of the last four years that
freedom was only possible for a Pope in Italy, in spite of all the temporary
inconveniences which might arise from Italian politics. But much as he might
desire to find himself in his native city, and revive the glories of the Papacy
in its old historic seat, he could not immediately proceed to Rome. John XXIII
had abandoned Rome, and had been driven even to flee from Bologna, owing to his
political helplessness and the power of his opponent Ladislas. The death of
Ladislas and the abeyance of the Papacy had only plunged Italian affairs into
deeper confusion, and Martin V had to pause a while and consider how he
could best return to Italy.
Through the Swiss cantons Martin made a triumphal progress,
and had no reason to complain of want of respect or lack of generosity. On June
11 he takes up reached Geneva, and in the city of the prince bishop he stayed
for three months; there he had the satisfaction of receiving the allegiance of
the citizens of Avignon. He seems to have wished to display himself as much as
possible, and exert the prestige of the restored Papacy to secure his position.
At the end of September he moved slowly from Geneva through Savoy to Turin, and
thence through Pavia to Milan, where he was received with great honor by
Filippo Maria Visconti on October 12. So great was the popular curiosity to see
the Pope that when he went to consecrate a new altar in the cathedral several
people were trampled to death in the throng. At Milan Martin showed his desire
for the pacification of Italy by making terms between Filippo Maria and
Pandolfo Malatesta, who had seized on Brescia. There too, he received
ambassadors from the Florentines, who in their capacity of peacemakers, were
anxious to arrange matters so as to enable the Pope to return quietly to Rome.
They offered him a refuge in their city and also their service as mediators. On
October 19 Martin left Milan for Brescia and on October 25 he entered Mantua.
There he stayed till the end of the year seeking for some means to make the
Papal influence a real power in Italian affairs. At length he resolved to
accept the services of the Florentines, and set out for their city, avoiding on
his way the rebellious Bologna, which had cast off the Papal rule. On
February 26, 1419, he entered Florence, where he was honorably received,
and took up his abode in the monastery of Santa Maria Novella.
The condition of Italy was indeed sufficiently
disturbed to need all the efforts of the Pope and of Florence to reduce it to
order and peace. In Lombardy, Filippo Maria, Duke of Milan, was bent on winning
back the lands of his father Giangaleazzo, which had fallen into the hands of
petty tyrants. Southern Italy was thrown into confusion by the death of Ladislas,
who was succeeded in the kingdom of Naples by his sister Giovanna II, a woman
with none of the qualities of a ruler, who used her position solely as a means
of personal gratification. The death of Louis of Anjou gave every hope of a
peaceful reign to the distracted Neapolitan kingdom; but Giovanna’s
ungovernable passions soon made it a sphere of personal intrigue. At first the
Queen, a widow of forty-seven years old, was under the control of a lover,
Pandolfello Alapo, whom she made Chamberlain and covered with her favors. To
maintain his position against the discontented barons, Alapo formed an alliance
with Sforza, who was made Grand Constable of Naples. But the barons insisted
that the Queen should marry, and in 1415 she chose for her husband Jacques de Bourbon,
Count of La Marche. The barons sided with the Count of La Marche, who, by their
help, imprisoned Sforza, put Alapo to death, and exercised the power of King.
The favor, however, which he showed to his own countrymen the French disgusted
the Neapolitan nobles, and in 1416 Giovanna was able again to assert her own
power. By this time she had a new favorite to direct her, Giovanni Caraccioli,
who drove the King to leave Naples, and thought it wise also to find an
occupation for Sforza which would keep him at a distance. For this purpose he
sent him on an expedition against Braccio, who had attacked the States of the
Church and had advanced against Rome.
Andrea Braccio, of the family of the Counts of
Montone, was a noble Perugian who, in his youth, had been driven by party
struggles to leave his native city, had embraced the calling of a condottiere
under Alberigo da Barbiano. He served on many sides in the Italian wars, and
finally was in the pay of Ladislas, who played him false in an attack upon Perugia;
whereon Braccio joined the side of John XXIII, who left him governor of Bologna
when he set out for Constance. Braccio was possessed with a desire to make
himself master of his native city of Perugia, and in 1416 sold the Bolognese
their liberty and hired soldiers on every side. He defeated Carlo
Malatesta, whom the Perugians called to their aid, and in July, 1416, made
himself master of the city. Soon, desirous of enlarging his territory, he
advanced into the States of the Church. Todi, Rieti, and Narni soon fell before
him, and he pressed on to the neighborhood of Rome. But Braccio, to win
Perugia, had drawn to his side the condottiere general Tartaglia, who
stipulated, in return for his services, that Braccio should not oppose him
in attacking the dominions of Sforza. From that time Sforza conceived a deadly
hatred against Braccio, and for the next few years the history of Italy is an
account of the desperate rivalry of these two rival condottieri.
Rome during the abeyance of the Papacy was left in an anomalous
condition. The Castle of S. Angelo, which had been taken by Ladislas, was still
held by a Neapolitan governor. John XXIII on departing for Constance had
appointed Cardinal Isolani his legate in Rome; and he was assisted, or
hindered, by the presence of the Cardinal of S. Angelo, Pietro degli
Stefanacci, who found Rome preferable to Constance. The legate Isolani managed
to retain considerable influence over the Romans, and induced them to carry on
the government of the city according to the constitution established before the
interference of Ladislas. But Rome was in no condition to offer resistance to
Braccio when he advanced against it, and on June 9, 1417, took up his position
by S. Agnese. In vain the legate tried to negotiate for his departure. Braccio
harried the adjacent country, and reduced the Romans to capitulate through
hunger. He had an ally in the Cardinal Stefanacci, who welcomed him on his
triumphal entry on June 16 and helped him to form a new magistracy. The legate
fled into the Castle of S. Angelo, and begged for help from Naples. His
entreaties were heard, as Sforza was burning for revenge against Braccio, and
Giovanna's new favorite, Caraccioli, was looking about for some means of
getting rid of Sforza, whose manly frame might soon prove too attractive to the
susceptible Queen. Braccio was engaged in besieging the Castle of S. Angelo
when the arrival of Sforza on August 10 warned him of his danger. Sforza,
seeing how matters stood, went to Ostia, and crossed the Tiber without hindrance.
When Braccio heard that he was advancing against him he judged it unwise to
risk the loss of his newly-won possessions, and on August 26 withdrew to
Perugia. Sforza entered Rome in triumph with the banners of Naples and of the
Church. He restored the legate Isolani to power, appointed new magistrates, and
imprisoned the traitorous Cardinal of S. Angelo, who died soon afterwards.
Such was the condition of affairs which Martin V had
to face on his election. It was natural that his first movement should be
towards alliance with Giovanna II of Naples, seeing that the Neapolitan
influence seemed most powerful in Rome. He welcomed Giovanna's ambassadors and
sent a cardinal to arrange matters with the Queen as early as May, 1418.
Giovanna agreed to restore all the possessions of the Church and make a
perpetual alliance with the Pope, who was to crown her Queen of Naples. She
gave a pledge of her sincerity by the usual means of enriching the Pope’s
relations. Martin's brother, Giordano Colonna, was made Duke of Amalfi and
Venosa, his nephew Antonio was made Grand Chamberlain of Naples; and, on August
21, appeared with a Bull announcing the Pope's alliance with Giovanna. Antonio
at first attached himself to the favorite Caraccioli; but before the end of the
year Sforza was strong enough to organize a popular rising against the
favorite, who was forced to leave Naples, and was sent as ambassador to Martin
V at Mantua. There the surrender of the fortresses which the Neapolitans
occupied in the States of the Church and the coronation of Giovanna were
finally arranged. Early in 1419 a Papal Legate was sent to Naples to perform
the coronation.
Thus matters stood when Martin took refuge in
Florence. He could do nothing better than await the course of events in Naples
and the results of the Florentine mediation. Return to Rome with Braccio
hostile was impossible. If Braccio were to be overthrown, it could only be by
the arms of Sforza; but the Pope’s first steps had been to ally with Giovanna
and Caraccioli, with whom Sforza was now at enmity. At Florence Martin’s
prestige was increased by the arrival of four of Benedict XIII's cardinals, who
were solemnly received on March 17. So far as Italy was concerned, Martin V had
nothing to fear from Peter de Luna. But the deposed Baldassare Cossa was still
an object of his dread, for Braccio had threatened to espouse Cossa’s
cause, and might again raise him to the position of a dangerous rival.
Accordingly, Martin was very anxious to get Cossa into his hands, and the
Florentines, in the interests of peace, were desirous that this matter should
be arranged. John XXIII, when legate of Bologna, had always been on good terms
with the Florentines, and had stood in friendly relations with several of the
richest citizens, amongst whom were Giovanni dei Medici and Niccolò da Uzzano,
who were now ready to interfere on his behalf. They procured from Martin V a
promise that he would deal gently with his deposed predecessor, and advanced
the sum of 38,500 Rhenish ducats to buy the release of Cossa from Lewis of
Bavaria, in whose custody he was. On his way to Florence Cossa was escorted by
the Bishop of Lubeck, who was charged by Martin V to keep a sharp eye upon him.
At Parma he lodged with an old friend, who alarmed him with rumours that
Martin V meant to have him imprisoned for life at Mantua. He fled by night to
Genoa, where he found protection from the Doge, Tommaso di Campo Fregoso.
Friends quickly gathered round him, urging him once more to try his fortunes
and assert his claims to the Papacy. For a brief space there was a thrill of
horror lest the miseries of the Schism should again begin. But the
wise counsels of Giovanni dei Medici and his Florentine friends seem to
have prevailed with Cossa; they assured him of his safety, and urged him to fulfill
his promise. John XXIII no longer possessed his former vigour or felt his old
confidence in himself and his fortunes. The helplessness which had overtaken
him at Constance still haunted him, and though the old spirit might rekindle
for a moment, it was soon chilled by doubt and hesitation. He judged it wisest
to trust his friends, proceed to Florence, and submit to the mercy of Martin V.
On June 14 he entered Florence, and was received with respectful pity by the
entire body of the citizens. The sight of one who had fallen from a high degree
kindled their sympathy, and Cossa’s poor apparel and miserable look impressed
more vividly the sense of his changed fortunes. On June 27 he appeared before
Martin in full consistory, and kneeling before him made his submission. “I
alone”, he said, “assembled the Council; I always labored for the good of
the Church; you know the truth. I come to your Holiness and rejoice
as much as I can at your elevation and my own freedom”. Here his voice was
broken with passion; his haughty nature could ill brook his humiliation. Martin
received him graciously, and placed on his head the cardinal’s hat.
But Cossa did not long live under the shadow of his successor. He died in the
same year on December 23, and his Florentine friends were faithful to his
memory. In the stately Baptistery of Florence the Medici erected to him a
splendid tomb. The recumbent figure cast in bronze was the work of Donatello,
and the marble pedestal which supports it was wrought by Michelozzo. It bears the
simple inscription, Johannes quondam Papa XXIII obiit Florentiae.
Martin V’s attention was meanwhile directed to the
kingdom of Naples and he urged on Giovanna II the duty of restoring to his
obedience the States of the Church. Giovanna was not sorry to rid herself of
Sforza, for she longed to recall her favorite Caraccioli. Sforza was despatched
to war against Braccio, but on June 20 was defeated at Montefiasone, near
Viterbo. But Martin was enabled to detach Tartaglia from Braccio’s side, and
Sforza could again set an army in the field in the name of Naples and the Pope.
He was not, however, supported from Naples; for Giovanna had recalled
Caraccioli, and the favorite thought it better to leave Sforza to his fate.
Martin saw that nothing was to be gained from a further alliance with Giovanna
II and Caraccioli. Moreover the question of the Neapolitan succession was again
imminent, for Giovanna was over fifty years of age, and was childless. Louis
III of Anjou had already begged Martin to procure from Giovanna II a formal
recognition of his claim, and the Pope judged that the opportunity was
favorable for action. Sforza was weary of the selfish policy of Caraccioli, and
the Neapolitan barons resented the rule of the insolent favorite. The
Florentines offered Martin V their aid to mediate between him and Braccio. The
Pope saw an opportunity of making himself the central figure in the politics of
Southern Italy. At peace with Braccio, and allied with Sforza, he might settle
the succession to Naples in favour of Louis of Anjou, and end the Neapolitan
difficulty which had so long harassed his predecessors.
In January, 1420, Sforza paid Martin V a visit in
Florence, and the Pope broached his views, to which, with some reluctance,
Sforza gave his adhesion. Scarcely had Sforza departed before Braccio, at the
end of February, made a triumphal entry into Florence, there to celebrate his
reconciliation with the Pope. With a splendid escort of four hundred horsemen
and forty foot, with deputies from the various cities under his rule, Braccio
entered the city in grandeur that awoke the enthusiastic acclamations of the
Florentines. In the middle of the bands of horsemen, gleaming in gold and
silver armour, mounted on splendid steeds richly caparisoned, rode Braccio,
clad in purple and gold, on a steed whose trappings were of gold. He was a man
rather above the middle height, with an oval face that seemed too full of
blood, yet with a look of dignity and power that, in spite of his limbs maimed
with wounds, marked him as a ruler of men. Amid the shouts of the thronging
citizens Braccio visited the Pope, and paid him haughty reverence. After a few
days spent in negotiations, an alliance was made between Martin V and Braccio,
by which Braccio was left in possession of Perugia, Assisi, and other towns
which he had won, on condition of reducing Bologna to obedience to the Pope.
Martin V’s pride was sorely hurt by the avowed
preference which the Florentines showed to the condottiere over the Pope. The
Florentine boys expressed the common feeling by a doggerel rhyme which they
sang in the streets, and which soon reached the ears of the sensitive Pope:
Braccio the Great
Conquers every state :
Poor Pope Martin
Is not worth a farthing.
He was glad to see Braccio leave Florence, and hoped
that the task of reducing Bologna would occupy him long enough to enable Sforza
to make his attack on Giovanna unimpeded by Braccio’s hostility. Braccio,
however, rapidly gathered his forces, and conducted matters with
such skill that on July 22 the Pope’s legate took possession of Bologna.
Meanwhile Sforza hastened the preparations against
Giovanna II. On June 18 he suddenly raised the standard of the Duke of Anjou,
and began to make war against Naples: on August 19 ten Angevin galleys made
their appearance off the Neapolitan coast. Louis of Anjou eagerly caught at
Martin V's offer of protection; he did not scruple to leave France in the hands
of the English, and abandon his land of Provence to the hostile attacks of the
Duke of Savoy, that he might pursue the phantom kingdom of Naples, which had
proved disastrous to his father and his grandfather alike. Giovanna II, seeing
herself thus threatened, cast about on Alliance of her part also for allies.
She sent an ambassador to the Pope whose hostility was not yet declared; but
the subtle Neapolitan easily saw through the Pope's equivocal answers to his
demands. There was in Florence at the Papal Court an ambassador of Alfonso V of
Aragon. To him in his strait the Neapolitan turned. He reminded him that the House
of Aragon had as good a claim to Naples as the House of Anjou. Giovanna II was
childless, and could dispose of her kingdom as she chose; if Alfonso succored
her in her strait, he might count upon her gratitude. This proposal was very
acceptable to Alfonso V, a young and ambitious king. By the death of Martin of
Sicily without children in 1409 the kingdom of Sicily had been attached to that
of Aragon, and Alfonso was keenly alive to the advantage of annexing Naples
also. At the time that Giovanna's offer reached him he was engaged in
prosecuting against the Genoese his claims on the island of Corsica, where,
after a long siege, the desperate efforts of the Genoese threatened to render
his undertaking hopeless. His ambassador at Florence was endeavoring to obtain
from Martin V a recognition of Alfonso’s claim to Corsica; but Alfonso V at
once saw the policy of abandoning a doubtful attempt upon a barren island for
the more alluring prize of the Neapolitan kingdom. He despatched from Corsica
to the relief of Giovanna II fifteen galleys, which arrived off Naples on
September 6, and Giovanna II showed her gratitude by adopting him as her son.
War was now let loose upon Naples. Alfonso and
Giovanna sought to strengthen themselves by an alliance with Braccio. Martin
V’s policy had succeeded in providing occupation for all whom he had most to
dread. He was now in a position to take advantage of the general confusion, and
amid the weakness of all parties raise once more the prestige of the Papal
name. He had gained all that was to be gained from a stay in Florence, and
might now with safety venture to Rome. Moreover Martin V was not over-satisfied
with the impression which he had produced on the Florentines. The common-sense
of the quick-witted commercial city was not taken in by high-sounding claims or
magnificent ecclesiastical processions. The Florentines had shown for Braccio
an admiration which they refused to Martin V. However much Martin might wrap
himself in his dignity, and affect to despise popular opinion, he yet felt that
in Florence nothing succeeded like success, and that a fortunate freebooter
ranked above a landless Pope. The bustling, pushing spirit of a prosperous
commercial city was alien to the Papacy, which could only flourish amongst the
traditions and aspirations of the past. A few days before his departure from
Rome Martin V could not refrain from showing his wounded pride to Leonardo
Bruni, who was present in the library of S. Maria Novella. For some time Martin
V walked gloomily up and down the room, gazing out of the window upon the
garden below. At last he stopped before Leonardo, and in a voice quivering with
scorn repeated the doggerel of the Florentine mob, “Poor Pope Martin isn’t
worth a farthing”. Leonardo tried to appease him by saying that such trifles
were not worthy of notice; but the Pope again repeated the lines in the same
tone. Anxious for the fair fame of Florence, Leonardo at once undertook its
defense, and pointed out to the Pope the practical advantages which he had
derived from his stay the recovery of some of the States of the Church, and
especially of Bologna, the submission of John XXIII, the reconciliation with
Braccio. Where else, he asked, could such advantages have been so easily
obtained? The Pope’s gloomy brow grew clearer before the words of the
Florentine secretary. Martin departed with goodwill from Florence; thanked its
magistrates for their kind offices, and marked his gratitude to the city by
erecting the bishopric of Florence to the dignity of an archbishopric.
On September 9 Martin V journeyed from Florence with
due respect from the citizens. On September 20 he was honorably received in
Siena, and used his opportunity to borrow 15,000 florins, for which he gave
Spoleto as a pledge. From Siena he proceeded through Viterbo to Rome, which he
entered on September 28, and took up his abode by S. Maria del Popolo. Next day
he was escorted to the Vatican by the city magistrates and the people, bearing
lighted torches and clamorous with joy. The Romans had indeed occasion to hail
any change that might restore their shattered fortunes. Everything that had
happened in late years had tended to plunge them deeper and deeper in misery
and ruin. The havoc wrought by the invasions of Ladislas, of Sforza, and of
Braccio, the absence of the Pope, and consequent loss of traffic, the want of
all authority in the Papal States, the pillage that wasted up to the walls of
Rome all these combined to reduce the city to wretchedness and desolation.
Martin V found Rome so devastated that it hardly looked like a city. Houses
were in decay, churches in ruins, the streets were empty, filth and dirt were
everywhere, food was so scarce and dear that men could barely keep themselves
alive. Civilization seemed almost extinct. The Romans looked like the scum of
the earth. Martin V had a hard task before him to bring back order and decency
into the ruined city. It was his great merit that he set himself diligently to
put matters straight, and that he succeeded in reclaiming its capital for the
restored Papacy. His first care was to provide for the administration of
justice, and put down the robbers who infested Rome and its neighborhood, for
the purpose of pillaging the pious pilgrims who visited the tombs of the
Apostles. But much had to be done to repair the ravages of preceding years, and
new disasters rendered the task more difficult. In November, 1422, the town was
overwhelmed by a flood in the Tiber, occasioned by Braccio’s destruction of the
wall of the Lago di Pie di Luco, the old Veline Lake. The water rose to the
height of the high altar in the Pantheon, and as it subsided carried away the
flocks from the fields and caused great destruction of property.
In Naples little was done worthy of the great efforts
which were made. Alfonso's reinforcements checked the victorious career of
Louis of Anjou and Sforza, till in June, 1421, Braccio brought his forces to
Giovanna's aid, Alfonso himself arrived in Naples, and the Pope despatched
Tartaglia to the aid of Louis. Alfonso and Braccio engaged in a fruitless siege
of Acerra. Nothing serious was done, as the condottieri generals were engaged
in a series of intrigues against one another. Sforza accused Tartaglia of
treachery, seized him, and put him to death. Tartaglia’s soldiers,
indignant at the treatment of their leader, joined Braccio, who was anxious
only to secure his own principality of Capua. Martin V was weary of finding
supplies, and was embarrassed by Alfonso’s threats that he would again
recognize Benedict XIII.
Caraccioli was afraid of Alfonso’s resolute character,
and sowed discord between him and Giovanna: Alfonso on his part was perplexed
by the Queen’s doubtful attitude towards him. As everyone had his own reasons
for desiring peace, the Pope's mediation was accepted for that purpose in March,
1422. Aversa and Castellamare, the only two places which Louis held, were
surrendered to the Papal Legate, who soon afterwards gave them over to the
Queen. Braccio and Sforza were outwardly reconciled, and Sforza joined the side
of Giovanna, only with the purpose of favoring more surely the party of Louis.
Louis himself withdrew to Rome, where he lived for two years at the Pope’s
expense, awaiting the results of Sforza’s machinations. But this peace and its
reconciliations were alike hollow. The mutual suspicions of Alfonso and
Giovanna II went on increasing till in May, 1423, Alfonso determined on a
decisive blow. He suddenly imprisoned Caraccioli, and made a dash to obtain the
person of the Queen, who was in the Castel Capuano at Naples. The attempt to surprise
the Queen failed, and Alfonso besieged the Castle. But Sforza hastened to the
Queen’s aid, and, though his army was smaller than Alfonso’s, he gave his men
fresh courage by pointing to the splendid equipments of the Aragonese; raising
the battle-cry, “Fine clothes and good horses”, he led his men to the
charge. His inducement proved to be sufficiently strong; he won the day, and
Alfonso in his turn was besieged in the Castel Nuovo. After this failure the
fortunes of Louis of Anjou began to revive. Caraccioli was ransomed from
prison, and he and Sforza urged Giovanna to cancel the adoption of the
ungrateful Alfonso and accept Louis as her successor. At the end of June Louis
arrived in Naples, and his adoption as Giovanna’s heir was formally accomplished
with the Pope’s sanction.
Alfonso’s hopes now rested on the prompt aid of
Braccio; but Braccio entered the Neapolitan kingdom through the Abruzzi, and
set himself to besiege the wealthy city of Aquila that he might obtain booty
for his soldiers. The defence was obstinate, and the siege slowly dragged on.
In vain Alfonso besought Braccio to quit it; the stubborn condottiere refused.
Meanwhile Filippo Maria Visconti who had by this time secured his possessions
in Lombardy, and had moreover made himself master of Genoa offered help to
Giovanna. He did not wish that an active King like Alfonso should establish
himself in Naples and urge troublesome claims to the Genoese possessions.
Alfonso was afraid lest he might lose his command of the sea before the attack
of the Genoese galleys; he also received disquieting news from Aragon. Weary
with waiting for Braccio, who never came, he sailed away on October 15, and
revenged himself on Louis by sacking Marseilles on his homeward voyage.
The departure of Alfonso relieved Martin V of a
troublesome enemy; but his attention in this year, 1423, had to be directed to
an equally troublesome matter. It was now five years since the dissolution of the
Council of Constance, and the period for holding the next Council had arrived.
Already in 1422 the University of Paris sent ambassadors to urge Martin V to
fulfill his promise. Among the envoys of the University was a learned
Dominican, John Stoikovic, a native of Ragusa in Dalmatia, who stayed at
Rome to watch Martin’s proceedings, and be ready for the Council as soon as it
was summoned. Pavia had been fixed at Constance for its place of meeting; but
in his letters of summons Martin V was careful to express his fervour in
behalf of the Council by saying that if Pavia was found unsuitable, he was
resolved to call it to a more convenient place rather than it should dissolve.
The transalpine prelates were not inspirited by this kindly assurance; they
felt that a Council in an Italian city was as good as useless. Martin V had
taken no steps in the way of reforming the abuses of the Church. The state of
Christendom was not favorable for a Council. In England Henry V was dead, and
the minority of Henry VI had already begun to open up intrigues and jealousies.
France was exhausted by its war with England. In Germany Sigismund was engaged
in war with the Hussites in Bohemia, and had no time to spend in talk. There
was nothing to encourage men to undertake the costly journey to Italy, where
Martin V was likely to employ them on the barren subject of a proposed union
between the Eastern and Western Churches.
When the Council was opened, on April 23, by the four
prelates whom the Pope had nominated as presidents it was not largely attended.
Few came from beyond the Alps, and the absence of Italians showed that the
pope's influence was used against the Council from the beginning. Scarcely were
the opening formalities at an end when the outbreak of the plague gave a reason
for removing elsewhere, and the Council decided to go to Siena, where, on July
2, it resumed its labours.
The first step of the Council was to organize itself
according to nations, and to determine who should have the right of voting. All
prelates, abbots, graduates of universities who were in orders, rectors,
ambassadors of kings, barons, and universities were to be admitted freely:
other ecclesiastics were to be judged of by the nation to which they belonged.
Each nation was to have a president elected every month, who, together with
chosen deputies, was to prepare the business to be discussed by the nation
according to the wishes of the majority. While making these arrangements the
Council repeatedly sent to the Pope urging him to come to Siena, and their
request was confirmed by the city magistrates, who showed themselves amenable
to the Pope's will by granting a safe-conduct in the terms which he demanded.
But when the safe-conduct was known at Siena, the
Fathers saw their liberty directly menaced by it. All magistrates and officials
in the Sienese territory were to take oath of allegiance to the Pope, a
proceeding which left the Council entirely at the Pope’s mercy. Moreover, the
members of the Council were to be subject to the jurisdiction of the
Pope’s officers. The whole tenor of the articles of agreement was insulting to the
Council, and gave manifest signs of the Pope’s ill-will. In its formal language
the officials of the Curia were named before the members of the Council. The
energy of the Council was forthwith turned to negotiate with the Sienese for a
safe-conduct which would give them greater security from the Pope. Meanwhile
Martin V showed himself more decidedly hostile, and his presidents used all
efforts to weaken the Conciliar party. Letters from Rome poured in to Siena;
tempting promises of promotion were held out to those who showed signs of
wavering.
The reforming party felt that something must be done.
They settled the matter of the safe-conduct, and agreed to pass some decrees on
which there could be no difference of opinion. On November 6 a session of the
Council was held, which declared that the work of reform must begin from the
foundation of the faith, and consequently condemned the errors of Wycliffe and
Huss, denounced the partisans of Peter de Luna, approved of negotiations for
union with the Greek Church, and exhorted all Christian men to root out heresy
wherever they found it. After this the reforming party urged that the work left
unachieved at Constance should be resumed, and the French nation put forward a
memorandum sketching a plan of reform according to the lines laid down at
Constance. The Curial party resolved on resistance, and the small numbers
present at Siena rendered personal pressure tolerably easy. John of Ragusa,
though wishing to make the Council seem as numerous as possible, can only count
two cardinals and twenty-five mitred prelates, as representatives of the higher
clergy, at the session on November 6. The Curial party thought it best to throw
the machinery of the nations into confusion. They managed to cause disputed
elections to the office of president both in the French and in the Italian
nation in the month of January, 1424. The Papal legates offered their services
to the French to judge in this dispute. The French answered that, on matters
concerning a nation in the Council, no one, not even the Pope, could judge but
the Council itself: they asked the presidents to summon a congregation for the
purpose. The presidents refused, whereupon the French called the other nations
together on January 10, and afterwards drew up their grievances in the shape of
a protest, which they lodged with the legates. Meanwhile the legates were
busily engaged in strengthening their party within each nation, so as to
prevent any possibility of unanimity. While thus the nations were divided, the
legates steadily pursued the dissolution of the Council, and, as a first step
towards this, urged the appointment of deputies to fix the meeting place of the
next Council. This question in itself aroused antagonism. The French wished the
future Council to be held in France. This excited the national jealousy of the
Germans and English. The Curial party openly avowed that they never wished to
see another Council at all, and opposed the decrees of Constance.
There were hopes, however, of renewed concord when, on
February 12, the Archbishop of Rouen and the ambassadors of the University of
Paris arrived at Siena. They interposed to heal the dissension among the
French, and the Archbishop of Rouen was by a compromise elected to the office
of president of the French nation. The compromise was, however, fatal. The
Archbishop of Rouen had been already won over by the legates, and the
ambassadors of the University had a greater desire to go to Rome and seek
favors for themselves than stay at Siena and watch over the reformation of the
Church. On February 19 deputies from all the nations agreed in choosing Basel
as the meeting place for the next Council to be held in seven years.
The dissolution of the Council was now felt to be
imminent. Only a few zealous reformers had hopes of further business, and they
were aided by the citizens of Siena, who did not see why they should not enjoy
the same luck as Constance and reap a golden harvest for some years to come.
But Martin V knew how to address rebellious citizens. He sternly bade them “not
to put their sickle into another’s sheaves, nor think that General Councils
were held or dissolved to please them or fill their pockets”. Still the Sienese
were resolved to make a last attempt, and on February 20 laid the Pope’s
letters before the nations, and shut their gates to prevent the desertions
which were thinning the Council's ranks. But the reformers were not strong
enough to accept the citizens' help; the Council sent to request the gates to
be opened.
Meanwhile the legates were ready to dissolve the
Council, the reformers were anxious to continue their work. At last, on March
7, the legates, taking advantage of the solitude produced by the festivities of
the Carnival, posted on the door of the cathedral decree of the dissolution of
the Council, which had been secretly drawn up on February 26, and prohibited
all from attempting to continue it. On the same day they hastily left Siena for
Florence. Those who remained were too few to hope to accomplish anything.
Thomas, Abbot of Paisley, who was a member of the French nation, published an
energetic protest against the dissolution, which was joined by a few other
zealous reformers. Then on March 8 they held a meeting in which they decided
that, to avoid scandal to the Church, and danger to themselves on account of
the nearness of the Papal power, it was better to depart quietly. The Council
of Siena came rapidly to an end, and Martin V could plead the smallness of its
numbers, its seditious conduct with the Sienese burghers, and its own internal
disorders, as reasons for its dissolution. Really the Council of Siena followed
too soon upon that of Constance. The position of affairs had not materially
changed. The Pope had not yet recovered his normal position in Italy, and those
who had been at Constance were not prepared to undertake the labors of a second
Council, when they had nothing to give them any hopes of success. What was
impossible with the help of Sigismund was not likely to be more possible in the
face of Martin V's determined resistance.
Martin V judged it wise, however, to make some
promises of reform. As the Council had been too full of disturbance to admit of
any progress in the matter, he promised to undertake a reform of the Curia, and
nominated two Cardinals as commissioners to gather evidence. The results of
Martin V’s deliberations were embodied in a constitution, published on May 16,
1425. It reads as though it were the Pope's retaliation on the attempt made at
Constance to constitute the Cardinals as an official aristocracy which was to
direct the Pope’s actions. Martin V provided for decorous and good living on
the part of the Cardinals, forbade them to exercise the position of protectors
of the interests of kings or princes at the Papal Court, or to receive money as
protectors for monastic orders; they were not to appear in the streets with a
larger retinue than twenty attendants; they were, if possible, to live near the
churches whence they took their titles, and were to restore the dilapidated
buildings and see to the proper performance of divine service. Similarly the
duties of the protonotaries and abbreviators of the Papal chancery were defined
and regulated. Archbishops, bishops, and abbots were ordered to keep strict
residence, and hold provincial synods three times each year for the redress of
abuses; all oppressive exactions on the part of ordinaries were forbidden, and
propriety of life was enjoined. Finally the Pope withdrew many of his rights of
reservation as a favor to the ordinaries as patrons.
Martin considered that he had now amply fulfilled
all that reformers could require at his hands, and could look around him with
greater assurance. He was free for seven years from the troubles of a Council,
and could turn his attention to the object he had most at heart, the recovery
of the States of the Church, which Alfonso’s withdrawal from Naples had
rendered a practicable measure. Fortune favoured him in this respect beyond his
hopes. The desperate resistance which Aquila continued to offer to Braccio
encouraged Sforza to march to its relief. On his way there, in January, 1424,
finding some difficulty in crossing the river Pescara, which was swollen by the
wind and tide, he rode into the water to encourage his men. Seeing one of his
squires swept off his horse, Sforza hastened to his assistance; but, losing his
balance in attempting to save the drowning man, he was weighed down by his
heavy armour: twice his hands were seen to wave above the flood, then he
disappeared. His body was swept out to sea, and was never found. Thus died
Sforza at the age of fifty-four, one of the most notable men in Italian
history. His death tells us the secret of his power. He died in the performance
of an act of chivalrous generosity to a comrade. However tortuous he might be
in political relations, to his soldiers he was frank and genial; they loved
him, and knew that their lives and fortunes were as dear to Sforza as his own.
Nor did the more accomplished Braccio long survive his
sturdy rival. In spite of the withdrawal of Sforza’s troops after their
leader’s death, Aquila still held out. As its possession was regarded as the
key to the possession of Naples, Martin V was eager to raise troops for its
relief. He found it as easy to arouse the jealousy of the Duke of Milan against
Braccio as against Alfonso; and in May a joint army of Naples, Milan, and Pope
advanced to the relief of Aquila. Braccio scorned to take advantage of his
enemies as they crossed the mountain ridge that led to the town; though their
forces were superior to his own, he preferred to meet them in the open field.
An unexpected sortie of the Aquilans threw Braccio’s army into confusion. As he
rode around exhorting his men to form afresh and renew the fight, a Perugian
exile forced his way through the throng, and with the cry, “Down with the
oppressor of his country!” wounded Braccio in the throat. On the fall of
their leader the soldiers of Braccio gave way, and the siege of Aquila was
raised, June 2. Braccio’s haughty spirit would not survive defeat; for three
days he lay without eating or speaking till he died. Unlike Sforza, he had no
grown-up son to inherit his glory. His shattered army rapidly dispersed upon
his death. His body was carried to Rome, and was buried as that of an
excommunicated man in unconsecrated ground before the Church of S. Lorenzo.
Martin V reaped the full benefit of Braccio’s death.
On July 29 Perugia opened its gates to the Pope, and the other cities in
Braccio’s dominions soon followed its example. Martin found himself in
undisputed possession of the Papal States. This was a great point to have
gained, and Martin had won his triumph by his astute and cautious, if
unscrupulous, policy. He had not hesitated to plunge Naples into war, and had
trusted to his own acuteness to fish in troubled waters. Fortune had favoured
him beyond what he could expect, and the only further difficulty that beset him
was a rising of Bologna in 1429, which was put down, though not without a
stubborn struggle, by Carlo Malatesta. From that time he set himself with
renewed zeal and statesmanlike care to organize the restoration of law and
order in the Roman territory and the rest of the Papal possessions.
When we look back upon the wild confusion that he
found at his accession we must recognize in Martin V’s pontificate traces
of energy and administrative capacity which have been left unrecorded by the
annals of the time. The slow and steady enforcement of order and justice is
passed by unnoticed, while discord and anarchy are rarely without a chronicler.
It is the great merit of Martin V that he won back from confusion,
and reduced to obedience and order, the disorganized States of the Church.
The policy of Martin V was to bring under one
jurisdiction separate communities, with their existing rights and privileges,
and so to establish a central monarchy on which they all peaceably
depended. It was the misfortune of Martin that his work was thrown away by
the wrongheadedness of his successor, and so left no lasting results. Still,
Martin V deserves high praise as a successful statesman, though even here he
displayed the spirit of a Roman noble rather than of the Head of the Church.
The elevation of the Colonna family was his constant aim, and he left to his
successors a conspicuous example of nepotism. His brothers and sisters were enriched
at the expense of the Church, and their aggrandizement had the disastrous
result that it intensified the long-standing feud between the Colonna and the
Orsini, and led to a reaction upon Martin's death. So far did Martin V identify
himself with his family that, in defiance of the traditions of his office, he
took up his abode in the Colonna Palace by the Church of SS. Apostoli,
regarding himself as more secure amongst the retainers of his house.
The same year that saw the deaths of Sforza and
Braccio freed Martin V from another enemy. In November 1424 died Benedict XIII,
worn out by extreme old age. In his retirement at Peñiscola he had been
powerless either for good or ill. Yet the existence of an anti-Pope was hurtful
to the Papal dignity, and Alfonso’s hostility to Martin V threatened to
give him troublesome importance. Benedict’s death might seem to end the Schism,
but one of the last acts of the obstinate old man was the creation of four new
cardinals. For a time his death was kept secret till Alfonso’s desires were
known; at length in June, 1425, three of Benedict’s cardinals elected a new
Pope, Gil de Munion, canon of Barcelona, who took the title of Clement VIII.
But schism when once it begins is contagious. Another of Benedict’s
cardinals, a Frenchman, Jean Carrer, who was absent at the time and received no
notice, elected for himself another Pope, who took the title of Benedict XIV.
Martin was desirous of getting rid of these pretenders, and sent one of his
cardinals, brother of the Count de Foix, to negotiate with Alfonso. But Alfonso
refused him entrance into his kingdom, and ordered Clement VIII to be
crowned in Peñiscola. Martin summoned Alfonso to Rome to answer for his
conduct. Alfonso saw that nothing was to be gained by isolation from the rest
of Europe. Time mollified his wrath at the loss of Naples, and in his hopes for
the future it was better to have the Pope for his friend than for his foe. The
Cardinal de Foix carried on his negotiations with wise moderation, and was
helped by one of the King’s counsellors, Alfonso Borgia. In the autumn of 1427
Alfonso V received the Pope’s legate, agreed to recognise Martin, and accept
his good offices to settle disputes between himself and Giovanna II. In July,
1429, Munion laid aside his papal trappings, submitted to Martin, and received
the melancholy post of Bishop of Majorca. The good offices of Alfonso Borgia
were warmly recognized both by Alfonso V and Martin V, and this ending of the
Schism had for its abiding consequence in the future the introduction of the
Borgia family to the Papal Court, where they were destined to play an important
part. The Pope of Jean Carrer was of course a ridiculous phantom, and in 1432
the Count of Armagnac ordered Carrer, who was still obstinate, to be made prisoner
and handed over to Martin V.
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