READING HALL

THE DOORS OF WISDOM

A HISTORY OF MODERN EUROPE : A.D. 1453-1900

CHAPTER LXXV.

1878-1891

THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE

DOURING the twelve years succeeding the Treaty of Berlin Bismarck was the most powerful statesman and Berlin the centre of politics in Europe. England remained to a great extent occupied with domestic legislation and with the Irish question, while Mr. Gladstone, whose influence was immense, cared little for foreign politics, and though compelled to intervene in Egypt, showed no sympathy for colonial expansion. During these years a reaction against the forward policy of Lord Beaconsfield was in progress, and though England was forced into wars in Afghanistan, Zululand, the Transvaal and Egypt, no anxiety was shown by the various Cabinets to extend the British dominion. Till 1891, when Europe first realized the possibility of a Franco-Russian alliance, France remained isolated. The friendship with England, which had been a conspicuous tradition of English foreign policy since the days of Palmerston and Louis Philippe, practically ended with the suppression of Arabi’s insurrection in Egypt in 1882. After that event the rivalry of England and France on the sea has become more and more pronounced. Similarly, Russia, during this period, gradually found herself isolated, and her alliance with France was forced upon her partly by financial reasons, partly in order to form a Dual in opposition to the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria, and Italy, by means of which Bismarck had preserved the peace of Europe.

The Treaty of Berlin caused great indignation in Russia. It had been expected in St. Petersburg that Germany would aid the Tsar to obtain ample compensation for the efforts which he had made to conquer the Turks. Instead of receiving support from Germany, Russia found that Austria, which had not fought at all, had secured a position equal to her own in the Balkan Peninsular. The Emperor Alexander II, furious at the impartiality shown by Bismarck during the Berlin Congress, declared that he had forgotten his engagements in 1870, while Gortchakov pronounced the Congress of Berlin to be the darkest page in his life. Russia had certainly aided Germany in 1870 by her neutral attitude, but Bismarck thought that his support of Russia’s destruction of the Treaty of Paris of 1856 was an ample recognition of the services of the Tsar. Moreover it was of immense importance to Germany that Austria should be induced to forget Sadowa and turn her attention eastwards. In the face of the rivalry of Russia and Austria in the Balkan Peninsula, it was impossible for the alliance of the three Emperors, concluded in 1872, to continue, and though Bismarck hoped, by means of the personal friendship of the Emperor William with his nephew the Tsar Alexander to avert a war between Germany and Russia, he decided that an alliance with Austria was a necessary precaution. In August, 1879, he met Andrassy at Gastein, and on October 15 the Emperor William signed a Treaty with Austria which, for a time, was kept secret. The shadow of a war with Russia, possibly in alliance with France, hung over the Cabinets of Berlin and Vienna, and compelled them to seek for another ally. This they found in Italy. During the Congress of Berlin Lord Salisbury had apparently expressed his acquiescence in the establishment of French influence in Tunis. Italy, however, had gained nothing at the Congress, and moreover was accustomed to look upon Tunis as offering an opportunity for Italian expansion in Africa. France being already dominant in Algeria, the supremacy of Italy in Tunis could not be entertained, and in 1880, taking advantage of a native rising, French troops entered Tunis, and the Bey signed the Treaty of Bardo (May 12), giving France the protectorate over the country. This Treaty roused the deepest indignation in Italy. Riots took place between French and Italian workmen, the Italian Ministry of Cairoli fell, and was succeeded by that of Depretis, with Mancini as Foreign Minister. The friendship of France and Italy, so marked in the reign of Napoleon III, came to an end, and after visits of King Humbert to Vienna (1881), and to Berlin (1882), Italy joined the Alliance of Germany and Austria in 1883. Renewed in 1887, in 1891, and in 1896, the Triple Alliance still remains a safeguard of the peace of Europe. At the time, however, of its establishment, the Triple Alliance was not brought into undue prominence, for Bismarck was anxious to keep on friendly terms with Russia. Skilful though this policy might be, the murder of Alexander II. in 1881, and the accession of Alexander III, whose anti-German and strong Slav tendencies were well known, threatened its overthrow. Bismarck did indeed bring about a meeting of the three Em­perors at Skiernevice in September, 1884, where he made, with Alexander, a secret Treaty, in which Germany and Russia promised to preserve a benevolent neutrality if either should be attacked. It was only in 1896 that the existence of this Treaty was revealed to Europe.

The danger to Germany from Russia in the years 1879-80- 81, had been averted partly by the Alliance with Austria, partly by Russian activity in Central Asia, partly by the development, to an alarming extent, of Nihilism. During the latter years of Alexander II’s life, Nihilism developed at an extraordinary rate, and after the close of the war with Turkey, Russia was bankrupt, disaffected and disorganized. Alexander had carried out great reforms, and the ideas of Western Europe had been introduced before the Russian nation was sufficiently educated to receive them. The Govern­ment, which was an absolute autocracy as well as a complicated bureaucracy, was corrupt to the core, and reform was urgently needed. But the social revolutionary party aimed not at reform but at revolution. An extreme party was formed of Terrorists, who believed in adopting desperate measures to attain their ends, and in 1879 the secret organization known as Nihilism was fully prepared. During 1879 and 1880, attempts were made upon the life of Alexander, who, on March 18, 1881, was cruelly murdered. His successor for a time attempted to check the introduction of Western ideas and civilisation, lived in distant palaces surrounded by an army, and allowed Ignatiev to carry out a policy of severity.

Though checked by England at the Treaty of Berlin, the Russian Government, under Alexander III, took advantage of the gradual cessation of Nihilist plots, and turned its attention to questions of foreign policy. Already Russian advance in Central Asia had caused uneasiness in England, but in May, 1876, Disraeli had stated in the House of Commons that Russia had a great mission in the East, and that Russian conquests in Asia furthered the cause of civilization. In September, 1878, Russian intrigues in Cabul almost led to war with England. As it was, Shere Ali, the Ameer, appealed in December, 1878, to Russia for assistance. He failed in his object, and died in February, 1879, leaving his son Yakoob Khan as his successor. Yakoob acceded to the demands of the English, and received Sir Louis Cavagnari as resident in Cabul. In September Cavagnari and his escort were mur­dered, and Lord Roberts, with a large force, entered Cabul in October, and set up another Ameer. But in April, 1880, a Liberal Government came into office, and it was decided to abandon all idea of making a scientific frontier, and to withdraw all British forces from Afghanistan. The famous march from Cabul to Candahar, followed by a victory over Ayoub Khan, who had defeated General Burrows, restored the prestige of the English arms, but had no effect in checking the Russian advance in Central Asia. In 1885 the Penjdeh incid­ent, occasioned by English difficulties in Egypt, again brought England and Russia to the verge of war. Fortunately peace was preserved, and Russia, since 1885, has contented herself with advancing steadily across Asia towards the Pacific.

The success of the policy of Russia in Central Asia stands out in startling contradistinction to the failure of the hopes that were formed in St. Petersburg at the opening of the Russo-Turkish war for material gains in Eastern Europe. The Treaty of Berlin not only put an end to a sanguinary war and effected a territorial revolution in the Balkan Peninsula, but it also created a new political situation fraught with unexpected consequences of vast import to Europe. England and Austria had apparently triumphed at Berlin. The latter secured the post of guardian of the Balkan Pen­insula, and England had checked the advance of Russia in the direction of Constantinople, and had set up Bulgaria as a buffer state between Turkey and Russia. Further, on July 9th was published the secret conventions made by the British Government with Turkey in accordance with which England acquired the right of occupying Cyprus as long as Russia retained possession of Kars and Batoum. It was quite evident that further developments would take place among the Balkan States, and that Russia, though checked in Europe, would look for compensation elsewhere.

The execution of the terms of the Treaty of Berlin was accompanied by various modifications. In February, 1880, England, France and Germany recognized the Independence of Roumania, and in 1881 she declared herself a kingdom under King Charles I of the German House of Hohenzollern Sigmaringen. In 1882 Servia imitated the example of Roumania and found a king in Milan I. of the Servian family of Obrenovitch. Even greater changes took place in Bulgaria, whose first ruler, elected in 1879, was Prince Alexander of Battenberg, who, till 1881, presided over a democratic consti­tution which proved unworkable, while Aleko Pasha was appointed by the Sultan to govern Eastern Roumelia. The tendency towards the union of the two portions of Bulgaria soon became irresistible, and on September 17th, 1885, a revolution broke out at Philippopolis, and the Union of Bulgaria with Eastern Roumelia under Alexander of Battenberg was proclaimed, and after some demur accepted by the Powers which signed the Treaty of Berlin. A wanton attack by Servia under King Milan was defeated at the battles of Slivnitza and Perot, and peace made at Bucharest on March 8th, 1886. But the troubles of the new kingdom were by no means over. The Russian Government had always viewed with dislike the progress of the Bulgarian State, and her agents suddenly kidnapped Prince Alexander and carried him away in August, 1886. Shortly after his return he abdicated, and through the influence of the able minister Stamboulov was succeeded, on July 8th, 1887, by Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg, a grandson of Louis Philippe. Under Stambou­lov the struggle against Russian influence continued till the murder of the Bulgarian minister in 1895 removed the chief opponent to Muscovite domination. Stoilov, the new head of the ministry, was friendly to the government of the Tsar, and Prince Ferdinand decided to reconcile himself with Russia. The Tsar consented to act as godfather of the infant Boris, and Ferdinand allowed his son to be brought up in the faith of the Orthodox Church. Since that event the European Powers have practically recognized the government of Prince Ferdinand.

Montenegro

Difficulties had also arisen in other portions of Eastern Europe before the terms of the Treaty of Berlin could be carried out, and it was not till 1881 that Austria was in firm possession of Bosnia and that Montenegro had received Dulcigno, and Greece Thessaly and part of Epirus. The war between Greece and Turkey in 1897 revealed to a surprised world the fact that the Porte is still a Power to be reckoned with. The overthrow of the Greek troops in a series of battles,       and the overwhelming superiority of the Turks has made it evident that the Sultan is able to defend Constantinople from the attacks of any enemy, while the establishment of a number of autonomous states has interposed an effective barrier to Russian aggression. It was quite evident that in her Eastern policy Russia could not hope to receive support from England, Germany, or Austria. The only possible ally was France. During the Eastern war of 1877 France had remained scrupuously neutral. She had united with the other Great Powers in the Berlin Congress, where she had gained the acquiescence of Lord Salisbury and Prince Bismarck in her plans for occupy­ing Tunis. In 1877 Jules Grevy had succeeded MacMahon as President of the Republic, and Gambetta became President of the Chamber. Between 1879 and 1887, the period of Grevy’s Presidency, there were no less than twelve ministries, the most famous of the Premiers being Freycinet (1879,1882, 1886), Ferry (1880, 1883), and Gambetta (1881). During these years, when the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria, and Italy had drawn an iron circle round France, an agitation was begun in favour of a Dictator who would be strong enough to place the country in an independent position. This irritation, so natural to a sensitive people like the French, led to the ephemeral Boulangist agitation, to a policy of Colonial expansion, and to an alliance with Russia. General Boulanger did, indeed, succeed for about three years in taking advantage of the general discontent, and in exciting uneasiness in foreign countries by his ambiguous attitude. The Bou­langist movement revealed “that Caesarism was ever latent in the French nature.” A military adventurer, supported by the Reactionaries and the Socialists, Boulanger, who had been a member of the Goblet ministry which fell May 30th, 1886, nearly succeeded in establishing a dictatorship. But when threatened with the prospect of the overthrow of the Republic the Government showed unexpected vigour. Bou­langer, accused of conspiring against the safety of the State, fled, and all danger to the Republic was over.

Though unable to take an active part in European politics, France, after the Treaty of Berlin, entered upon a course of colonial adventures which occupied the attention, and for a time satisfied the aspirations of Frenchmen. It has been said that Bismarck foresaw “that France in Tunis would mean a lasting quarrel with Italy, and probably an appetite for colonial expansion which would render friction with England inevitable.” At any rate, Jules Ferry had no difficulty in embarking France upon a career of colonial expansion which led to the beginning of unfriendly relations with England.

Between the years 1880 and 1885 expeditions were sent to Tunis, Tonquin, and Madagascar, while in 1884 the French Congo was founded and a large extent of territory in Senegal was occupied. But this sudden development was for a time checked by the French reverse in 1885 at Langson in Indo­China. Jules Ferry was driven from office (April, 1885), M. de Braza, the famous French explorer, fell into disgrace, and the momentary failure of the forward policy added to the many causes of discontent which rendered Boulangism possible, hostility to England popular, and a Russian Alliance in­evitable.

But before the disaster of Langson the French Government had blundered heavily in Egypt. The opening of the Suez Canal, built to a large extent with French capital in 1869, gave Great Britain a vital interest in Egypt, and in 1875 Lord Beaconsfield’s purchase of a large number of shares in the Canal secured her influence in its management. A number of English and French had settled in Egypt, and the two governments had agreed to support Tewfik the Viceroy as long as he followed their advice. The interference of European Powers was, however, very unpopular to the Egyptian official class who regarded with jealousy the British and French officers employed by the Khedive. Accordingly, in 1882, Arabi Pasha, an Egyptian soldier, headed a national movement, threatened to depose Tewfik, and seized the fortifications which commanded the harbour of Alexandria. England, thereupon, invited France and Italy to join her in occupying the country in order to put down the revolutionary movements. France, still hampered in Tonquin, refused, and Italy, “ owing to a threat by France that her participation would be regarded as a Casus Belli,” also declined to assist. England was then left alone, and, probably to the surprise of France, undertook the heavy task of restoring order. A British fleet bombarded Alexandria, which was set on fire by the Egyptians, and much destruction of life and property took place. In September, 1882, a British army under Sir Garnet Wolseley proceeded to Egypt, defeated Arabi at Tel-el-Kebir, and restored Tewfik. The results of the events of 1882 have been considerable. The English occupation of Egypt has been prolonged and a protectorate practically established. The country has been admirably administered, completely reorganized, and saved from a relapse into semi-barbarism, while the Soudan has gradually been reconquered. France and Italy, profoundly annoyed at having lost so admirable a chance of directing European policy, made an agreement in 1885, the object of which was to create a condominium of three in the Valley of the Nile, and to hamper the progress of the English conquest. In consequence of this agreement an Italian colony was established at Massowrah. Disaster has, however, attended the attempt to carry through a rash and ill-considered scheme, and beyond embroiling the Italians with the Abyssinians, the treaty of March, 1885, between France and Italy, which was directed against the English occupation of Egypt, has had no harmful effects.

Disasters also attended the early efforts of the British to settle the affairs of Egypt. The appearance of the Mahdi, a religious fanatic, in the Upper Valley of the Nile, was followed by the destruction of the Egyptian garrisons and the fall of Khartoum. The English Cabinet determined to abandon the Soudan to its fate, and in January, 1883, General Gordon, without any troops, was sent to bring away the Egyptian garrisons and officials, while General Baker, with an insufficient army, was despatched to Suakim. Gordon found himself compelled to defend Khartoum against the Mahdi, and when the English Cabinet very reluctantly decided to send an expedition to his rescue the decision was made too late. After several battles an advanced column arrived at the Waters of the Upper Nile in January, 1885, only to find that Khartoum had fallen, and that Gordon had been killed. The Soudan was then abandoned, and it was decided that the British should hold Wadi Haifa and Suakim. From Cairo the work of reorganization went steadily on, and reforms were carried out in the army, the finances, and the administration of justice. Never has Egypt been so well governed, or her material resources so carefully developed as during the period from the revolt of Arabi to the present day.

In deserting England at Alexandria France made a grievous error, and the Freycinet Ministry was dismissed (August, 1882) for its shortsighted policy, in not knowing how to preserve French influence in the Valley of the Nile. England was left to watch over the destinies of Egypt, and France embarked upon a policy of Colonial rivalry with her in all parts of the world.

It is not surprising, therefore, that the isolation of France, her hostility to England, and her internal troubles, should have inclined her to enter upon friendly relations with Russia. The French love personal rule, and viewed with approbation the long period of intimate relations between France and Russia, during which President Carnot, who succeeded Grevy on December 3rd, 1887, treated with an autocratic sovereign like Alexander III. France adopted and supported the views of Russia on the Bulgarian Question, and in 1889 and 1891 the French public subscribed willingly when Russia was anxious to raise loans. In 1891 the visit of the French fleet to Cronstadt, followed by the visit of a Russian fleet to France in 1893, proclaimed to the world that a Franco-Russian Alliance confronted the Triple League of Germany, Austria, and Italy. In 1895 M. Hanotaux in the Chamber alluded to the alliance of France and Russia; in 1896 Nicholas II and the Tsarina visited Paris, and in 1897 President Felix Faure paid a return visit to St. Petersburg. Though France has so far gained little ostensible advantage the close connection of the two countries has been amply demonstrated in the history of the Far East during the last few years.

Fall of Bismarck, 1891.

Before, however, the Cronstadt festivities had taken place Bismarck had fallen. For some thirty years Bismarck’s influence had been predominant in Prussia; after the Franco-German war his ascendency in Europe had gradually become firmly established. The alliance of the Three Emperors kept France isolated in Europe, and in 1878 and the following years he had favoured a French occupation of Tunis. His policy was justified by success. The Tunisian expedition involved France in complications with Italy and Turkey, while England’s practical annexation of Egypt has never been forgiven by the French Government. His ability and foresight were equally well attested in the stormy period following the Treaty of Berlin. Russia was naturally furious at the treatment which she had received, and endeavoured to secure a formal alliance with France. But Bismarck rightly felt that in alliance with Austria he was strong enough to stand against the combined forces of France and Russia. And on this occasion fortune favoured him. France became involved in difficulties in Tunis and Tonquin, while Russia was paralyzed by internal His peace disturbances due to the spread of Nihilism. Once the Triple policy. Alliance was made he did all in his power to conciliate Russia, and the continuance of peace among the Great Powers was largely due to his influence. In 1888 the Emperor William I died, and after a reign of three months Frederick III, so well known in the Franco-Prussian war as the Crown Prince, also died. He was succeeded by the able and masterful William II, whose vigorous policy has proved most beneficial to Germany. It was wellnigh impossible for two such strong characters as the Emperor and his Chancellor to continue to work together, and the fall of the latter was by no means a surprise. Bismarck had taken a leading part in forming modern Germany; his legacy to Europe was an “armed peace” which has lasted from the Congress of Berlin to the present day.