CHAPTER LXV.

RISINGS IN SPAIN AND AUSTRIA

 

AT this period all the thrones of Europe had been more or less shaken by Napoleon, except that of England, which he could not reach, and that of Spain which had purchased exemption from the common lot by a humiliating alliance. The latter also was now to feel the shock, but after a different manner. The conquests of Napoleon, whatever may be thought of their lawfulness, had hitherto, with the exception, perhaps, of Venice, at least been achieved in the open field by military skill and force of arms. He was now to show himself a no less consummate master in all the arts of intrigue.

The detested reign of Don Emanuel Godoy at length raised up against him at Madrid a party determined to rescue the Spanish nation from the disgrace of being governed by him. At the head of it were the Duke de l'Infantado, of one of the most illustrious families of Castile, and the Canon, Don Juan Escoiquiz, who had conducted the education of Ferdinand, Prince of the Asturias, and heir to the crown.

Ferdinand, who was now twenty-three years of age, had espoused, in 1803, a daughter of Queen Caroline of Naples. This Princess, whose intriguing character resembled that of her mother, soon rendered the Queen of Spain her enemy; Ferdinand naturally espoused the quarrels of his wife, and Escoiquiz, the confidant of the young Prince, became irrevocably engaged in his cause. Thus the royal family was torn by faction, which continued after the premature death of the young Princess who had occasioned it. A little knot of distinguished persons attached themselves to the heir to the crown, and the Court became divided into two parties, that of the Prince of the Asturias, and the Prince of the Peace. Godoy, having failed in an attempt to conciliate Ferdinand, and to bring about the Prince’s marriage with the sister of his wife, saw no hope of safety except in Ferdinand’s ruin. Queen Louisa entered warmly into his plans against her own son; and as the feeble health of Charles IV foreboded a speedy termination of his life, she conceived the project of procuring from him a declaration that his eldest son was unfit to reign, and of thus prolonging her authority, with the title of Regent, in concert with Godoy. With this view, Ferdinand was painted in the blackest colors, was kept aloof from all affairs of state, and surrounded with spies; whilst the favorite, on the other hand, was raised to some of the highest and most important dignities of the Kingdom, honored with the title of “Royal Highness”, and all the prerogatives of the Infants of Spain.

As the situation of Ferdinand seemed to grow still more painful after the Peace of Tilsit, and the apparently intimate union which ensued between the Courts of Madrid and the Tuileries, Ferdinand was advised by his confidants to supplant Godoy in the favour of the French Emperor, and to seek his protection by offering to marry a Princess of the Imperial family. In these plans the Prince of the Asturias found a friend and guide in M. de Beauharnais, recently appointed French ambassador at Madrid. M. de Beauharnais cast his eyes upon Madlle. Tascher de la Pagerie, a niece of Josephine’s, a young lady of great beauty and accomplishments, and Ferdinand privately wrote to Napoleon October 11th, 1807, imploring his protection, and soliciting the hand of a Princess of his family. The French Emperor did not commit himself by answering Ferdinand’s letter; nevertheless from this period a family alliance with the Prince of the Asturias formed part of his political combinations. He did not, however, select Madlle. Tascher for that purpose. He had now begun to contemplate a divorce from Josephine, and he turned his views to the family of his brother Lucien. In an interview which he had with Lucien, towards the end of 1807, at Mantua, he offered his brother the throne of Portugal, and the hand of the Prince of the Asturias for his daughter Charlotte, but on condition that Lucien should divorce his wife, Madame de Jauberton. But with Lucien affection proved stronger than ambition. He refused to separate from his wife; but consented that his daughter should proceed to Paris, to await the splendid destinies that seemed in store for her.

Meanwhile at Madrid, Godoy having caused Ferdinand to be arrested, October 29th, on the charge of conspiracy, the young Prince was subjected to a searching examination, at the end of which he was confined to his own apartments. Papers were found in his handwriting in which the crimes of the favorite were denounced; also a copy of the letter which he had written to Napoleon, a plan for what was to be done on the death of Charles IV, and various decrees, which already bore the signature of Ferdinand VII, appointing different nobles of his party to various important posts. Aided by Godoy, the Queen extorted from the King a proclamation, in which he denounced the conspiracy of his son and his advisers. She also persuaded him to write a letter to the French Emperor, charging Ferdinand with a plot to dethrone himself and put the Queen to death, and promising that the succession to the Spanish crown should be diverted to a younger son. Ferdinand, however, totally lacked the courage necessary to a conspirator. No sooner was he arrested than he informed his mother that he had important revelations to make. Caballero, the Minister of Justice, was sent to receive his depositions, in which he gave up the names of all his advisers, without the slightest stipulation for their safety. Godoy, however, deemed it prudent to adopt the policy of clemency. The minute of the Prince’s letter to Napoleon, which seemed to have been written with the knowledge of the French ambassador, was a powerful motive to this course. It was evident that the Emperor was concerned in the matter, and with him a collision was not to be lightly ventured. Godoy counseled pardon, but on condition that Ferdinand should make, in writing, an humble confession. The young Prince did not hesitate. He not only signed the required confession, but was base enough to swear eternal friendship and devotion to the Prince of the Peace. His accomplices were subjected to a trial, but acquitted by the judges, to the rage of the Queen.

While these things were going on at Madrid, the conquest of Portugal was accomplished, and the time had arrived for the division of that Kingdom, according to the Treaty of Fontainebleau. But the aspect of affairs had changed, and with them the intentions of Napoleon; or rather, the plans which he had long formed now appeared ripe for execution. To incorporate with France all the Spanish provinces between the Pyrenees and the Ebro, and to give Portugal to Spain, in the name of an indemnification, was now the object of the French Emperor.

Napoleon determined to effect his object by stratagem. Towards the end of 1807 large divisions of French troops began to enter Spain at different points, apparently in a straggling manner. The strongest fortresses in the north of Spain, Figueras, Barcelona, Pamplona, St. Sebastian, were suddenly and simultaneously occupied, by surprise or stratagem.

The entry of the French troops into Spain, a decree of the Emperor’s at Milan, December 23rd, 1807, imposing a contribution of war of a hundred million francs upon Portugal, and appointing Junot governor of that country, a demand that the execution of the Treaty of Fontainebleau should be suspended, began at length to open the eyes of Godoy. He perceived that he had been duped; that the offer of the Algarves was a snare; that he had been only a tool in the hands of the French despot. At the same time he was suspected by the Spanish people of having collusively admitted the French into the northern fortresses. Thus while the support of Napoleon was withdrawn from him, he fell still deeper into the hatred of his countrymen. The dis­content and anger of the Spaniards, as well as the fears of the Court, were augmented when, early in March, 1808, another French corps of 35,000 men, entered Vittoria. The French troops in Spain, numbering 100,000 men, were now put under the command-in-chief of Napoleon’s brother-in-law, Murat, Grand Duke of Berg. Murat arrived at Burgos March 13th, assumed the direction of the army, and immediately marched upon Madrid.

Flight seemed to offer the only chance of safety to Godoy. He counselled the King and Queen of Spain to adopt the course of the Portuguese Sovereigns, and take refuge in their American possessions. The Queen at once consented. Charles IV was more difficult to persuade; he could not believe that Napoleon intended to dethrone him. At length he yielded to the entreaties of the Queen and Godoy. It was resolved that the King should go first to Seville, from that place should demand from the French Emperor an explanation of his motives in assembling so large a force in Spain, as well as a guarantee for the security of the Royal Family and the independence of the Kingdom. If Napoleon’s answer should be unsatisfactory, Charles IV and his family were to proceed to Cadiz and embark for America, under the protection of the English fleet which was cruising before that port. Charles having announced his determination to his Council, March 15th, the disposable troops were ordered to be cantoned on the road to Andalusia to protect the journey of the Royal Family; but the preparations for departure, and especially an order for the garrison of Madrid to proceed to Aranjuez, having excited the suspicion of the people, large masses of armed men proceeded thither, March 17th, and amid shouts of Death to Godoy, mingled with vivas for the King, prepared to prevent the departure of the Sovereigns. The King, however, having again consulted his council, resolved to proceed. But Ferdinand roused public feeling against Godoy, who, with difficulty, was saved from the rage of the populace. The reign not only of the favorite but of his master also was now at an end. 0n the 19th of March, Charles IV signed at Arajuez a solemn abdication of the crown in favour of his son, the Prince of the Asturias, who assumed the title of Ferdinand VII.

Delivered from immediate danger, Charles and his Queen began to regret the throne, and attempted to recall the Act of Abdication. They sent a message to Murat, then some days’ march from Madrid, informing him of the violence they had suffered, and conjuring him to hasten to their protection. Charles IV also addressed a letter to Napoleon accusing his son Ferdinand of having incited the soldiery against him, and robbed him of the crown (March 21st); thus making the Emperor the arbiter of his fate. Murat arrived under the walls of Madrid, March 23rd. He was in a difficult situation. Conjecturing, however, that the Emperor would avail himself of the discord which reigned in the Spanish family to place a Prince of his own house on the throne of Spain, a hope began to rise in Murat’s breast that this Prince might be himself. The other members of the Imperial family were already provided for, except Lucien, who was in disgrace. Hence Murat began to regard Ferdinand as a sort of rival. This Prince had entered Madrid March 24th amidst the enthusiastic acclamations of the people, and had signified to his parents his determination to banish them to Badajoz; but Murat, at the instance of Charles and his queen, compelled Ferdinand to abandon his design. The Grand Duke of Berg would not recognize the King’s abdication, and spoke with contempt of Ferdinand’s claim.

The revolution at Madrid had not entered into Napoleon’s calculations. A very little reflection, however, determined him to use the occasion to execute the plans he had already formed, and place a Prince of his own dynasty on the Spanish throne. The news of the revolution at Aranjuez arrived in Paris March 26th, and on the very next day Napoleon addressed a letter to his brother Louis, King of Holland, offering to him the crown of Spain. The old Sovereigns and their favorite, he reasoned, could not be restored, while Ferdinand was of a character too base to be trusted. But in his views of this question Napoleon omitted from his con­siderations a very important element—the Spanish people. The apathy of the Spaniards had indeed been so profound, they appeared so deeply plunged in ignorance and superstition, so entirely dominated by bigotry and prejudice, as to be incapable of forming an opinion or exercising an independent will. But among their prejudices was a devoted attachment to the reigning dynasty. In a priest-ridden country this feeling had become almost a religion. They looked upon their Sovereigns as the heirs of a divine right, and felt for the youthful Ferdinand, whose despicable qualities were not publicly known, an enthusiastic loyalty.

Napoleon had determined to carry the matter through, as he had begun it, by stratagem and fraud. He formed the plan of proceeding to Bayonne, enticing thither both the new King and the old, and extorting the resignation of both. The passions by which each was devoured were to be the means of their common ruin. The plan, however, required dexterous handling. General Savary, afterwards Duke of Rovigo, was selected for the purpose; a devoted servant of Napoleon, equally clever and unscrupulous in laying such a plot as resolute in its execution, who had already served his master but too well in the murder of D'Enghien. Savary arrived in Madrid, April 7th, and immediately paid his respects to the abdicated King and Queen. On the following day he had an interview with Ferdinand himself, in presence of the Canon Escoiquiz, the Duke de l'lnfantado, and Don Pedro Cevallos, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Savary’s conduct was calculated to inspire Ferdinand with the belief that Napoleon would recognize his royal title. He succeeded in persuading the young Prince and the majority of his counselors that he should proceed to meet the Emperor, who, it was represented, must have crossed the frontier, and would probably be found between Burgos and Vittoria.

Ferdinand set off with a small suite, including Escoiquiz, the Dukes de l'Infantado and San Carlos, Don Pedro Cevallos, Counts Altamira and de Labrador, and a few other grandees. Savary had also obtained permission to accompany him. The travelers arrived at Burgos, April 12th, but found no letter from Napoleon, no news of his approach. Savary then persuaded the party to proceed to Vittoria, which was full of French troops. It was now resolved that Ferdinand, instead of at once proceeding on his journey, should address a letter to Napoleon from Vittoria, announcing his arrival at that place, and expressing a wish to see the Emperor. Savary offered his services to convey this letter.

Napoleon arrived at Bayonne on the night of April 14th, and found Savary waiting for him. That general was again dispatched towards Ferdinand early in the morning of the 16th with a reply to his letter. Napoleon’s letter to the Prince is a strange mixture of brutality and duplicity. He plainly told him that he had no legitimate claim to the Spanish throne; that in fact he was not the son of Charles IV but of Godoy. Still, if the abdication of Charles was a voluntary act, he held out hopes that he would recognize Ferdinand’s accession, and expressed a wish to converse with him on the subject. He continued also to talk of the marriage with one of his nieces. Yet he had already offered the throne of Spain to his brother Louis. Ferdinand hesitated to proceed on his journey, but his reluctance was again overcome by the representations of Savary, backed by the advice of the inexperienced and simple-minded Canon Escoiquiz. The people of Vittoria, more sagacious than their rulers, endeavored to prevent Ferdinand’s departure, and cut the traces of his mules. But he rushed blindly on to his fate.

Napoleon could not suppress his astonishment on hearing that Ferdinand had actually arrived at Bayonne. He treated the royal guest at his chateau of Marac with great apparent distinction and cordiality. After a banquet on April 21st, he retained the Canon Escoiquiz when the other guests were departed; and had with him a celebrated conversation. Napoleon now entirely cast off the veil, told the Canon that the House of Bourbon must vacate the Spanish throne, directed him to propose to Ferdinand an abdication to be compensated by the Kingdom of Etruria and the hand of his niece, and said that he would attain his end, even if it should cost him 200,000 men. It is computed to have cost him ultimately 300,000! The Canon fought stoutly for his master, but without avail. The same Savary, who only a few days before had filled Ferdinand with the hopes of his recognition, scrupled not to inform him that the Bourbons had ceased to reign in Spain. Of all Ferdinand’s counsellors, Cevallos alone had courage enough to protest with dignity and vehemence against the perfidy that had been employed. He was overheard by Napoleon, who burst into the room and loaded him with abuse. Escoiquiz pressed his Sovereign to accept the offers made to him; but Ferdinand refused to give up any of his rights. He now expressed a wish to depart, but soon discovered that he was no longer at liberty.

Meanwhile Napoleon had caused Murat to declare to the Supreme Junta, April 16th, that he recognized no other King than Charles IV, whose abdication had been extorted by force. A few days after Charles notified that he had again taken possession of the crown; and it was arranged that he and the Queen should proceed to Bayonne and settle their differences with their son under the mediation of the Emperor. To make the scene complete, the Prince of the Peace, who, at the threats of Murat, had been released from the castle of Villaviciosa, where he had been confined to await his trial, also arrived at Bayonne under an escort. Napoleon himself could not refrain from expressing his contempt at the mutual recriminations which ensued among this degraded family. While they were disputing one another’s claims to govern, the Spanish people rose. The attitude of the Grand Duke of Berg, and especially his liberation of Godoy, had excited an indescribable indignation at Madrid and other cities, which was increased by the news of Ferdinand's arrival at Bayonne. A summons from Charles IV for his daughter, the ex-queen of Etruria, his youngest son Don Francisco de Paula, and his brother, the Infant Don Antonio, also to repair thither added fresh materials for dissatisfaction. Charles’s second son, Don Carlos, had accompanied Ferdinand. The people rose to prevent the departure of the Princes. Murat dispersed them with musket-bullets and grape-shot, May 2nd. The populace of Madrid killed all the French they could lay hands on, even the sick in the hospitals. Thus was inaugurated that deadly struggle which was to last several years.

Treaty of Bayonne, 1808

Napoleon made use of this insurrection to extort from the Spanish Sovereigns a renunciation of the crown. He charged Ferdinand with being the author of it; the parents of that Prince shared, or affected to share, the convictions of the Emperor. With the bitterest reproaches, Charles demanded from his son an unconditional abdication. Napoleon closed the scene by declaring that the bloodshed at Madrid had put an end to his irresolution, that he would never recognize as King of Spain a man who had ordered the massacre of his soldiers. The insurrection at Madrid of May 2nd, appears to have been a spontaneous ebullition, caused by the departure of the Princes. Ferdinand had indeed given a written authority, May 5th, for a rising against the French, to two deputies of the Supreme Junta, who had contrived to make their way in disguise to Bayonne; but this of course was totally unconnected with the insurrection in question. Ferdinand, for whom there was no escape, who had lost all, even the kingdom of Etruria, delivered his written abdication, May 6th. Charles IV, without waiting for it, had concluded with Napoleon the evening before the famous Treaty of Bayonne. For the chateau of Chambord, of which he could not take possession, and a pension of seven and a half million francs, which was never paid, he exchanged the monarchy of Spain and the Indies. Charles stipulated only two conditions: that the territorial integrity of Spain should be preserved, and that the Roman Catholic religion should be the only one tolerated in the kingdom (Art. 2). A few days before sign­ing this act, Charles had appointed the Grand Duke of Berg his Lieutenant-general for the government of Spain. Ferdinand having confirmed and adhered to the cession of his father by an act signed May 10th, the Emperor made over to him the domain and palace of Navarre, and engaged to pay him and his descendants out of the French revenues an annual pension of 400,000 francs. By a treaty with Joseph Bonaparte, these and other pensions, as well as the value of the estates granted, were, however, to be drawn from the Spanish revenues. The Infants Don Antonio and Don Carlos adhered to these renunciations. To render them complete on the part of the Spanish Bourbons two signatures were still wanting: that of Ferdinand IV, King of the Two Sicilies, and brother of Charles IV, and that of Don Pedro, son of Gabriel, younger brother of those two Sovereigns. But a still more solemn sanction was also wanting—that of the Spanish nation; which, thus abandoned by its Sovereigns, rose against foreign intervention. A little after the signature of the Treaty, Charles IV, his Queen, the Queen of Etruria and the Prince of the Peace, were conducted to Compiegne, which had been assigned to them for a residence; but, the climate not agreeing with the old King, he subsequently took up his abode at Marseilles. Here he was entirely neglected by the French Government, and compelled to sell his diamonds to procure the necessaries of life. Ferdinand and Don Carlos, instead of obtaining the castle of Navarre, were transferred to the chateau of Valençai as the place of their imprisonment.

Joseph Bonaparte, King of Spain

Murat was disappointed of the Crown of Spain, on which he had fixed his hopes. It had been refused with surprise and indignation by Napoleon’s brother Louis. Joseph Bonaparte, however, consented to abandon his more tranquil throne of Naples for the dangers which surrounded that of Spain. Napoleon, who had nominated him to it, June 6th, was desirous of procuring at least the apparent consent of the Spanish nation. The Council of Castile, the chief political body of Spain, when informed of the Treaties of Bayonne, was at last induced to give a cold and reluctant assent to the accession of Joseph. Its example was followed by the Supreme Junta and the municipality of Madrid. There was, indeed, no alternative but war. Ferdinand displayed on the occasion his soul in its true colours. He not only wrote to Napoleon to express his satisfaction at the elevation of Joseph, he even addressed a letter of congratulation to the man who had usurped his crown. A Junta of 150 Spanish notables, which had been summoned to Bayonne, accepted a constitution proposed by Napoleon, July 7th, and a day or two after Joseph left Bayonne for Madrid. He had signed on the 5th a treaty with his brother Napoleon, by which he renounced the Crown of Naples, made, as King of Spain, a perpetual offensive alliance with France, fixed the number of troops and ships to be provided by each nation, and agreed to the establishment of a commercial system. By an Act called Constitutional Statute, July 15th, the vacant throne of Naples was bestowed upon Joachim Murat.

Ferdinand had found means to dispatch from Bayonne a proclamation addressed to the Asturians, dated May 8th, in which he called upon them to assert their independence and never to submit to the perfidious enemy who had deprived him of his rights. This letter naturally made a great impression; nor was its effect diminished by another proclamation which Ferdinand and his brothers were compelled to sign at Bordeaux, May 12th, calling upon the Spaniards not to oppose “the beneficent views” of Napoleon. At this last address, evidently extorted from a prisoner, the people everywhere flew to arms, except where prevented by the presence of the French troops. The city of Valencia renounced its obedience to the Government of Madrid, May 23rd; Seville followed its example, and on the 27th, Joseph Palafox organized at Saragossa the insurrection of Aragon. As these insurrections were accompanied with massacres, principally of persons who held high civil or military posts under Charles IV, the better classes, to put an end to these scenes, established central Juntas in the principal towns. That of Seville, rejecting the authority of the capital, as being in the hands of the enemy, assumed the exercise of an independent power in the name of Ferdinand VII. On the 29th of May it published a proclamation, calling on the people to defend their country, their King, their laws, and property; and on the 6th of June it declared war upon Napoleon in the name of Ferdinand VII. Addresses of the same kind were published in various other places.

A popular historian has attributed the causes of the calamities which overwhelmed Spain entirely to the imbecility, the corruption, and the despotism of the Government, and the superstition and bigotry of the people, which “sapped the foundation of military and civil virtue, and prepared the way for invasion”. These can hardly be the true causes. The Lutheranism and learning of the Germans, the Calvinism and Republican principles of the Dutch and Swiss, previously two of the freest nations of Europe, did not save them from being subjugated by the invader; nay, we think it may be more correctly asserted that the adoption of the French revolutionary doctrines by great numbers in those countries was much more favorable to an invasion than the disgust with which those doctrines were rejected by the Spaniards. The true cause of the calamities which overtook Spain was the boundless ambition of Napoleon. And how can it be true that the Spaniards were destitute of all civil and military virtue? And did not the Spaniards organize a national resist­ance against Napoleon? The Spaniards had at least preserved a national character and a love for their country, which in many other nations had been nearly destroyed by the new French philosophy. The Spaniards, no doubt, committed many faults in the war of liberation. They were, perhaps, proud, boastful, cruel when provoked, inconstant, inamenable to discipline; but let it be remembered, to their honor, that they were the first Continental nation that rose against the tyrant, and initiated a movement by which he was at last overthrown.

Spain, when she declared war, had scarcely an army. It is true that, including the provincial militias, she had on foot about 100,000 men; but of these 15,000 were in Denmark, 35,000 in Portugal, and for the most part under the command of Junot; 30,000 were absorbed by the garrisons of the fortresses of Africa, the Balearic Isles, the Canaries, and the interior. Half of the remaining 20,000 were in Galicia, and became the nucleus of the insurrectionary army of the North; the other 10,000, destined for the siege of Gibraltar, were in the camp of St. Roque, and laid the foundation of the army of Andalusia. But the indignation and enthusiasm of the Spaniards permitted them not to count the disparity of numbers. On the other hand, they were aware that it was impossible for a French army, however numerous, to occupy all the fortresses and ports of their extensive country; whose surface, too, as well as climate, present formidable difficulties to an invader. Above all, they reckoned on the method of conducting the war. They proposed not to meet the enemy in pitched battles in the open field, but to harass, wear out, and overcome him by guerilla warfare. The supreme Junta issued instructions for conducting this mode of warfare. Andalusia was better fitted for organizing the revolt, or rather the patriotic rising, than any other province of Spain. Its population formed one-fifth of the whole nation, it possessed the sole cannon-foundry in the Kingdom, it comprised half the disposable Spanish army, and it could receive assistance from the English both by means of Gibraltar, and of Collingwood's fleet, which was cruising on the coast.

One of the first feats of arms of the Spaniards was to compel the surrender of five French ships of the line and a frigate, which had remained in the port of Cadiz ever since the battle of Trafalgar (June 14th). Marshal Moncey was repulsed towards the end of June in an advance upon Valencia, and compelled to retreat upon Madrid with a loss of one-third of his men. In the north-west the Spaniards were less fortu­nate. Cuesta, with a corps of 25,000 men, was defeated by Marshal Bessières, July 14tli, at Medina del Rio Seco. The consequence of this victory was the temporary submission of Leon, Palencia, Valladolid, Zamora, and Salamanca to the French. But this misfortune was more than counterbalanced by the victory of General Castanos over the French in Andalusia a few days after. Generals Dupont and Vedel had advanced into that province as far as Cordova, but they were defeated by Castanos with the army of Andalusia at Baylen, July 20th. On this occasion,—the commencement of the French reverses in Spain,—18,000 French soldiers laid down their arms. Joseph Bonaparte found it prudent to leave Madrid August 1st, which he had only entered on the day of the battle, and fly to Burgos. This important victory not only inspired the Spaniards with confidence, but roused the hopes of Central Europe. On the day after the battle Castanos issued a proclamation which does him great honor. He invoked the Spaniards to show humanity towards the French prisoners of war, and threatened to shoot those who should maltreat them. Such, however, was the exasperation of the people against their invaders, that numbers of the French were massacred on their route to Cadiz for embarkation, and the remainder were treated with inhumanity. These cruelties had, however, been provoked by the atrocities of the French at the capture and sack of Cordova.

The campaign in Aragon was still more glorious for the Spaniards. Palafox, whether or not he was the poltroon described by Napier, had at all events the merit of organizing, out of almost nothing, the means by which the French were repulsed in several desperate assaults upon Saragossa, and at length compelled to retreat after a siege of some weeks (August 14th). The patriot cause was soon after strengthened by the arrival at Corunna of General La Romana, with 7,000 of his men from Denmark (September 20th). Keats, the English Admiral in the Baltic, had informed him of the rising of his countrymen, and provided him the means to transport his troops from Nyborg. The English Government, soon after the breaking out of the insurrection, proclaimed a peace with the Spanish nation (July 4th, 1808), and prepared to assist them in their heroic struggle. The example of Spain had also encouraged the Portuguese to throw off the insufferable yoke of the French. A Junta was established at Oporto, June 6th, and an insurrection was organized in all parts of the Kingdom where the French forces were not predominant. Sir Arthur Wellesley, with about 10,000 British troops, landed at Mondego Bay, July 31st, and being joined by General Spencer from Cadiz, with 5,000 men, advanced upon Lisbon. Laborde, who attempted to oppose them at Roliça with a much smaller force but in a very strong position, was compelled to retreat after a warm action, and the march was resumed. Junot now advanced with his whole disposable force from Lisbon, about 14,000 men with 26 guns. The British were stronger by 2,000, without including the Portuguese regiments, but were far inferior in cavalry and artillery. Sir Harry Burrard, who had now arrived, took the chief command of the British, and thwarted all the plans of Sir A. Wellesley. The hostile armies met before the town of Vimeira, August 21st, when Junot was completely defeated, with the loss of 2,000 men, 400 prisoners, and 13 guns. But the fruits of the victory were in a great measure lost by the refusal of Sir Harry Burrard to pursue the enemy. A day or two after Sir Harry was in turn superseded by the arrival of Sir Hew Dalrymple from Gibraltar. It was now determined to advance against Junot, who had occupied the strong position of Torres Vedras. But the French general proposed an armistice; and by the Convention of Cintra, August 30th, he was allowed to evacuate Portugal with all his forces, which were to be transported to France by the English, and allowed to serve wherever they might be required. Before their departure, the French, from the General-in-chief down to the private, were compelled to disgorge an enormous amount of plunder which they were preparing to carry off. The Convention of Cintra was followed by the surrender of Admiral Siniavin and the Russian squadron in the Tagus to Admiral Sir Charles Cotton. The Convention of Cintra was received with such disapprobation in England that the three generals were re­called and arraigned before a court of inquiry. During their absence in England, the command of the British forces in Portugal was bestowed on Sir John Moore, who had arrived from the Baltic with his division.

The Congress of Erfurt, 1808

The risings in Spain and Portugal required for their suppression large reinforcements to be drawn from Napoleon’s veteran troops in Germany. But as this movement might expose him to a rising of the Germans, and especially of the Austrians, he resolved to guard against that danger by drawing closer his alliance with the Emperor of Russia. Alexander accepted an invitation to meet the Emperor of the French at Erfurt, at which place the two Sovereigns arrived, September 27th. The Congress, which lasted nearly three weeks, was conducted with the greatest splendor, and at the same time with marks of the most entire friendship and confidence between the two Emperors. It was attended by the Kings of Bavaria, Saxony, Wurtemberg, and Westphalia, by Alexander’s brother, the Grand Duke Constantine, Prince William of Prussia, the Grand Duke of Baden, the Duke of Saxe-Weimar, and most of the principal Sovereigns of Germany. The palaces occupied by Alexander and Napoleon were furnished in the most splendid and luxurious manner at the expense of France. Napoleon entertained every day at dinner the principal Sovereigns, and in the evening French plays were performed by the most celebrated actors of the Parisian theatres. The entertainments were diversified by a visit to Weimar, where Napoleon made the acquaintance of Wieland, Goethe, and other celebrated German authors. The political objects of the Conference were arranged by a secret convention, signed October 12th. The most important articles were, that Alexander consented to Joseph Bonaparte’s elevation to the throne of Spain, as well as to the changes which had been made in Italy, and promised to make common cause with France in case of a declaration of war by Austria. In return for these concessions, Napoleon engaged not to oppose the annexation of Moldavia, Wallachia, and Finland to the Russian Empire. The two Monarchs are said to have agreed to constitute themselves, at some future time, the one, Emperor of the West, the other, Emperor of the East, and that the Elbe should form the limit of their respective dominions. The partition of Turkey was discussed, but Napoleon represented this enterprise as at present inopportune. Alexander obtained for the King of Prussia a reduction of 20,000,000 francs from the sum payable by that Sovereign, and the evacuation by the French troops of the Prussian dominions.

Alexander and Napoleon, shortly before they quitted Erfurt, addressed a joint note to King George III, expressing a desire for peace (October 12th, 1808). This was followed up by notes from Count Roumantsov and Champagny, the Russian and French Foreign Ministers, to Canning, proposing the uti possidetis as a base of negotiations, and offering to confer with the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain in any Continental town. The English Government insisted that the Spanish nation, represented by its Junta, acting in the name of Ferdinand VII, should be a party to the negotiations; but Count Roumantsov rejected this admission of what he called the “Spanish insurgents”, announced that his master had recognized Joseph Bonaparte as King of Spain, and would not separate his interests from those of his ally, Napoleon. The French Minister also replied in an insolent note, in which he compared the admission of the Spaniards to a congress with that of the insurgent Catholics of Ireland, as if Spain had irrevocably become a subordinate part of the French Empire. A peace on the terms proposed was, of course, inadmissible. Canning, in his reply to Champagny, expressed His Majesty’s firm determination not to abandon the cause of the Spanish nation, nor to acquiesce in a usurpation unparalleled in the history of the world. The English Cabinet was supported in this resolution by the hope that Austria would before long declare against Napoleon.

Meanwhile in Spain, a Supreme Central Junta, under the presidency of Count Florida Blanca, had been organized at Aranjuez, towards the end of September. It was formed of two deputies from each provincial Junta, and it was hoped that by this means the insurrection would be conducted with more concert and rigor. Unfortunately, however, it had the contrary effect. The provincial Juntas entrusted to their deputies only a very limited and subordinate authority, who were thus prevented from acting with the vigor and decision required by the conjuncture. The armed force was now divided into three corps. The first of these, called the “Army of the North”, was commanded by Blake, having under his orders the Marquis de la Romana. The Junta gave out that this corps consisted of 55,000 men, when it is probable that it did not count more than 17,000 regular troops. This method of exaggeration, which was systematically adopted by the Junta, had the effect of sometimes leading their English allies into great difficulties and dangers. In like manner, the Army of the Centre under Castanos was rated at 65,000 men, and that of Aragon, under Joseph Palafox, at 20,000. The French army, reduced to about 50,000 men, had now fixed its head-quarters at Vittoria. Its right was commanded by Gouvion St. Cyr, the centre by Marshal Moncey, the left by Marshals Ney, Bessières, and Lefebvre. The French, however, were rapidly reinforced by the troops withdrawn from Prussia, and by auxiliary corps forwarded by King Jerome and other dependent German Sovereigns; so that before the end of the year they numbered 180,000 men. Napoleon placed himself at the head of his armies early in November. A succession of victories, achieved by his generals under his direction, opened to him the road to the Spanish capital. On the 7th of November, Lefebvre defeated Blake and La Romana at Guenez. On the 10th, Soult gained a victory over the Comte de Belvedere and a division of the army of Blake at Gamonal, while on the same and following day, Blake and La Romana were defeated by Victor at Espinosa. On the 15th, Napoleon’s headquarters were at Burgos. On the 23rd, Lannes and Victor defeated Castanos at Tudela, and on the 30th, Napo­leon in person overthrew the reserve of the Spaniards, under Count San Juan, in the defiles of the Somosierra. On the 2nd of December, the fourth anniversary of his coronation, the French Emperor appeared under the walls of Madrid, and took up his abode at Chamartin, belonging to the Duke de l'Infantado. The inhabitants of the capital seemed at first disposed to resist, but thought better of it, and Madrid was entered by the French troops on the morning of December 4th.

On the same day that he took possession of the Spanish capital Napoleon issued decrees abolishing the Inquisition, reducing by two-thirds the number of convents in Spain, enabling monks to become secular ecclesiastics, suppressing all feudal rights and personal service, abolishing the existing provincial barriers, and transferring all custom-houses to the frontiers of the kingdom.

Meanwhile the English were marching into the heart of Spain. Sir David Baird having arrived at Corunna, October 13th, with 15,000 men, Sir John Moore, at the head of the English troops in Portugal, advanced by Salamanca to form a junction with him, which was effected at Mayorga, December 20th. The total number of the British in the Peninsula was now 35,000; but some regiments had been left behind, others detached, and, deducting the sick, the total of effective men under Sir John Moore was only between 23,000 and 24,000, with 60 guns. Moore had been lured to advance by false accounts of the position of things, of the resources and enthusiasm of the Spaniards. It was still more calculated to deceive him that most of the accounts of this nature came from Mr. Frere, the British Minister at Madrid. Moore was advancing with his small army to certain destruction against Napoleon with eight times his force. At the news of his advance, the French Emperor left Madrid, and marched against him at the head of his choicest troops. Moore had now no alternative but to commence his famous retreat. The manoeuvres of Soult had cut him off from the road to Portugal, and the march was, therefore, directed into Galicia. Napoleon, having learnt on the road to Astorga of the events that were preparing in Germany, and also of a conspiracy in Paris, immediately set off for France, leaving the command of the pursuing army to Soult. That commander pressed upon and harassed the British; but he ventured not to accept the battle which Moore offered him at Lugo. The British, after suffering great hardships, arrived at Corunna, January 14th, 1809. Here they were detained two or three days by the want of vessels, and meanwhile Soult came up. An action was fought before that town, January 16th, in which the French were entirely defeated; but this victory was dearly purchased with the life of the gallant Sir John Moore, who was mortally wounded with a cannon-ball. Sir David Baird had also been disabled. The transports had now arrived from Vigo, and the British army was safely embarked. Corunna, which was defended a few days by the Spaniards, surrendered January 19th. Soult then applied himself to the reduction of Galicia.

Moore’s expedition was undertaken, without proper information, by order of the English Ministry; but so far as the general himself was concerned, it was conducted with the greatest skill and bravery. Nor, though it failed, was it altogether useless. The march of the French into the south of Spain was arrested, and their army was fatigued to such an extent that for several months they were unable to undertake anything of importance. In the very midst of this misfortune, a treaty was concluded between Great Britain and the Supreme Junta, January 14th, 1809, by which the former Power engaged to assist the Spanish nation with all its forces, and to recognize no other King of Spain than Ferdinand VII.

Napoleon’s departure from the Peninsula had been caused mainly by the military preparations of Austria. The Peace of Pressburg had been so humiliating to that Power as to render it certain that she would seize the first favorable opportunity to appeal again to arms. For this appeal she had long been silently preparing. She had endeavored, under the administration of Count Stadion, to place her finances on a better footing, and she had succeeded in reorganizing a formidable military force. The latter task had been entrusted to the Archduke Charles, who in the summer of 1808, succeeded in establishing the Landivehr, or militia, in the Austrian Dominions. The German provinces alone furnished 300,000 men to the Landwehr, besides a reserve of 60,000. At the same time the troops of the line were carried to 400,000 men, divided into nine corps, each under its general-in-chief. The Hungarians, animated by a friendly spirit, had voted in 1808 an increase of 80,000 troops, and offered besides, in case of need, a permanent insurrection of 80,000 more, of which 30,000 were to be cavalry. In case of reverses, Komorn in Hungary was selected as a place d'armes.

As nothing could be more adverse to Napoleon’s Spanish projects than a war with Austria, he attempted to avert it by proposing a triple agreement between France, Russia and Austria, which should give to Austria the guarantee of Russia against the enterprises of France, and that of France against the attempts of Russia. But this proposition was not accepted. At Valladolid, on his way from Madrid, Napoleon wrote to the Sovereigns of the Rhenish League to complete and mobilize their contingents. Towards the end of February, 1809, the French troops were in motion. Austria at the same time was pressing on her armaments. On the 27th of March the Austrian Minister delivered to the French Government a declaration, in which were enumerated all the insults and injuries Austria had suffered at the hands of France since the Peace of Pressburg. This was followed soon after by a formal manifesto, and by an admirable order of the day addressed to the army by the Archduke Charles, the Generalissimo (April 6th). Addresses were also published by the Emperor and the Archduke to the Austrians, and to the German nation in general, which were answered by counter-proclamations from the Kings of Bavaria, Würtemberg and Saxony, and other Sovereigns of the Confederation of the Rhine.

Six of the nine divisions of the Austrian army, comprising upwards of 200,000 men, had been assembled in Bohemia under the Archduke Charles, with the intention of attacking the French in Germany, and driving them over the Rhine before they could receive assistance from France. But, with the usual Austrian slowness, the opportunity was lost. Two divisions only, under Bellegarde and Kolowrat, entered the Upper Palatinate and marched upon Ratisbon. The main force proceeded into Austria in order to enter Bavaria by the accustomed route along the Danube. The seventh Austrian division of 36,000 men, under the Archduke Ferdinand d'Este, was to enter Poland. The eighth and ninth, commanded in chief by the Archduke John, were destined for the invasion of Italy. The French had in Germany Davoust's corps at Ratisbon, that of Massena at Ulm, that of Oudinot at Augsburg, three Bavarian divisions at Munich, Landshut and Straubing, under Marshal Lefebvre, the Würtemberg division at Heidenheim commanded by Vandamme, and the Grand Army, whose headquarters were at Strassburg: the whole comprising 212,000 men, exclusive of the Saxons under Bernadotte, and 12,000 Poles under Prince Poniatowski. The French army in Italy consisted of Macdonald’s, Grenier’s, and Baraguay d'Hilliers’ divisions, 70,000 men, under the command-in-chief of the Viceroy Eugene.

It was hoped that when hostilities commenced, the Germans would rise against their French oppressors; but this expectation was realized only in the Tyrol. Some Tyrolese went secretly to Vienna, to pledge themselves to that effect; and no sooner had the war begun, April 10th, than the insurrection broke out. Beacons were lighted on the mountain tops; meal, blood, or saw-dust cast upon the streams, carried into every valley the signal for arming. On the road between Brixen and Innsbruck the French columns were surprised; more than 8,000 of their men were either killed or made prisoners. A fight took place in Innsbruck; the Bavarians who garrisoned it were driven out, their commander killed. At Wiltau, an entire French brigade was compelled to surrender. All this was the work of four days. The leaders of the Tyrolese were Andrew Hofer, an innkeeper in the Passeyerthal, Spechbacher, Haspinger, a Capuchin monk, Eisenstecken, and Ennemoser. When the Marquis von Chasteler entered the Tyrol with a small Austrian corps, the country was already liberated; Kufstein alone remained in possession of the Bavarians. The insurrection also spread to the Vorarlberg.

The main body of the Austrian army crossed the Inn and invaded Bavaria, April 10th, 1809. On the 16th they forced the passage of the Isar and entered Munich. The King of Bavaria fled at their approach. Napoleon, on the other hand, by April 18th, had carried his headquarters to Ingolstadt. On the following day a fierce but indecisive combat took place at Tann; the French, however, succeeded in forming a junc­tion with the Bavarians. On the 20th, Napoleon defeated the Archduke Louis at Abensberg, and separated him from the army of the Generalissimo. But on the same day the Arch­duke Charles took Ratisbon, which made him master of the Danube, and put him in communication with the corps of Bellegarde, advancing from Bohemia. The Archduke then marched down the right bank of the river, and took up a position at Eckmuhl. Napoleon, who had pursued the Arch­duke Louis, and again defeated him at Landshut, now turned against the Generalissimo and defeated him in a decisive battle at Eckmuhl, April 22nd. The Austrians having re­treated into Ratisbon, which was entered by the French the following day, a battle ensued, during which a great part of the town was burnt. The Archduke Charles now retreated through the Upper Palatinate, while Napoleon, instead of pursuing him, directed his forces against Vienna. General Hitler with an Austrian corps was attacked and defeated at Ebelsberg near Linz, May 3rd, by the divisions of Bessières and Oudinot. During the battle the town took fire, and many of the combatants perished in the flames. On May 10th, Marshal Lannes appeared before Vienna. The Arch­duke Maximilian, brother of the Empress, after a vain attempt to defend it, passed the Danube with 4,000 men on the night of the 11th, and next day Vienna capitulated. Napoleon now for the second time took up his residence at Schonbrunn, Hence he issued an order dissolving the Landwehr, and granting a pardon to all who should return to their homes within a fortnight. He also published a procla­mation addressed to the Hungarians, May 15th, in which he called upon them to renounce their allegiance to the House of Austria, promised them freedom and independence, and ex­horted them to choose a king of their own. But the Hungarians were at that time well affected towards the Imperial family, and this proclamation had no effect.

War in the Tyrol and Poland

In the Tyrol and Poland subsidiary operations were carried on. The sudden success of the Tyrolese was but of short duration. Marshal Lefèbvre compelled them to relinquish the siege of Kufstein, defeated the Austrians at Morgel, May 13th, took Schwaz by assault, 15th, and on the 19th occupied Innsbruck. The Tyrolese, yielding to superior force, feigned submission, and sent deputies to Munich to solicit a pardon. But no sooner had the French and Austrians withdrawn, leaving behind only Deroy’s division, than the Tyrolese again flew to arms, attacked Deroy, and compelled him to retreat to Kufstein. Chasteler also again entered Tyrol to reinforce an Austrian corps which had entrenched itself on the Brenner. But these successes were again interrupted by the armistice of Znaym, July 11th. On the side of Poland, the Archduke Ferdinand, marching from Galicia, occupied Warsaw, April 22nd, and penetrated as far as Thorn. The Austrians had brought 100 guns, in the hope of inducing the King of Prussia to join them; but without effect. Prince Schwarzenberg had been sent on a special mission to St. Petersburg to conciliate the Emperor, who, it was hoped, even if he did not actually assist them, would at all events remain neutral. But Alexander adhered, though somewhat lukewarmly, to his French alliance, and placed a division at Napoleon's disposal, which, with some Polish troops, were directed upon Galicia. The Russo-Polish army drove the Austrians from Leopol and Sandomierz, and took possession of Galicia, where the French eagles were planted by Prince Poniatowski. Ferdinand retired into Hungary, and at length the armistice of July 11th, between the main armies, put an end also to the war in this quarter. In Franconia, the efforts of the Austrians to excite a rising of the population proved only partially suc­cessful; and they were compelled to evacuate that district on the approach of Junot’s division.

Campaign in Italy

In Italy, hostilities had begun at the same time as in Germany. The Archduke John defeated the Viceroy Eugene at in Sacile, April 16th, who then retired to Caldiero on the Adige. But the arrival of a French division from Tuscany, and the news received from Germany, decided the Archduke to commence his retreat by the end of April. It was hastened by a decisive battle on the Piave, May 8th, in which the Austrians were defeated by Eugene. The latter general passed the Isonzo, May 14th, and seized Gortz and Laybach. Here he was joined by Marmont, the commander of the French in Dalmatia; who, leaving only between 4,000 and 5,000 men behind, forced with the remainder the passage of the Fiume, and effected a junction with the army of Italy. The Archduke John retired into Hungary, where he joined the Arch­duke Palatine, commanding the Hungarian troops, June 13th. But Eugene, profiting by the discordant views of those com­manders, gained a signal victory over them near Raab, June 14th. Raab capitulated on the 22nd, and Davoust bombarded Pressburg on the 26th. The Archduke Charles had retired to Komorn, and Eugene proceeded to form a junction with the army of Napoleon. "We now return to the operations of the main armies.

The Archduke Charles after his defeat at Eckmuhl had pursued his march down the left bank of the Danube towards Vienna, and had taken up a position to the north of that capital on the plain called the Marchfeld; a spot rendered famous in ancient times by the defeat and death of Ottocar, King of Bohemia (August, 1278), and the triumph of Rudolph of Habsburg, the founder of the House of Austria. On this plain the fate of Austria was again to be decided. The Archduke had been joined by Hiller with his corps, who had contrived to pass the Danube at Krems. The Austrian army after this junction numbered about 75,000 men. At the Marchfeld the Danube separates into three branches, of which the two northernmost form the large and well wooded island of Lobau. Of this isle the French had taken posses­sion, in order to throw a bridge over the river between the villages of Aspern and Essling. This operation, which was not interrupted by the Austrians, was completed on the night of May 20th, and on the 21st and 22nd Napoleon engaged the Austrians. These battles, which are called the battles of Aspern and Essling, or when spoken of jointly the battle of the Marchfeld, were fought with great obstinacy and fury, but without any very decided advantage on either side. On the whole, however, the Austrians were superior; as Napoleon was compelled to abandon the field, and withdraw his troops into the isle of Lobau. It was the first repulse which he had experienced in Germany. The loss on both sides was enormous. The Austrians acknowledge to have had 24,000 men killed and wounded. The loss of the French was no doubt a great deal more; yet Napoleon stated it at only 1,100 killed and 3,000 wounded! Among the killed were Marshal Lannes, and three general officers. Napoleon crossed over to the right bank of the Danube, leaving Massena to secure the retreat. The Austrians, aided by a rising of the river, suc­ceeded in destroying the two bridges which connected the isle of Lobau with the right bank and Vienna, and the French were thus left more than two days without provisions. But on the 25th they reestablished the bridges, and on the following day Eugene, with the army of Italy, passed over the Semmering, and formed a junction with them.

The Archduke Charles continued to maintain a position on the left bank 0f the Danube extending from Krems to Pressburg. The two armies lay for some weeks inactive. Besides Macdonald, with part of the army of Italy, Napoleon had also been joined by Bernadotte with the Saxons, and by Marmont’s corps; which raised his forces to an equality with those of the Archduke. On July 1st he established his head­quarters in the isle of Lobau, which had been strongly fortified. On the 4th he battered down the village of Enzersdorf, and established a bridge over the Danube at that point. On the 5th and 6th was fought the battle of Wagram. Never in any battle upon land had so formidable an artillery been employed. The Austrians had 500 guns, many of large calibre. The French were inferior in this arm, having only about 400. The first day was indecisive; on the second the Austrians were defeated. The Archduke Charles, mistaking the French plans, had too much weakened his center; and his left wing was deprived of the support which he had expected from the Archduke John, who did not come up from Hungary till two hours after the battle. On both these points the Austrians were turned, but they commenced an orderly retreat by way of Guntersdorf towards Bohemia. The defeat of their left wing had cut them off from Hungary. Their rear guard was defeated at Hollabrunn by Massena, July 10th. On the following day Napoleon in person appeared before Znaym, where the Archduke Charles had established his headquarters. A severe action ensued, in the course of which Prince Liechtenstein obtained from Napoleon an armistice. In the battles between the 5th and 11th, both armies had suffered terribly. The Austrians had lost 23,000 men killed and 7,000 prisoners; the loss of the French was probably about the same.

By the armistice of Znaym, more than a third part of the Austrian dominions remained in the occupation of the French, with a population of about eight and a half million souls. On these was levied a contribution of more than 196,000,000 francs; and as the Poles of Galicia, comprising a population of about four millions were exempted, this enormous sum was exacted from about four and a half million persons!

The conferences for a peace lasted three months. The Austrian Government purposely interposed delays, wishing to await the result of an English expedition against the coasts of Holland. Napoleon, on the other hand, alarmed at the state of the Peninsula, as anxiously pressed their termination, and threatened, if the negotiations remained without effect, to adopt the most rigorous measures against the House of Austria, and especially to separate the three crowns. The Treaty op Vienna was at length signed, October 14th, 1809.4 By this treaty the Emperor Francis engaged to make various cessions to the Confederation of the Rhine, to Napoleon, to the King of Saxony, to the same Sovereign as Duke of Warsaw, and to the Emperor of Russia. The districts ceded to the Rhenish Confederation comprised Salzburg, Berchtesgaden, and part of Upper Austria, viz., the quarter of the Inn and half of the Hausrück.

The cessions made directly to Napoleon were the county of Görtz, or Goricia, and that of Montefalcone, forming the Austrian Friuli; the town and Government of Trieste, Carniola, the Circle of Villach in Carinthia, part of Croatia and Dalmatia, and the lordships of Rhazuns in the Grison territory. All these provinces, with the exception of Rhazuns, were incorporated by a decree of Napoleon, with Dalmatia and its islands, into a single State with the name of the Illyrian Provinces. They were never united with France, but always governed by Napoleon as an independent State. A few dis­tricts before possessed by Napoleon were also incorporated with them; as Venetian Istria and Dalmatia with the Bocca di Cattaro, Ragusa, and part of the Tyrol.

The cessions made to the King of Saxony, as such, consisted of only a few Bohemian villages; but, as Duke of Warsaw, there were transferred to him all Western or New Galicia, with the Circle of Zamosc in Eastern Galicia, including the town of Cracow.

The cessions in favour of Russia comprised a district of Eastern or Old Galicia, but exclusive of the town of Brody, the only place which gave it any importance.

The only other articles of the treaty of much importance are the recognition by Austria of any changes made, or to be made, in Spain, Portugal, and Italy; the adherence of the Emperor to the Continental System adopted by France and Russia, and his engaging to cease all correspondence and relationship with Great Britain. By a Decree made at Ratisbon, April 24th, 1809, Napoleon had suppressed the Teutonic Order in all the States belonging to the Rhenish Confederation, reannexed its possessions to the domains of the Prince in which they were situated, and incorporated Mergentheim, with the rights, domains, and revenues attached to the Grand Mastership of the Order, with the Kingdom of Würtemberg. These dispositions were confirmed by the Treaty of Vienna.

The effect aimed at by the Treaty of Vienna was to surround Austria with powerful States, and thus to paralyze all her military efforts. On the south, by the cession in Carinthia, she lost the defiles which communicate with Italy and Tyrol, and the means of defence afforded by a natural frontier. On the west, by the loss of Salzburg and part of Austria, she was deprived of an excellent line of operation formed by the Inn in combination with the mountains of Bohemia, behind which she could manoeuvre in perfect safety. It was only on the north and the east, in which quarters she was not so much ex­posed to attack, that she preserved her natural boundaries. These cessions involved a loss of three and a half million subjects. The Emperor of Russia, on the other hand, was very ill satisfied with the small portion of the spoils assigned to him, and the augmentation awarded to the Duchy of War­saw. Hence the first occasion of coldness between him and Napoleon, whom he suspected of a design to reestablish the Kingdom of Poland.

After the armistice of Znaym, Tyrol and the Vorarlberg were evacuated by the Austrian troops; but the Tyrolese, led by Hofer, still continued the struggle. The Bavarians marched against them; forced the important position of Scharnitz, October 25th, and on the 13th of November effected their junction with Eugene Beauharnais, who had entered Tyrol by Villach. Hofer now announced his submission, and directed the Tyrolese to separate. But the Bavarian General d'Erlm having proclaimed that every Tyrolese found with arms in his hand should be shot, and that every village where soldiers had been maltreated should be burnt, Hofer declared that he had been deceived, and again called his countrymen to arms. But resistance now proved useless. The executions ordered by the French generals spread terror among the Tyrolese, and King Maximilian Joseph having offered a pardon, they a second time submitted. Hofer now concealed himself in a log hut in the mountains; but being either betrayed or discovered,was carried to Mantua, tried before a court-martial, and shot (February 20th, 1810).

 

 

CHAPTER LXVI.

THE PENINSULA WAR AND THE MOSCOW EXPEDITION