THE CHAKHARS.

 

WHEN the Mongols were driven out of China by the Ming Emperors, they were forced apparently to abandon not only China proper, but also all the frontier districts that lie between the Great Wall and the desert of Shamo. No part of that country, now so characteristically Mongol, viz.: the country of the Forty-nine Banners, where the Chakhars, Sunides, Barins, &c., have their camping ground, was apparently left in their possession. They were relegated back once more to the rivers Kerulon, Orkhon,… and to the vast territory now occupied by the Khalkas, their court being held probably in the neighbourhood of the modern Urga. On the south and south-east they were roughly bounded by a frontier line, apparently occupied by a row of palisades, which traverses the southern part of the Shamo desert, and is named in the Jesuits’ maps “the Carou or Limits.” As the Ming policy became more distinctly a policy of non-intervention with the frontier tribes, and as the Ming authority grew weaker, the Mongols began to drift back into the fertile country south of the desert, and as I have already mentioned, they had already settled largely as far south as the Ordus country in the latter part of the fifteenth century. They settled apparently in distinct tribes, whose names were new, although their organisation was probably very ancient. We fail to find many of the tribal names that were used in the days of Genghis. Many of them were doubtless local names, and when a tribe moved from its habitat it acquired a fresh name from its new quarters. I have described the various revolutions which caused the disintegration of the Mongol community, and the revival of a central authority among them under Dayan Khan. It must be remembered that this authority was bounded by the limits of the Mongol country proper, and did not extend over the Kalmuks. When Dayan Khan’s patrimony was divided among his sons, the central tribes fell to the eldest. They were now to be known as the Chakhar Tumen, and included, besides the Chakhars proper, certain others to which I shall refer presently, and which were more immediately dependent upon the Khakan or Over Khan. At present we will consider the Chakhars proper, who were the special patrimony of the later Khakans.

Chakhar, as Hyacinthe says, is not an ethnic name, but the name of a district which stretches along the north side of the Great Wall, from the Shandu Gol to the borders of the Tumeds. This district was called Tsaghan or Chagan in the days of the Ming dynasty. Of this name, Tsakhar or Chakhar seems to be the Mongol form. Klaproth says it means adjacent. It was apparently some time after a settlement had been made in the Ordus country that the Khakan finally settled there. The first to do so having been Bodi Khan, the Buchi of Timkowski, who was the successor of Dayan Khan, and thenceforward his subjects were known as Chakhars. I have related their history in the former chapter down to their submission to China. It would seem that they afterwards rebelled, for we are told that in 1675 Burni (their chief), with his brothers, having revolted, they were all put. to death. They afterwards greatly assisted the Manchu Emperor in his campaign against Galdan.

The country of the Chakhars is bounded on the east by the tribe Keshikten, on the west by the Tumeds of Koku Khoto, on the south by the Imperial studs and the province of Shansi, and on the north by the Sunids and the Durban Keukeds. It is 1,000 li in length. Hyacinthe says it is properly divided into two parts, of which the western portion forms the pasture ground of the Manchu Imperial herds, while the eastern is occupied by the tribe itself. With the exception of some high mountains on its western and eastern frontiers, the country of the Chakhars consists mainly of small valleys, separated by hills. There is little or no wood, but plenty of capital meadow land and pasture.

The Chakhars, like the rest of the Mongols who submitted to the Manchus, were divided into military sections called Kochuns or banners, consisting each of a certain number of Nurus or Companies. The number of companies in a banner is not the same, but every company ought to consist of 150 families.

These banners are divided into three main bodies. First, the Forty-nine Banners, including all the Mongols settled to the south-east of the desert, except the Chakhars. Secondly, the Eighty-six Banners of the Khalkas, which include three Uirat banners; and lastly, the Eight Banners of the Chakhars. These last are treated apart, probably on account of the importance of their ruling family. They, in fact, formed one of the eight banners into which the Manchu conquerors of China were divided, and are classed among the Manchu troops. They are under the immediate jurisdiction of the Gusai Amban or Inspector-General, who lives at Kalgan. Kalgan derives its name from Kalga, which means gate or pass in Mongol. It is an important frontier town, built in 1429, and restored in the middle of the sixteenth century. Its Chinese name is Chang kia keou. The Gusai Amban superintends the subsidy paid to the Chakhars. An Ukherida or Divisional Commander gets 120 lan or ounces of silver annually; a Dzalan or Colonel, 115; a Sumun dzanghin or Commander of a Squadron, 100; a Kavan or Kundui, and a Juannida (Lieutenant and Cornet), each 60 lan; lastly, a Boshko or First Sergeant, 24 lan. Everybody is paid, even the youths, who receive one lan per month. At Kalgan there is a special school for the Chakhars, while the Chinese keep a garrison at Koku khoto (Kuei hua ching in Chinese), to overawe the once very turbulent head tribes of the Mongols. Timkowski says that it was only among the Chakhars that he saw the tents divided into Ulus, i.e., several tents standing together, the other Mongols living dispersed on account of the scarcity of pasture, except some of the superior officers, who with their families and suite, occupied about fifteen or twenty tents. The Chakhars breed many oxen, which they either sell in China, or employ in carrying nankeen and Imperial tea from Kalgan to Urga, and even to Kiakhta. The Emperor has large cattle farms of sheep, horses, and oxen in the Chakhar country, whose pastures are excellent, and covered with the grass called vostrets by the Russians. Grosier describes the number of cattle kept in these royal farms as enormous, and he adds, that the herds of the princes amounted to 190,000 sheep, divided into 225 flocks, and to an equal number of oxen, divided into herds of 100 each; the number of stallions being not smaller.

The mountain Nogon-niru (green mountain), separating the Chakhars and Sunids, is held in great veneration by the former. They never venture to pronounce its true name. According to Hyacinthe, the Chakhars are governed by a Chantshun (Chantsun is derived from the Chinese words chan chun, and means divisional leader commander-in-chief), and two Moir-changins. The Eight Banners of the Chakhars are distinguished as the plain yellow, red, white, and blue, and the bordered yellow, red, white, and blue banners. The following details about these banners I abstract from the account of Mongolia appended to Timskowski’s travels.

1. The encampment of the plain yellow banner is at Mount Musun teké ola, above 320 li north-east of Kalgan. Its territory is 110 li from east to west, and 280 from north to south. It is bounded on the east by the Chakhars of the bordered yellow banner, on the west by those of the red banner, on the south by the right wing of the studs of Thai phao, and on the north by the mountains of Khara unaghan. The distance to Peking by way of Kalgan is 730 li.

The most considerable mountains are the Musun teké, Erghinak, Urkhu tologoi, Kholbodzin, Khingan, and Uliassutai, which is very high, Khara kitat, and Shara kitat.

The river Dziuk, or Taokha, rises in a plain, 60 li to the south-east of the encampment of this banner, flows to the south, receives the Ugu gol, farther on the Mongutsi, a small river coming from the west, and the Surcha, which comes from the north-east. It enters the Chinese frontier near the fort of Sin phing pu, passes near fort Chai kheou pu, and there takes the name of Yang ho. It was formerly called Yu yan chui.

2. The bordered yellow banner encamps at the rocks of Sumin khada, and above 340 li from Kalgan. Its territory is 160 li from east to west, and 190 from north to south. To the east it joins the Chakhars of the blue banner, to the west the yellow banner, to the north the Sunids, and to the south the studs of the bordered yellow banner. It is 750 li to Peking by way of Kalgan.

The principal mountains are Khanertu, Dodo, Boro Khun, Ulan Khun, Agalak, Kheibot temin (it was near this last that Li wen chung, general of the Ming, defeated the army of the Yuen), Gudju gunatai, Bukutu, or Bulur. There are no rivers, but several springs, one of which is salt. It is called in Mongol Dabastu bulak, 120 li to the north­east, towards the frontiers of the Sunids of the left wing.

3. The camp of the Chakhars of the red banner is to the west of the yellow, near Mount Gurban tologoi, 370 li north-west of Kalgan.

The territory of this banner is 55 li from east to west, and 280 from north to south. On the east it has the Chakhars of the yellow banner, on the west the bordered red banner, on the north the Durban keuked, and on the south the right wing of the studs of Thai pu.

4. The bordered red banner encamps at the spring Burin bulak, 420 li north-west of Kalgan. Its territory is bounded on the east by the Chakhars of the red banner, on the west by those of the bordered blue banner, on the south by the district of Ta thung in the province of Shan si, and on the north by the Durban Keuked.

The following banners of the Chakhars are encamped in the country to the north of the gate Tu chi kheou.

5. The camp of the white banner is at Burgatai, 290 li north-west of Tu chi kheou. The territory of this banner is 78 li from east to west, and 295 from north to south. On the east and north it joins the Chakhars of the bordered white banner, and to the west and south those of the bordered yellow banner. It is 820 li to Peking, passing by Tu chi kheou.

6. The bordered white banner is near to Buya akhai sumté, 245 leagues north of Tu chi kheou. Its territory is 56 li from east to west, and 97 from north to south. On the east and south it joins the pasturages of the studs of Thai phao, on the west the white banner, on the north the blue banner. It is 770 li to the capital by Tu chi kheou.

7. The Chakhars of the blue banner dwell near lake Jakhassutai, 360 li north-east of Tu chi kheou. Their territory is 265 li from east to west, and 95 from north to south. On the east it adjoins the Kechikten, on the west the bordered white banner, on the south the Imperial studs, on the north the left wing of the Abagha. Passing by Tu chi kheou, it is 890 li to Peking.

8. The bordered blue banner is at mount Abakhan khara, 90 li to the north-east of the banner of Sha hu kheou. Its territory is 150 li from east to west, and 160 from north to south; to the east it is bounded by the Chakhars of the blue banner; on the west, by the Tumeds of Koku khoto; on the south, by the Great Wall which bounds the district of Ta thung; and on the north, by the Durban keuked. It is 1,000 li to Peking by way of Sha hu kheou.

The country occupied by these Chakhars is in general mountainous; it is watered by several small rivers and springs, has good pasturage, and is even susceptible of tillage.

There was formerly in the territory of this banner a salt lake, into which the river Vu shui emptied itself. This lake was 30 li in length from east to west, and 20 in breadth from north to south. At present neither lake nor river are to be seen.

In various places in the territory of the eight banners of the Chakhars, there are still vestiges of ancient Chinese towns, such as Ven yang, Liang tcheou, and Thsan ho.

 

THE FORTY-NINE BANNERS.

 

The Forty-nine Banners comprise, as I have said, the various Mongol tribes north and east of the desert, who submitted to the Manchus in the first half of the seventeenth century. The banners are themselves organised as brigades or corps; of these, there are six in the inner division, or that of the Forty-nine Banners.

1. The corps Cherim, consisting of ten banners, and of the tribes Khortshin, Jelaid, Durbed, and Khorlos.

2. The corps Dsossutu, comprising five banners, and the tribes Kharatshin and Turned.

3. The corps Dso Uda (the hundred willow trees); comprising eleven banners, and the tribes Bagharin, Naiman, Aokhan, Ongnighod, Aru Khortshin, Dsarod, Keshikten, and the tribe of Eastern Khalkas, which has crossed the desert, and belongs to the inner division.

4. The corps Silinghol, consisting of ten banners, and the tribes Wesumutshin, Sunid, Abagha, Abaghanar, and Khotshid.

5. The corps Ulaghan Jab, consisting of six banners, and the tribes Durben Kenked, Urad, Mominggan, and the tribe of Western Khalkas, belonging to the inner division.

6. The corps Yeke Ju, comprising seven banners, and the tribes of the Ordus, and the Tumeds of Koku Khoto

This division into brigades is a purely Chinese administrative division, and is not coincident with the relations of the various tribes to one another. In describing these tribes in detail, I shall follow another plan. First, describe certain tribes which were closely bound up with the Chakhars, and formed a part of the larger division of Chakhars, called the Chakhar Tumen; then others which I hypothetically identify with the tribes of the Uriangkhan Tumen; then the three Baraghon Tumens, and conclude the chapter with the Khortshins and their allies.

As I have already stated, the Mongols in their later history were divided into six principal sections, called Tumens, and the whole nation is referred to sometimes by Ssanang Setzen under the collective title of “the Jirgughan Tumens,” or the six Tumens; literally, the “six ten thousands.” These six Tumens formed two divisions, the right and left. Of the right Tumens, two still survive in considerable vigour, namely, those of the Chakhars and of the Khalkas. The third, namely, that of the Uriangkhans, no longer subsists. I have described how this Tumen was rebellious in the latter days of Dayan Khan, and how its clans were dispersed among the other five Tumens. The Uriang­khans bore a very old name, and one as famous as it was old. Subutai, the great general of Genghis Khan, belonged to the tribe, and we are told by Raschid, that after the burial of Genghis, one thousand men of the tribe Uriangit were appointed guardians of his resting-place. As Schmidt says, the Uriangkhans are doubtless the tribe referred to by De Mailla under the name Ouolanhan. He tells us they lived north of the camping ground of the “little prince,” to whom they had been formerly subject. He mentions this under the year 1522. The various clans that formed the Uriangkhan Tumen were, as I have said, dispersed, and I have no means of knowing what names they bore. It is very probable that some of the following tribes, which afterwards became attached to the Chakhars, … may have belonged to it.

 

THE KHOTSHIDS OR KHAGOTSHITS.

 

The name of this tribe means old. It formed a section of the Chakhar Tumen. According to Ssanang Setzen it was assigned as the portion of Ara Bolod, the youngest of the seven Bolods. He probably died young and childless, for he is not named in a second list of Dayan Khan’s sons, given on page 1974 and we presently find the tribe in other hands.

It is mentioned as in the hands of Kudang Khan, the son of Bodi Khan, by the author, translated by Schmidt.We next hear of it as being governed by Kudang’s grandson Delekei, sumamed Erdeni Khungtaidshi. He had five sons, named Kitad Saghan Dugureng Tushiyetu, Baibung Tushiyetu, Tsereng Ilden Tushiyetu, Kitad Kundulen Erdeni Setzen Tsokor, and Mookhai Mergen. When Lingdan Khan tried to subdue them, the Khotshids fled to the north of the Gobi, among the Khalkas. In 1633, one of their Taidshis named Erintshin, with a portion of the tribe, abandoned the Khalkas and submitted to the Manchus, by whom they were well received and rewarded with presents. In 1634, when the Manchus had defeated the Chakhars, Tsereng Ilden Tushiyetu, in alliance with the chiefs of the Wesumutshin, sent a letter of submission to the Manchus, accompanied by presents. The next year Baibung Tushiyetu accompanied the Sunid princes when they submitted. In 1636, Bolod, the son of Kitad Kundulen Erdeni Setzen Tsokor, also submitted. Lastly, in 1651, Garina Seweng, the son of Kitad Saghan Dugureng Tushiyetu, went with his people and completed the voluntary subjection of the tribe to the Manchus. Their country is bounded on the east and north by that of the Wesumutshins; on the west by that of the Abaghas; and on the south by that of the Keshiktens. It is 1,815 lis from Peking, and 685 lis north-east of Tu chi kheou. It is 375 lis from north to south, and 170 lis from east to west.

“The right wing is encamped near the well of Tugurik, about 690 lis north-east of Tu chi kheou; from east to west it is 75 lis, and 375 from north to south. The left wing is 685 lis north-east of Tu chi kheou. It is 95 lis from east to west, and 320 from north to south. There are numerous lakes in this country.”

 

THE SUNIDS.

 

The Sunids form a section of the Chakhar Tumen. They are evidently a very old tribe, and appear under this name in Ssanang Setzen’s account of Genghis. Their chief Kiluken having been one of the great Khan’s main supporters, and composed the funereal song that I have quoted in the third chapter.

The Sunids, on the division of Dayan Khan’s empire, fell like the Chakhars to his eldest son Torobolod, and afterwards to Bodi Khan, the son of Toro Bolod. Bodi Khan had three sons, the eldest of whom, Kudang, became Over Khan of the Mongols, while the second, Kukdshitu Mergen Taidshi, was placed over the Sunids. He had four sons, named Buyan Khungtaidshi, whose eldest son Tsorghon became the chief of the western section of the Sunids; Buima Mergen Ildutshi and Buyantai Setzen Buiri Soriktu, whose descendants are unknown; and Burkhai Tsokor, whose son Dabakhai Darkhan Khoskhotshi, became the chief of the Eastern Sunids.

To escape from the tyranny of Lingdan Khan, the Sunids fled beyond the desert and settled among the Khalkas. In 1634, Seosse, the son of Tsorghon, in concert with one of the Khalka chiefs, sent some of the products of his   a present to the Manchu Emperor. In i636,Tenggis, the son of Dabakhai, with some lesser chiefs, sent envoys to the Emperor. They were presented with the objects the Solongas had taken to the Manchu court as presents. In the winter of 1638, Tenggis and Seosse, with their people, left the Khalka country and settled in their present lands. Both were in 1640 raised to the rank of Wang, the former was made chief of the western, and the latter of the eastern wing of the Sunids. In 1646, Tenggis, with several other chiefs, at the instigation of the Khalkas, broke their allegiance and once more went beyond the desert. The Manchu Emperor sent troops in pursuit of them, with whom marched some faithful Mongols. They followed the fugitives to the river Kerulon, and then onwards to the mountain Utek and the river Tula. Their harems were captured. Some of the chiefs were killed. Tenggis and his brother Tangitai escaped. In 1648, they asked permission to submit once more, when they were not only forgiven but also reinstated in their old posts.

Their country, like that of the Chakhars, is only a recent habitat of the Mongols. Under the Han it formed the northern frontier of the principalities of Shang ku and Tai. Under the younger dynasty of Han it was inhabited by tribes of U huan and Sianpi; under the Tsin by the Tho pa; under the Sui and the beginning of that of the Thang, the Thukiu became masters of it. The Khitan or Liao formed in it the district of Fu chau, which was confirmed by the Kin dynasty, who placed it under the jurisdiction of Si kinglu. Under the Mongols it depended on that of Hing ho lu, and it was only under the Ming that the Sunid Mongols settled in it.”

It is bounded on the east by the Abagha tribe, on the west by the Durban keuked, on the south by the Chakhars, and on the north by the great desert, and it is 960 lis distant from Peking.

“The right banner is encamped at Sumin Khada, 550 lis north of Kalgan. Its territory is 246 lis from east to west, and 280 from north to south. The left wing encamps at Orintu chabtai, more than 170 lis north of Kalgan; it is 160 lis from east to west, and 300 from north to south.

“The mountains in the country of the Sunids are the Sumin khada, the Kolbodzin, the Nokhun, the Tsagan botok, the Ukerjiruge ola, the Dzara, the Bayan teke, the Bain tologoi, and the Bairi ola.

“The river Urtu, in Chinese Chang Chui, issues from mount Khorko, runs south-east and crosses the frontier of the Sunids. The Nukeht, in Chinese Thu yuan chui, rises in the country of the Chakhars of the blue banner, crosses mount Bairi ola, and falls into lake Khur.

“ The lakes are the Khur, Kulussutai, Shabartai, and Khara ossu.”

As I have said, the Sunids are divided into two banners. The banner of the Eastern Sunids is divided into four regiments (dzalan), each regiment into five squadrons (somun), and each somun consists of 200 families. The Western Sunids form a banner of two regiments, one of seven squadrons, the other of six.

Timkowski remarks that the Chinese officers behave in a much more arbitrary manner in the country of the Sunids than they do in those of the Khalkas and Chakhars, and that they esteem them less. The reason probably is that they are weaker. Their country is for the greater part barren and poor, a large portion of it consisting of “stony desert,” either quite bare or covered with budurguna. In other parts, which are sandy, there grows a tall green plant called Suhi, which is very dangerous for cattle This frightful track continues for seven stations or 150 versts. Till you reach the Chakhar country, you see nothing but a sea of land and flints.” Timkowski mentions passing a well in a clayey valley, overgrown with high feather grass, and ornamented round the rim with an appropriate border of horses’ skulls. Much of the water there is brackish, and the country is strewn with salt lakes. Timkowski crossed their country twice, and in his travels there is a detailed diary of his doings. He tells us that “among the Sunids there are a great number of taidzi or nobles, who by their poverty and their pride at the greatness of their ancestors, may be compared in some measure with descendants of some illustrious European families. Besides the lands assigned to them, the banners give a taidzi of the first class eighteen labourers; to one of the second class, twelve; of the third, eight; and of the fourth, four. The taidzi of the fifth class belong to an inferior order of nobility, and are ranked with the common Mongols. According to a regulation still in force in China, when the taidzi arrive at Peking, they must present to the Emperor live sheep, which they often hire in the market. When the Emperor condescends to accept them, he gives to each of these taidzi ten liang of silver out of the public treasury (the best sheep is sold for no more than five liang), two measures of rice, and four pieces of nankeen. If the offer is refused, the taidzi obtains only five liang in silver, and one measure of rice. This custom, established when China still feared the Mongols, is daily falling into disuse.”

 

THE WESUMUTSHINS.

 

This tribe comprises two banners, and is ruled by a prince of the first rank, another of the third, and two lesser chiefs. It was subject to the Chakhars, and to their chief Bodi Khan. He had three sons, the eldest Kudang Khan; the second, Kukdshitu Mergen Taidshi, named in the last paragraph; and thirdly, Ongghon Dural, who became the chief of the Wesumutshins. He had five sons, namely, Tsoktu, styled Batur Noyan; Beye, styled Sain Bingtu Noyan; Nayantai, styled Ilden Noyan; Dsanggin, styled Darkhan Noyan; and Dordshi, styled Setzen Jinong. The four first died one after another.

To escape from the harsh hands of Lingdan Khan, Dordshi and Sereng, the son of Tsoktu, fled to the north of the desert, and took shelter with the Khalkas. When in 1634 Lingdan had been overthrown by the Manchu forces, Dordshi, in concert with the Setzen Khan Shului (one of the Khalka chiefs), and with the chiefs of the Sunids, Khaghotshids and Abaghas, sent a letter to the Emperor, in which they offered their submission, and sent some of the products of their country as presents. The next year the Manchu Emperor commanded them to send messengers to him with tribute. Six such messengers were sent, and in the following winter Dordshi and Sereng, with all their followers, migrated from the banks of the Kerulon, and finally submitted to the Manchus. The country of the Wesumutshins extends for 360 li from east to west, and 425 from north to south. It is bounded on the east by the Solons, on the west by the Khaghotshids, on the south by the Barins, and on the north by the desert of Gobi. It is 1,163 li front their principal encampment to Peking.

“The right wing is at mount Bakesur Khatai, 923 li north-east of Ku pe kheou; and the left wing near Kuisun tologai, 1,160 li north-east of the same barrier of the Great Wall. The river Khulugur (in Chinese Thu ho) comes from the country of Keshikten, and bears for 300 li the name of Alatu; it afterwards takes that of Khulungur, runs to the north, and is lost in the sands. The Sharakholoi, 70 li north of the left wing, after a course of above 40 li, is also lost in the sands. Lake Gurban nor, 33 li south-west of the left wing, produces salt.”

 

THE AOKHANS.

 

AOKHAN in Mongol means firstborn. This tribe forms one banner, and is governed by a prince of the second rank and four lesser princes. It was also subject to the Chakhars. Ssanang Setzen tells us that the tribes Aokhan and Naiman were assigned as the portion of Gere Bolod, the son of Dayan Khan, but they must have passed away from him, for in the account of Mongolia translated by Schmidt, both tribes are mentioned as ruled by the family of Torobolod.

Torobolod had two sons, Bodi Khan and Namik, the latter had a son named Boima Tushiyetu, who had two sons, the elder, Daitshing Dureng, was the chief of the Aokhans, and the younger, Essen Waidsang of the Naimans. Daitshing Dureng had two sons named Sonom Dureng and Setzen Soriktu. In 1626, these princes, in conjunction with the chief of the Naimans, abandoned Lingdan Khan and submitted to the Manchus.

“The Aokhans encamp at mount Gurban turga ola, 600 li north-west of Hi fung kheou. Their country is 160 li from east to west, and 280 from north to south. It is bounded on the east by the Naimans, on the west by the Karatshins, on the south by the Tumeds, and on the north by the Oniuds. It is 1,100 li from Peking to their principal encampment.”

 

THE NAIMANS.

 

Naiman means seven in Mongol, and this tribe has nothing to do with the Naimans of the days of Genghis, who were Turks. It forms one banner, ruled by a prince of the second rank. As I said in the last paragraph, the Naimans became the portion of Essen Waidsang, the second son of Boima Tushiyetu, the grandson of Torobolod. He was succeeded by his son Guntsuk, who took the tide of Baghatur Taidshi. Like others in the same difficulty, he abandoned Lingdan Khan when the latter’s conduct became unbearable, and submitted to the Manchus. This was in 1626. “The Naiman banner encamps 700 li north-east of Hi fung kheou; its territory is 95 li from east to west, and 220 from north to south. It is bounded on the east by the left wing of the Khalkas, on the west by Aokhans, on the south by the Tumeds, and on the north by the Oniuds. The distance to Peking is 1,110 li. Among the rivers in this province are the Turgen (in Chinese Thu ho), which comes from mount Tabun tologai, and the Lokha.”

The preceding five tribes of the Khagotshids, Sunids, Wesumutshins, Aokhans, and Naimans, were with the Chakhars assigned as the heritage of Torobolod, the eldest of the seven Bolods, and were therefore probably an integral part of the Chakhar Tumen proper, while some of those that follow may perhaps have formed part of the Uriangkhan Tumen. To explain the relationship of their chiefs, I here add a table of the elder line of the descendants of Dayan Khan.

Sons of Dayan Khan: Torobolod, Ulusbolod, Barsabolod, Arsubolod, Altsubolod, Watshirbolod, Arabalod, Gerebolod, Gereaandaa, Ubahighun, Geretu

Sons of Torobold: Bodi Khan 1544 and Namik

Sons of Bodi: Kudang Khan 1548, Kukdshitu Mergen (chief of the Sunids), Ongghon Dural (chief of the Wesumutshjins)

Sons of Kudan: Sasaaktu Khan 1558, Darai Bagha Darkhan, Daitshing Taidshi

Son of Darai Bagha Darkhan:  Erdeni Khungtaidshi, chief of the  khagotshids

Sons of Sasaaktu: Setzen Khan 1593 , and eleven other sons

Sons of Setzen Khan: Mangchuk Taidshi, Keiber Taidshi, Mahho Kitad Taidshi

Sons of Mangchuk Taidshi: Lingdan Khutuktu Khan 1604 and Sangghardshi Odkhan Taidshi

Sons of Lingdan Khutuktu Khan: Erke Khongkhor Khan 1634 an Abigai

Son of Torobold: Namik; son of Namik: Boima Tuahiyetu; sons of Boima: Daitshing Dureng (chief of the Aokhans) and Essen Waidsang (chief of the Naimans)

 

THE DSARODS OR DZARAGUTS.

 

THE name of this tribe means sixty in Mongol. It is divided into two banners, under two princes of the third rank, and two lesser chiefs. The fifth son of Dayan Khan of the Mongols was Altsubolod, whose son was named Kholshotshi Khassar. He had two sons, Ubashi and Subakhai. Ubashi became the chief of the Dsarod. He bore the title of Waidsang Noyan ; he had two sons named Bayandar Ilden and Dural Noyan. Ilden had five sons, namely, Songtu, Kenggen, Songnun, Khubiltu, and Angkhan. The eldest of these was chieftain of the tribe, and was succeeded by his son Naitshi. Dural Noyan had two sons, namely, Sabun and Mani. In the days of the Manchu Wang-ti Taidsu, and in the year 1614, Naitshi, the chief of the Dsarod, gave his sister in marriage to the Manchu prince Mangoltai. In the spring of 1619, when the Manchus defeated the Ming troops at the mountain Tialing Dabagha, Sabun and his relative Bak went at the head of 10,000 men to the assistance of the Ming troops. They were however beaten and taken prisoners, and the following winter Naitshi, with some other chiefs, sent envoys to offer to submit to the Manchu Emperor, who sent one of his nobles to accept their terms, and sent back the captured Sabun and Bak, with their followers, to their homes. In 1623, Bak revisited the Emperor, and asked him to allow his son Otshirsing, who had been retained as a hostage, to return with him. This had little effect on some of the other princes, and we are told that Songnun and Angkhan plundered the Manchu envoys, as also the presents of clothes, cattle, and horses, which the Khortshins were sending to the court. Troops were sent against them, by whom Angkhan and several of his followers were killed, and the wife and children of Sangtu, son of Songnun, were taken prisoners, but they were released by order of the Emperor. Other chiefs were not cowed by their fate, but continued very turbulent, plundered the Manchu envoy Kushi and caused disturbances, especially on the river Loocha, a feeder of the Shira Muren. Fresh troops were despatched against them m 1626, and many of their chiefs to the number of fourteen were captured. They were set at liberty by order of the Manchu Emperor. When Lingdan Khakan, of the Chakhars, attacked his various neighbours, the Dsarods took refuge with the Khortshins. In 1627, many of them finally took service under the Manchus, and in the struggle with the Chakhars, it is mentioned that one of them named Khabakhai, killed the Chakhar Taidshi Gartu, and captured 700 of his followers, for which he was raised to the rank of Waidsang.

The country of the Dsarod tribe is 125 li from east to west, and 460 from north to south. On the east it borders on that of the Khortshins, on the west on that of the Aru Khortshins, on the south on that of the Eastern Khalkas, and on the north on that of the Wesumutshins. “The left wing is to the north of mount Chichiringkhua Tologoi, 1,100 li to the north-east of Hi fung kheou; the right wing to the south of mount Tur, 1,000 li from the same passage through the Great Walk The Shira Muren flows through the territory of this tribe, and the little rivers called the north and south Kundulun rise in it. There are two lakes, the great and the little Jagasutai. The valley of Khailasutai and the beautiful forest of Atani khara modo (forest of pines in the plain), which is very thick, and extends above 20 li. A temple of Buddha, built in 1673, is 90 li to the north of the left wing.”

 

THE BARINS OR BAGHARINS.

 

The Barins form two banners, under a prince of the second and another of the fourth rank. This tribe is one of the few in Mongolia which survives under the same name as it existed in the days of Genghis. One of the Nirun tribes, as I have stated in the first chapter, having borne this name. Like the Dsarods, the Barins were the portion of Altsubolod, and of his son, Kholshotshi Khassar. The latter, as I said in the previous paragraph, had two sons; Ubashi, who became the chief of the Dsarods; and Subakhai, with the title Darkhan noyan of the Barins. Subakhai was succeeded by his son Bagha Batur, who had three sons, Ebugetei Khun Baghatur, Khotoghor Angkha, and Sadar. They were vassals of the Chakhars. In 1619, Ebugetei, in concert with some of the Khalka chiefs, allied themselves with the Manchus. In the spring of 1626, they broke this alliance and joined the Ming. A large army was sent against them, in which expedition the Taidshi Nangnuk was killed. In the winter following, the Manchus commenced their campaign against the Dsarods, and in consequence divided their army into two sections. One section marched to the Dsarod frontier, and created terror there by the ravage it committed. Lingdan now commenced to plunder the lands of the Barins. Many of their princes in consequence fled to the Khortshins. In 1629, Sabtan, the son of Sadar; Sereng, the son of Ebugetei; and Mandshushiri, the son of Khotoghor, with their followers, left the Khortshins and submitted to the Manchus.

The limits of the two banners of the Barins are not determined. The encampment of the right wing is near mount Tobun Ola, 720 li north-east of Ku pe kheou. The left wing about the hill Atshatu tologai, further to the north-east. The territory of the whole tribe is 251 li from east to west, and 253 li from north to south. It is bounded on the east by the Aru Khortshins, on the west by the Keshiktens, on the south by the Oniuts, and on the north by the Wesumutshins.

The country of Barin is famous in Chinese history. Mount Bardan was the birthplace of Puthu, one of the ancestors of the dynasty of Lian. He is buried in these parts. 200 li to the south-east of Khing chau, the Kara muren issues from the chain of the Koirkhan mountains, runs to the south-west, then to the south-east, joins the Burgultai ussu, and falls into the Shira muren.

“The ancient city of Ling huan ching or Changking, formerly the residence of the Emperors of the Lian dynasty, was probably on the right bank of the Chono ussu, opposite the little town of Boro khoto, now in ruins”

 

THE KESHIKTENS.

 

The Keshiktcns form one banner, under the command of a Taidshi of the first rank. In Ssanang Setzen they are mentioned in conjunction with a tribe Kemtshigod, which no longer exists as a separate Mongol section. This latter tribe is mentioned as early as 1453, when Dakhatai of the Kemtshigod is mentioned as one of the persons who escorted the boy Molon Taidshi, on his way to Molikhai Ong. The Keshiktens are first mentioned by the same author, in his account of Dayan Khan’s campaign against the Baraghon Tumens.

On the division of the Mongols among Dayan Khan’s sons, the Keshiktens fell to Wadshirbolod. His grandson was called Sharalta, and took the title of Mergen Noyan. His son Dharma had three sons, named Sonom, Bebun, and Dulei. They were vassals of the Chakhars. In 1633, Sonom, with his subjects, submitted to the Manchus.

“They encamp about mount Ghirabas Khoda, 570 li north-east of Ku pe kheou. Their country is about 334 li from east to west, and 357 from north to south. It is bounded on the east by the Oniuds, on the west by the Chakhars of the blue banner, on the south by the Oniuds, and on the north by the Wesumutshins. Their country is 810 li distant from Peking. Its chief river is the Shira muren, one of those which form the Liau-chui; it rises in mount Borgo Korkun. After running to the north-east, it joins several other small rivers, and flows by the north frontier of the country of the Barins. Further to the east it enters that country, passes through the south part of Aru Khortshin, and then to the north of the Oniuds. Turning to the north-east it receives the Lokha; from the south-west flows through the south of Dsarod and the north of the Khalkas, turns to the south-east, flows through the south part of the right wing of the Kharatshins, joins further to the south the Liau-chin, enters China, and empties itself into the gulf Liau-tung. This country contains a great many lakes, and 190 li to the north there are warm springs, which give rise to the Khailasutai. There is also a large forest called Darkan modo, 30 li to the south-west of the encampment of the princes of this tribe.”

 

THE BARAGHON TUMENS.

I. THE ORDUS.

As I have said before, the Mongols were formerly divided into six sections called Tumens, and these were distributed into two divisions or wings, the Segon gar or the right wing, and the Baraghon gar or left wing. Schmidt makes the right wing correspond to the eastern section, and the left wing to the western, but in this he is clearly mistaken. As Koeppen says in his history of Lamaism, the terms right and left are to be understood not in regard to Mongolia, but to the sacred land of Thibet, and we know as a fact that the Baraghon gar was situated to the west of the Segon gar.

While the Segon gar was governed immediately by the Khan, the other wing was ruled by an officer appointed by him, called the Jinong, which answers to our title of Viceroy. The position was generally filled by a brother or second son of the Khakan, and was in some respects parallel to that of the Dauphin in French history. Schmidt derives the name from the Chinese title Tsinwang. The office is probably as old as the days of the Hiong Nu.t It is first mentioned by Ssanang Setzen in 1439, when we are tol4 Taissong mounted the throne as Khan, and appointed his brother Akbardshi as Jinong.

On the death of Taissong Khan, his brother Akbardshi succeeded him, and Setzen describes the visit of a deputation from the Uirads, who went to him to ask him to appoint their chief, Essen, to the dignity of Jinong, which he accordingly did. When Essen usurped the throne, the title of Jinong seems to have fallen into abeyance.

Ssanang Setzen mentions Alak Ching sang of the Baraghon gar, and Timur Ching sang of the Segon gar, as having authority during his reign, and I have written as if these were divisions analogous to the Baraghon and Segon Tumens, but the fact is, Ching sang was a title given to the chief ministers of State during the Mongol dominion in China, and we are expressly told that there were two Ching sangs, one minister of the right and the other of the left, and it is no doubt their functions that were filled by Alak and Timur just named.

Soon after Mandaghol became Khan, which was in 1463, he changed the name of his grandnephew, the youthful Bayan Mongke to Bolkho Jinong. He doubtless had authority over the Baraghon Tumens, and we are expressly told he was murdered in 1470, by three conspirators of the tribe Jungshiyabo, which formed one of the Tumens of that section.

Dayan Khan, the son of Bayan Mongke, mounted the throne in 1470. Soon after his accession three chieftains of the Baraghon Tumen, namely, Baintsokhor Darkhan of the Ordus, Jirgughatui Mergen of the Jung­shiyabo, and Togholan Agholkho of the Tumeds, went to him, and having declared their devotion to him and his wife, begged that he would raise one of his sons to the dignity of Jinong. This he agreed to do, and accordingly named his second son Ulusbolod to the post, and he was duly installed in the presence of the gods.t I have described how this appointment was displeasing to some of the chiefs, especially to Ibiri Taishi of the Jungshiyabo, and Mandulai Agholkho of the Ordus; how they incited a plot against the young prince’s life, and had him assassinated, and also how Dayan punished the offenders. Ulusbolod left no children, and to reward his third son Barsabolod for his bravery in his war of vengeance against the Baraghon Tumens, he appointed him on the conclusion of that war to the office of Jinong. He was entitled Sain Alak. On the division of Dayan Khan’s empire among his sons, Barsabolod retained his position as overchief of the Baraghon Tumens., two of his brothers, namely Arsubolod and Ubassandsa, each having a Tumen, the former that of the Tumeds and the latter of the Jungshiyabo, but they seem to have been early displaced, and the Baraghon Tumens remained finally in the hands of the descendants of Barsabolod. Barsabolod was appointed Jinong in 1512, and died in 153i. The office, which had been previously administrative, was now made hereditary, and Barsabolod was succeeded as Jinong by his eldest son Gun Bilik Mergen, who is called Kisiang by De Mailla, and Dzenung by Timkowski, besides his overlordship of the three Eastern Tumens. Gun Bilik was also immediate chief of the Ordus. Barsabolod’s second son was the well-known Altan Khan, and he ruled over the twelve Tumeds, Labuk Taishi over the Ugushin of the Turned Tumen, Bayas Khal over the Kharatshin of the Jungshiyabo, Bayandara over the Tsaghan Tartar of the Chakhars, while Bodidara, as I shall show presently, violently possessed himself of the control of the Jungshiyabo and Assod.

As I have said, Barsabolod was the immediate ruler over the Ordus Tumen, and to its history we shall now limit ourselves, remembering always that its chief was overlord also of the other two Tumens.

The felt tent in which a Mongol lives is called a Yurt. A collection of several yurts is known as an Ordu or camp, the camp of the chief being distinguished as the Sir Ordu, that is to say, the golden camp. Kara­korum was known pre-eminently as Ordu balik or the city of the Ordu. It would seem that the Ordu of Genghis Khan, probably his stationary camp in the winter, became a centre of sacred interest to the Mongols. It is referred to frequently in the pages of Ssanang Setzen as the “eight white houses” of Genghis Khan, or of “the Lord.” It was there that the several Khans who succeeded had their authority confirmed. With the burial place of the Khans, this spot divided a supreme interest to the Mongols. As in the case of the latter, so in that of the former, a body of Mongols had the special duty of its protection. We are told by Ssanang Setzen that the Ordus had this special duty, and Schmidt conjectures, and I think most reasonably, that it was from this office that the tribe received its name.

The name first appears in the reign of Dayan Khan, when the chief of the Ordus was one of the deputation to ask him to name one of his sons as Jinong of the Baraghon Tumens, and it was doubtless during his reign that the Ordus, like the Chakhars and the Forty-nine Banners in general, left the country north of the desert and settled in their present quarters. Previously they had probably lived about “the Ordus,” whence they took their name, the ancient home of Genghis Khan.

De Mailla, writing under the year 1528, says Kisiang and Yenta, the sons of Hochu, i.e., Gun Bilik and Altan, the sons of Barsabolod, had made themselves formidable, and were almost independent of “the Little Prince,” although they acknowledged his supremacy. Kisiang had chosen for his dwelling-place the country of Hotao (or of the Ordus), which is surrounded on three sides by the Hoangho, and had planted his camp in its midst. This invasion was no doubt made in the reign of their father Barsabolod, who did not die till 1531, and we find it stated in the narrative translated by Schmidt, already often quoted, that it was Barsabolod who first took his abode in the land of Gholun toli, and became Jinong of the Ordus. Schmidt suggests that the name of this place should be written Gholun tori, which would in Mongol mean “the river bounded,” a very appropriate designation of the country of the Ordus, which is bounded by the great elbow of the Yellow River. Barsabolod is made, as I have said, to die in 1531 by Ssanang Setzen, but this date is probably too late, for we read in De Mailla’s narrative that in 1530 his eldest son and successor Kisiang, Gun Bilik, in alliance with Altan Khan made a raid upon China.

The two brothers passed the Hoangho and ravaged the country of Ning-hia; recrossing the river, they overran that of Suen hoa fu. In 1531 De Mailla relates how Altan Khakan ravaged the borders of Shen si and Shan si, committing great devastation. This must be the same expedition dated in 1532 by Ssanang Setzen, who relates that in that year Gun Bilik, the Jinong, in conjunction with Altan, marched with the three Baraghon Tumeds against China. They encountered the Chinese army in the defile called Dsendejé, and a fierce struggle ensued. The sons of the two Mongol leaders distinguished themselves and broke through the Chinese lines three times. After this struggle the Mongols returned home. In 1540 the Jinong, with Altan and another leader named Kilo entered China at the head of-twelve hordes, and killed many of the inha­bitants. They were met and defeated, and driven away by the Chinese generals Petsio and Yun chang. The following year they returned and were guided by a Chinese Buddhist, who had some grievance against the Mandarins on the borders, and made an extensive raid into Shan si. In 1542 the Jinong invaded China with one army, while his brother Altan invaded it with another. The former was much given to pleasure and debauchery, and ruined his health. His death is placed in this year by De Mailla. By Ssanang Setzen, who is probably here mistaken, in 1550. The former author tells us that Hoangtaiki, one of his sons, undertook the transport of his body to the home country of the Ordus, and that his several sons divided his clans among them. The eldest of them named Noyandara, who was born in 1522, now became Jinong, with a special authority over the four Khoriyas; Baissanghor, the second, had the Keuked Shibaghotshins and the Urad Tanghuds of the Baraghon gar; Oidarma, the third, had the Dalad Khangkins and the Merged Bakhans of the Baraghon gar; Nom Tami, the fourth, had the Bassod Uishins of the Baraghon gar; Buyangholai, the fifth, the Betekin Khalighotshins of the Baraghon gar; Bandsara, the sixth, the Rhotshid Genes of the Segon gar; Badma Sambhava, the seventh, had the four clans, Tsaghad, Minghad, Khortshin Khoin, and Ghutshin of the Segon gar; Amudara, the eighth, had the four clans of the Uighurtshins of the Baraghon gar; Uklekan, the ninth, the three clans of the Amakhais of the Baraghon gar.

Among the Mongols, as I have remarked, a chief is immediately succeeded in authority by his eldest living uncle or brother, the succession of his children being postponed. And it was so now; although Noyandara became Jinong, he was a merely titular ruler. The real authority passed to his uncle, the great Altan Khan, of whom I shall have more to say in the account of the Tumeds. Here it will suffice to say that he became de facto ruler of the Baraghon Tumens, and commanded their joint forces in their various campaigns against China. His most able seconder was Khutuktai Setzen Khungtaidshi, the son of Nom Tami and nephew of Noyandara. He fills a notable place in Ssanang Setzen’s narrative, and was especially conspicuous in the reconversion of the Mongols to the Lamaist faith. He seems further to have been an active leader in the Ordus tribe, and to have put his uncle Noyandara somewhat in the shade. In 1562 he marched against the four Uirads, and defeated one of their tribes, the Torgagods (the modern Torguts), on the Ertshis (the Irtysch). As a token of their subjugation he killed a black camel, and planted its skin at the royal hearth, while he took a number of the Torguts and Sinbis with him as prisoners. In 1566 Khutuktai Setzen marched against Thibet, and pitched his camp at the confluence of the three rivers of the Silimji. Thence he sent messengers to the great Borsa Lama, to the Tsansi Lama, and the Darkhan Lima, also to Ussungdur Sanjin and Altan Sanjin with the message, “If you submit to us we will adopt your religion, but if you will not submit we will treat you as enemies.” These threats put the Thibetans in great fear. In a few days the Lamas above named went to the Mongol camp. Setzen asked one of them if there was not among his kinsmen a certain Mergen Sanggasba with the name of Wadshra Tonmi. They replied they knew no such man. He said, “He is now entering the house, collect your people and bring him here and no harm shall happen to you.” He then left them. The following morning as Wadshra Tonmi Sanggasba tended his herd there appeared suddenly a man riding on a panther from whose beard and eyebrows fire sparkled; he followed him to the entrance of his house where he disappeared. Wadshra Tonmi told this to several people, among others to his uncle the Darkhan Lama, who replied, “The Setzen Noyan we saw yesterday seems to be no ordinary man. It was this Prince who appeared to you thus transformed. As it is impossible you should hide yourself from him, so it is necessary that you should go with us to him.” Upon this he took him to the Mongol camp when he at once recognised Setzen as the man he had seen riding on a panther in the morning. He thus addressed him, as if he had long known him, “Ah, Sanggasba, why have you trusted yourself here? Unless you can convert yourself into a white garudi you must without hope of escape fall into my power.” Thus, says Ssanang Setzen, did Setzen Khungtaidshi subdue the Thibetians of the three rivers. He took with him on his return home the bLargin Lama, Astok Sain Bandi, and Astok Wadshra Tonmi Sanggasba. He gave the latter the title of On Guntshin and made him his first minister.

In 1572 the two brothers of Setzen Khungtaidshi, named Buyandara Khulatshi Baghatur and Sain Dara Ching Baghatur, marched at the head of an army against Togmak, i.e., the Eastern Kiptchak. On the Shirajnuran they encountered its ruler Aksar Khakan, and captured many prisoners and cattle. Among the former was Chioki, a wife of Aksar Khakan. As they returned home they were in turn attacked by Aksar, who had meanwhile assembled an army of 100,000 men. A fierce battle ensued at the mountain Nitsugun Khassulak. The Mongols at first broke the enemy’s right wing. Khulatshi Baghatur, one of their two chiefs, attacked the centre; his horse was killed under him, and while dismounted he was hit in the knee by an arrow, so that he fell and was over-ridden by his own men. His brother came to his assistance and suffered the same fate. Most of the chief Mongols were dismounted and their army was entirely defeated.

The next year Setzen Khungtaidshi marched to revenge the deaths of his brothers. He encountered the army of Togmak at a place called Essen Daibo. Setzen, we are told, put on his harness made of the hide of the elephant and overlaid with gold, bestrode his horse called Boro Khutsain Sari Aghola Sarbai, and marched at the head of his army against the enemy. Although their chiefs shot out fire from their beards and eyebrows (if this means they used firearms) and sparks came from the hoofs of their horses, yet he severely defeated them, recovered the harness of his dead brother Ching Baghatur, and captured three sultans, sons of Aksar.

As he returned home he heard that Buyan Baghatur Khungtaidshi and his brothers, the sons of his suzereign the Jinong Noyandara, had gone on an expedition against the Uirads. Leaving his baggage at Bars kul (now called Barkul 44 N. lat. and 94 E. Ion.), he hastened to join them. They attacked one body of the Uirats and scattered their tribes. For three months they-pursued them. The other body of the Uirats was governed by a crafty and politic ruler called Esselbei Kia. He lured Baghatur Khungtaidshi into his power and then killed him.

Noyandara Jinong, the overchief of the three Baraghon Tumens and of the two successful princes Altan Khakan and Setzen Khungtaidshi, died in 1574. His eldest son Buyan Baghatur had been killed by Esselbei Kia, as I have related. Bushuktu, the eldest son of Buyan, thereupon succeeded his grandfather as Jinong. His power was probably merely nominal, the real authority being in the hands of his great dependents, Altan Khakan and Setzen Khungtaidshi. We now arrive at a memorable epoch in Mongol history, namely, at their conversion to Lamaism. We have few means of knowing how far this form of Buddhism had spread among them at an earlier day, especially in the golden times of Kublai Khakan, who was such a firm supporter of the Lamas. I believe it was chiefly confined to the courtiers, and to the aristocracy, the bulk of the people retaining the religion which they had followed in the days of Genghis Khan. It would appear that even this had afterwards disappeared. In the times we are approaching, Lamaism became the national religion of the Mongols and widespread among them. In 1576, Setzen Khungtaidshi paid his relative Altan a visit, during which he reminded him of his great successes against China and the Uirats, that he was now growing old, and that wise men declared that religion was necessary for the good of this life and also of the future. That the all powerful and merciful Khongshim Bodhisatwa had appeared in person in the country to the south, and then he went to ask him if it would not be well to make a journey thither, and to restore once more the religion which had been favoured by his great ancestor Khubilai Khan. The successful issue of this visit, and the curious story of the adoption of Lamaism as the religion of the Ordus and Tumeds, I have related further on.

According to Ssanang Setzen, Setzen Khungtaidshi had contributed largely to the conclusion of peace with China in 1571, for which he had been promised the title of Lung Chu Chang Yun, a seal of chas or jade, and the right of using a yellow handwriting. As this promise was neglected, Setzen Khungtaidshi marched against China, plundered the town of Irgai, and thence marched to Temegetu. In this expedition, which I do not find named by De Mailla, he plundered twenty-one Chinese towns and carried off an immense treasure. Altan Khan died in 1583. His title of Chung was apparently conferred on Setzen Khung­taidshi, who De Mailla by mistake makes a son of Altan. He no doubt also succeeded to the real authority among the Ordus. In 1584, Wadshradhara Dalai Lama commenced a tour among some of the Mongol tribes, among whom he was welcomed with great ceremony. The next year he arrived at the camp of Setzen Khungtaidshi, which was at a place called Yeke Shabar. “He rested for three months at the sources of the river Mangruk, leading the secluded life of a hermit, and then openly displayed himself in the form of the Bogda Khayanggiriwa. He bestowed upon Setzen Khungtaidshi his wife Torkhan Sula Setzen Khatun, and all the dispensers of religious alms his beneficent and infinitely precious consecration, as well as much wholesome instruction.” This probably means that the Ordus subject to Setzen Khungtaidshi were then definitely received into the Lama communion. The Dalai Lama now proceeded northwards, and received many princely gifts on his way. When he arrived at the camp of the Jinong Bushuktu Setzen, he pointed out to him a place where a temple should be built. “During his stay at Koke Bor, Bushuktu Jinong, Setzen Khungtaidshi, and Setzen Daitshing received the fourfold consecration of the sublimely perfect Kei Wadshra, and they swore in his presence a treaty, to be mutually peaceful towards one another.” The Lama then passed on to the Tumeds.

Setzen Khungtaidshi died in 1586. When the usual prayer offerings were taken to the Dalai Lama he was much troubled at the news, and said, “He has secured the glory of sanctification as he desired, but you, what good luck you have lost in committing the precious Sharal (Sarira or holy relic), this worthy object of worship to the earth.” The Lama then pronounced his blessing and the prayers to secure for them the happiness they desired, and to secure also that they should see their master once more in his second birth.

Setzen Khungtaidshi was succeeded in his honours by his son Oldshei Ildutshi Darkhan, who is styled Chileké by De Mailla. He was invested with his father’s dignity of prince of Chun y. His prowess in his father’s campaign against Togmak had gained him the title of Baghatur Setzen Khungtaidshi. He died two years afterwards in 1589. Meanwhile we must not forget that the titular overlord of the Ordus all this time was Bushuktu Jinong. In 1592, the latter marched at the head of the Ordus Tumen against China, he plundered and captured much booty in the country of the river Shingshigu and then retired. He was pursued by the Wang Tsunbing, governor of Irgai, and a battle ensued, in which the Ordus under four redoubtable leaders forced a way through the enemy’s rank. In this charge, a son of Oldshei Ildutshi, named Batu Taidshi, greatly distinguished himself. Although only thirteen years old, he captured a prisoner, and got the title of Darkhan Baghatur, which had been held by his father. De Mailla probably refers to this invasion when he tells us that in 1592, the Tartars having caused a disturbance on the Yellow River, Chingio was sent there with the title of Inspector. Tonghiang was then governor of Ninghia. He counselled a rigorous campaign against the robbers, but his opinion was overruled by that of Popai, originally a Tartar, who had by his skill raised himself to high command in the Chinese service. He said that the 3,000 men in his command would amply suffice for the work. The viceroy refused to mount his soldiers, or to supply him with food, &c., and took advantage of some youthful indiscretion to imprison and bastinado his son. Some of the Chinese officers were highly indignant at this conduct. A revolt took place among the troops, during which the viceroy’s palace was burnt, and the town of Ninghia was partially plundered. They put to death several obnoxious mandarins, and seized the forts on the Yellow River. The rebels invited the Tartars of Taoho (? an inversion of Hotao, Ordus) to join them, and to advance with them towards Ling chau. They assented, and went under their chiefs Cholitu and Ta ching, &c., with 3,000 horsemen. They essayed to take the town of Ling chau, but failed, and had to raise the siege. Elsewhere the rebels were generally victorious and beat the Imperial troops, and their successes attracted a much larger number of Taoho Tartars, of whom we are told 50,000 now joined them to share their glory and booty. The Imperial authorities now collected a force of nearly 300,000 men from Shen si, and the fortresses of Kan chau and Su chau, &c. They attacked Ninghia with great rigour and lost a great number of men in its siege. Popai, who was the rebel commander, then sent for aid to Cholitu, the Tartar chief, who thereupon set out with 30,000 men, and ordered Taching to advance with 10,000. The latter was too eager, was met on the way by a Chinese army and defeated. Meanwhile Cholitu continued his advance, but he did not feel himself strong enough to attack the Chinese army, which was very numerous. He captured several forts on the outskirts of their position, and even defeated one of their generals, but the latter was reinforced, and after a fight which lasted until night, finding it impossible to force his way into the town he retired, abandoning to the Chinese a portion of his horses and camels, and Ninghia soon after fell. The Cholitu of De Mailla is probably the Bushuktu Jinong of Ssanang Setzen, who by-the-by does not mention the result of the campaign in 1592. Two years later, he tells us the Jinong again marched against China, by the way of the Alak mountains. They were attacked by Magha Tsunbing, of the town of Temeghetu, and after a partial success were defeated by the Chinese, who turned the Mongol position, captured their city of Khara Khotan, and reached Ulaghan Olong before them.

The Mongols now appointed Batu Darkhan Baghatur, who had gained his title in the previous war and who had not taken part in this fight, their commander. He made a vigorous attack on the enemy, and won some successes and considerable renown, for which he was rewarded with a great title, namely, that of Baghatur Setzen Khungtaidshi, which his father and grandfather had previously held. In 1596, Bushuktu Jinong marched against Thibet and defeated the Shira Uighurs, and made their chief, Guru bSod-r Nam-r Gyal, submit.

In 1602 the Dalai Lama died, and was succeeded by another, whose incarnation is the only one which ever occurred out of Thibet. Schmidt says shrewdly that if this birth was generally arranged and depended on political considerations, that it proves how all powerful the Mongols had become when a Dalai Lama was born among them.

In 1607, Bushuktu Jinong erected a costly statue of Sakiamuni, of the size of a twelve-year-old boy, and made of gold, silver, and precious stones. It was very richly endowed with various offerings, and was completed in 1613, upon which he appealed to the great fosterer of souls, Maidari Khutuktu, at the full moon of the month of the great Riti Khubilghan, to provide a shower of flowers for the day of consecration. This in fact happened, and besides a rain of flowers there were many other lucky miracles. This and many other of the super­natural surroundings of Lamaism are precisely what the modern European Spiritualists claim to produce, a rain of jonquils or violets being one of the very ordinary events at their seances.

“In honour of the festival and of the happy meeting, the Jinong ordered Wadshra Tonmi Gung Guyurshi (Gurus ri), Ching Wa Yeke Guyushi, and the son of Yongdoli Oisang, named Rashi Oisang Taidshi, to rise from their seats, and to greet Maidari Khutuktu with the title Yekede Assaraktshi Nomun Khakan. Arik Tsordshi received the title of Dalai Tsordshi; Gung Guyushi, of Gunting; Dai Wang Guyushi and Engke Guyushi, of Yogatshari Guyushi. At the same time the two latter were raised to the same rank as Tsordshi, with the privilege of sitting on an equal throne. The remaining members of the priesthood were granted titles according to their rank and deserts, and in conclusion Bushuktu took the blessed vow that all his future births should coincide with those of Nomun Khakan.”

The Dalai Lama now invested his patron with the title Altan Kurduni Ergigulukusbi Chakrawartin Setzen Jinong Khakan. Other titles were also conferred on his wives and relations.

Batu Darkhan Baghatur meanwhile apparently died, for we And that in 1615 his son Ssanang Taidshi was invested with the title of his grandfather, Ssanang Setzen Khungtaidshi. This was the great historian of the Eastern Mongols, from whose narrative so much of my later account has been taken. A few years after he was appointed one of his chief officers by Bushuktu Jinong, by whose favour he rapidly rose in rank.

In 1621, Bushuktu Jinong sent sixty envoys to make a treaty of peace with China. These were murdered in the Chinese town Temeghetu. To revenge this wrong he mustered the tribes of the Baraghon Tumens, marched with 100,000 men against China, which was at this time distressed by internal rebels as well as by an attack of the Manchus in Liautung. “They drew near the city of Yangchun and invested it for three days, upon which the commanders of the town sent a letter into their camp, asking them to desist from their attack and promising to arrange the differences with the Sulang Toblang. Bushuktu Jinong thereupon drew off his forces.” This seems to me like a confession that it was found impossible to take the town, and a rhetorical excuse for the failure. We are told that as the Mongols approached the town of Pokhan, they encountered a Chinese army 200,000 strong, under the orders of the Tsunbings, or commanders of the towns of Irghai and Temeghetu. Ssanang Setzen relates an anecdote which goes to show that the Mongols were retreating, when the Chinese seem to have been seized with panic, abandoned their camp and left much booty there, an easy prey to their enemies, who so well practised the Parthian tactics of avoiding encounters with large armies in the open field.

In the following year, namely in 1622, a treaty was made between the Chinese and Bushuktu Jinong, by which the former received 3,000 Sidshirs of silver annually, by monthly instalments of 250 each, besides a lump sum of 6,000 Sidshirs for the murder of the envoys. The various princes, &c., who negotiated the treaty, received at the same time rich presents.

The following year the transcription of the great Lamaist body of divinity, the bKa-gjur (Gandshur) was completed under the supervision of Arik Dalai Tsordshi, and was consecrated amidst strewing of flowers. Bushuktu purposed having the companion work, the bs Tangjur (Dandshur), also transcribed, but he died before it could be accomplished. This was in 1624. His widow, after she had performed the appointed ceremonies for 100 days, erected a sacred pyramid on the spot where her husband had been converted, and close by where he had erected the Ju Erdeni or statue above-named, and spent 1,000 Sidshirs and many costly articles in its decoration; upon which the greater and lesser princes of the Ordus Tumen assembled together and proposed to send an embassy to “the Southern Snow-realm,” to entertain the clergy, to distribute alms, and to receive blessing from the Bogda Erdeni and the allwise Dalai Lama, near the Ju Sakyamuni (iz., the statue of Buddha), and in other memorable places. This proposition was unanimously assented to.

Bushuktu Jinong left four sons, namely, Sereng Erdeni Khungtaidshi, Rintshen Eyetshi Daitshing, Toba Taidshi, and Tsoila Taidshi. Of these the third, namely, Toba Taidshi, begged to be allowed to repay the kindness of his noble father, and to be the bearer of the sacred alms above-named. His mother approved of this, and he accordingly set out the same year.

Bushuktu was succeeded as Jinong by his eldest son Sereng, who was then 36 years old. This was in 1626, but he died six months afterwards. When Toba Taidshi arrived at “the four eternal lands” he prostrated himself in the presence of the Bogda Bantshin Erdeni and the allwise Dalai Lama, visited the Ju Erdeni and the other holy places, and dispensed rich alms everywhere. One day when in the Galdan Monastery he heard from the Bogda Bantshin Erdeni the history of the great reforming Lama Tsongkaba. This is set out at some length by Ssanang Setzen, but I shall reserve it for another volume where I shall relate the later history of Lamaism. Toba received consecration from the Bogda Bantshin Erdeni and received instruction from him in some of the deeper mysteries of the faith.

In 1625 he with the Lamas and laymen who had accompanied him went to the Dalai Lama, who was then nine years old, and received from him initiation under the protection of the all-obstacle-removing six-handed Mahakala. All present were astonished as they heard him speak with so much ease and adroitness about the attributes and principles of the faith, and agreed together that he was in truth a new manifestation of the Khongshim Bodhisatwa. The Mongol pilgrims during their stay assisted at the inauguration of the tomb of the last Dalai Lama named Yondan rGyamtso, which took place at the monastery of Brasbong. On this occasion Toba Taidshi was honoured with the title of Taissong Khungtaidshi. His companions were similarly decorated ; their various new styles are set out by Ssanang Setzen.

When the time for his return home drew near he addressed the Dalai Lama through an interpreter, saying, “The allwise Bogda Wadshradhara Dalai Lama caused the sun of religion to rise in the gloomy land of the Mongols. He was our first benefactor. Afterwards the Dalai Lama Yondan rGyamtso was born in the family of one of our princely houses, and as the conservator of religion was also our benefactor. Would not the present Dalai Lama also have pity on us and condescend to visit the Mongol land?”. The Bogda spoke not, but began to cry. Then spoke sDaba Nangsu to him and said, “Why criest thou, Bogda Lama. Art thou displeased at the praises we have uttered in regard to the two Bogdas thy ancestors, or hast thou a dislike to the long journey from thy fatherland, or dost thou fear that the Mongols might forcibly retain thee ?” As he made no reply to these questions, those present said one to another, “This seems to be some prognostication. It is certainly not a mere accident.”

As they were about to depart they were called together and received from the Allwise, besides various admonitions, also prayers for a happy meeting together again in their future metempsychosis or new birth.

In 1625 Toba Taissong set out on his return home. While on his pilgrimage he did not forget his father’s intention, and he procured a copy of the bsTan aGjur written in silver characters, with which he arrived safely among his people. On his arrival his mother assembled the princes and nobles of the Ordus Tumen, at which Maidari Khutuktu Nomun Khakan was asked to consecrate the sacred volume with a shower of flowers.

I have described how the Jinong Sereng Erdeni died after he had been on the throne for only six months. He was succeeded by his next brother Rintshen Eyetshi Daitshing, who commenced to reign in 1627, and was proclaimed as Khan by the prince historian Ssanang Setzen, who himself records the fact. Whereupon both of them, one as Khakan, the other as Tushimel, received consecration from Maidari Khutuktu.

At this time there was considerable confusion among the people, says Ssanang Setzen. Schmidt says in his notes, on account of the Manchu conquests, but these came later, and the confusion complained of was doubtless that caused by Lingdan Khan, the chief of the Chakhars, in his endeavours to recover supreme authority in Mongolia. It would seem that Rintshen allied himself with the chiefs of the Kharatshins, Abaghas, and other tribes, and defeated the Chakhars at a place called Ju Tseng, in the land of the Tumeds. It would seem that Ssanang Setzen, the prince historian, was not quite faithful to his people at this time. He tells us he headed a force and allied himself with three Chakhar chieftains, with whom he went towards the desert. This was in 1634. He returned the same year, sent word to the Jinong, and said it was their wish to have him once more for their leader. The Jinong assented, and on a lucky day Ssanang Setzen was restored to favour. This was at a place named Yeke Shibar. Thence Ssanang Setzen accompanied the Jinong to his people. On his return the latter performed his devotion before the statue of Buddha. “About the same time, through the intervention of the Saissang Sereng Bodomal of the Chakhars, the golden pyramid, and through that of Toba Taissong Khungtaidshi, “the white house of the Lord, with its appurtenances, were taken and set up in the land of the recently pacified princes.” “The Lord” is the expression generally used by Ssanang Setzen when referring to his great ancestor Genghis Khan. The golden pyramid, as Schmidt says, doubtless means the golden vessel of pyramidal shape, in which his ashes were preserved, as those of the Thibetan princes and the high Lamas are, and are then placed in the temples and become objects of adoration. The white house was doubtless his royal yurt, which was preserved and became a kind of palladium of the race, and was in the special charge of the Ordus. It would appear that during the civil strife in the tribe, these things were removed for safety, and were brought back when peace was once more restored among them. When Rintshen was again at peace with his family, we are told he remounted the throne and took the title of Chakrawartin Setzen Jinong. He granted that of Erke Noyan to Bhodhitai Tsokegur, while he dignified the prince historian Ssanang Setzen with that of Erke Setzen Khung. He also gave him the command of the advance guards, and of the centre in the great hunts ; while the other princes who had been faithful to him were also advanced in rank.

We have now arrived at the period when the Ordus, like the rest of the Forty-nine Banners, became subject to the Manchus. We are told that when in 1634 the latter had pursued Edshei, the son of Lingdan Khan, as far as the land of Tolitu, on the west of the Khatungol (that is, to the Ordus country west of the Kara Muren), Rintshen forestalled just created, others old, exhausted, and falling to decay. Around these excrescences grow creeping thorns, long pointed, without flowers or leaves, which intertwining spirally surmount them with a sort of network cap. These thorns are never found elsewhere than about these hillocks. Upon those of more recent growth they are firm, vigorous, and full of shoots. Upon the elder elevations they are dried up, calcined by the nitre, brittle, and in shreds... Springs, generally so rare in the Ordus country, are here of frequent occurrence, but the water is for the most part excessively salt. Here and there however, by the very side of a brackish pool, there is a spring of soft, sweet, delicious water. These are indicated by small flags fluttering on the ends of poles.” Dabsun-Nur is not so much a lake as a reservoir of mineral salt, mixed with nitrous efflorescence. It is about 20 li in circumference. The caravans cross over it with impunity, but have to avoid places where water is seen bubbling, which mark deep pits. This fact led the Abbe Hue to conjecture that it is really a lake covered with a thick encrustation, which forms a roof over it. Its influence seems to pervade the whole Ordus district, which throughout has brackish water and soil, and a surface encrusted with saline matter. “The herds of the Tartars of the Ordus,” says our traveller, “are not very numerous, and are quite different from those which feed on the rich pastures of the Chakhars and of the Keshik­tens. The cattle and horses appeared very miserable; the goats, sheep, and camels, however, looked very well, which is undoubtedly the conse­quence of their predilection for plants impregnated with saltpetre.

“The Mongols of the Ordus are very much affected by the wretchedness of the soil upon which they live. Most of them live in tents made of some rugs of felt or goat skins, framed on a wretched woodwork. Everything about these tents is so old and dirty, so tattered with time and storms that you would with difficulty suppose they could serve as abodes for human beings. Whenever,” says Hue, “we pitched our tent near these poor habitations, we were sure to be visited by a crowd of wretches who prostrated themselves at our feet, rolled on the earth, and gave us the most magnificent titles in order to extract something from our charity.” I will conclude my account of the Ordus with a passage from the letter which the Emperor Khanghi sent to his son, when in 1696, in his campaign against the Eleuths (to which I shall refer in another chapter), he resided for some time in the Ordus country. He says, “Till now I never had at all an accurate idea respecting the Ordus. They are a very civilised nation, and have lost nothing of the old manners of the true Mongols. All their princes live in perfect union among themselves, and do not know the difference between mine and thine. No one ever heard of a thief among them, although they take not the slightest precaution for guarding their cattle and horses. If by chance one of these animals goes astray, it is taken care of by him who finds it till he has discovered its owner, to whom he restores it without the least payment. The Ordus are extremely skilful in breeding cattle. Most of their horses are tame and tractable. The Chakhars north of the Ordus enjoy the reputation of training them with more care and success; nevertheless I believe that the Ordus excel them in this point. Notwithstanding these advantages, they are not at all so rich as the other Mongols.” This shows that the sterility of their country has been like that of some other countries noted for hardy virtues, a cradle of honesty as well as poverty.

 

II.

THE TUMEDS.

The Tumeds form one of the sections of the Baraghon Tumen. They are often referred to by Ssanang Setzen as “the seven Tumeds,” and afterwards as the twelve Tumeds. They are now divided into two tribes, one known as the Tumeds of Koko Khotan, encamped in the neighbourhood of that city, and the other on the borders of Manchuria. The Tumeds answer to the Mankoantien of De Mailla, who tells us that they obeyed Yenta (Altan Khan). He speaks of them in one place as the six, and in another as the eight encampments or clans of the Mankoantien. This name is probably connected with Mankoanchin, whom he makes a son of Dayan Khan, and may be the same as Arsubolod Mergen.

The seven Tumeds are first named in 1453, when their chief Dogholang Taidshi murdered the Mongol Khan Ukektu. He was himself put to death some years after by Mandaghol Khan. I have previously described how Ulus Bolod was appointed Jinong of the Baraghon Tumens, and how he was murdered by some of the princes who were jealous of his intrusion upon them. It is curious that the chief conspirators mentioned are the chiefs of the Ordus Tumen and of the Jungshiyabo Tumen, but the Tumeds and their chief are not named as taking part in the conspiracy and murder.

Ibiri Taishi of the Jungshiyabo seems to have been the head conspirator, and when the Baraghon Tumens were punished by Dayan Khan, we learn from De Mailla that his clans dispersed the Halatien, i.e. the Kharatshins alone remaining in their old posts. I believe that on this occasion several of the clans belonging to the Jungshiyabo Tumen were added to the Tumeds, for one division of the Eastern Tumeds, as I shall show presently, is still governed by princes of the same race as those of the Kharatshins. It was this accession which I believe increased the number of clans among the Tumeds, so that from about this time Ssanang Setzen often refers to them, not as the Seven but as the Twelve Tumeds. On the division of the Mongols among the sons of Dayan Khan, the Tumeds fell to Arsu Bolod Mergen Khung­taidshi, probably the Mankoantien of De Mailla. He seems to have died early and childless, for we hear no more of him, and his portion fell like the rest of the Baraghon Tumeds to Barsa Bolod.

While Barsa Bolod’s eldest son Gun Bilik succeeded him as Jinong, and also as immediate overchief of the Ordus, his second son Altan Khan became the chief of the greater part of the Twelve Tumeds. He was born in 1507, and was destined to fill a very notable place in the history of the Mongols. In company with the other Baraghon Tumens, the Tumeds seem to have migrated from the north of the desert about the time of Dayan Khan, and they settled with the Ordus in the land of Gholun tori. I have already described the desolate and forlorn condition of this country, and we are not surprised that when commanded by an enterprising chieftain they should have left it, and we are told in the treatise translated by Schmidt, Mem. St. Peters. Acad., ii. 453, that Altan Khakan left the land of Gholun tori and settled in a place called Fung chau, and built a town there which he called Baishing, and made it his capital. This is the same town which the Chinese call Ban Sheng. De Mailla says he was master of the country of Kai yuen and Chang tu. It was when he had made peace with China after his long struggle with that power that he removed his residence to Koko Khotan. Most of Altan Khakan’s life was spent in his wars with the Ming empire. He seems to have early acted independently of his suzerain the Jinong, for we read that in 1529 he made a raid upon the district of Taitong with a body of cavalry, and retired with a rich booty. The next year he returned, crossed the Yellow River, and in conjunction with the Jinong plundered the province of Ninghia and the district of Suen hoa fu. Never, says De Mailla, had the Tartars so much harassed China as under his leadership. He was constantly on the move. Early in 1531 he plundered the neighbourhood of Taitong, later in the year he ravaged the frontier of Shen si, and later still that of Shan si, killing many of the inhabitants. The latter days of the Ming dynasty of China were not far off, and the empire was troubled with many rebels. During these troubles, says De Mailla, the Tartars did not cease to attack the frontier. In 1540 Altan Kilo (?) and Jinong formed a league and attacked China at the head of twelve hordes. They killed many people before they were driven away by the Chinese generals Petsio and Yun chang, who defeated them at Chui ul ting and Lien yun pao. Later in the year they were again in China, where they were conducted by a treacherous Buddhist priest. They entered by way of Tai tong, Tai yuen and Yen men, and forcing the defile of Ling-u-koan, they broke into Shan si, and plundered several districts there.

In 1542 Altan again invaded China, while the Jinong did the same from another side. The latter now died, and Altan’s authority became greatly extended. His age and prowess made him supreme commander of the army of the Baraghon Tumens. After the burial of his brother he returned with Tsingtaiki, Cheulat and Halalahan} each at the head of 20,000 to 30,000 men, and once more ravaged Shan si. The Mandarins began to grow frightened, and offered a reward of 1,000 taels and the grade of Mandarin of the third rank to whoever would bring them the head of the Mongol chief. As an answer to this menace, Altan once more entered the empire with a large force, pillaged the district of Tai yuen, and encamping on the banks of the Fen chui, made incursions upon the districts of Lu ngan and Ping yang, in Shan si. The armies of the provinces of Shang tung and Ho nan were ordered to march against him, but before they combined, Altan crossed the mountains hitherto deemed impassable, fell suddenly upon them in succession, and most severely defeated them. He now ravaged Shan si at his leisure, made captive more than 200,000 men and women, besides treasure, and 2,000,000 head of cattle, horses, &c., and with this booty he returned home. In 1544 he entered the province of Pehchehli, and advanced almost to the gates of Peking, ravaging everywhere. The Chinese general Tsiao pong, and the viceroy Chu fang, were imprisoned, and their goods confiscated for not having opposed him better. He was now quiet for a short time, and apparently aspired to become a Chinese grandee, for in 1547 Hong wan ta, an assessor of the Imperial tribunals on the frontier, wrote to say that Altan wished to do homage and pay tribute. While the council was deliberating about this, he once more crossed the Hoang ho. The following year he renewed his request. This was refused. Piqued at the refusal, he made another profitable raid upon Tai tong and Suen hoa fu. The following year he gained two victories over Chinese armies, but these were followed by a defeat, in which he lost many of his followers and the booty he had captured. It was long, says De Mailla, since the Chinese had had such a decided success over the Tartars. Its effect was however very transient, for in 1550 Altan again marched with the largest army he had yet assembled. He captured many towns, and once more moved in the direction of Peking. Near the capital he took some Chinese prisoners, who were afterwards released. They related that they found Altan seated on a felt. He sent a letter back with them addressed to the Emperor. He asked that he might be considered a tributary of the empire, and that each time his envoys went they should be permitted to have an escort of 3,000 men. While the Imperial council was deliberating on this letter, a vast fire was seen in the northern horizon. These were the flames of the towns, &c., the Mongols were then firing. They made a dreadful devastation in the district of Loang hiang hien, and reduced that of Pao ting fu to a desert.

Meanwhile the Emperor summoned troops from the various provinces, especially from Liau tung, but before they could arrive Altan Khan retired and took his booty with him. The otherwise eccentric demands of Altan are explained by De Mailla on the ground that the Mongols who had been isolated for a long time from the outside world, and had few means of disposing of their pastoral wealth, desired very much to have some fairs appointed on the Chinese borders where they could sell their horses. A demand for the institution of such fairs was being constantly renewed. The Emperor at length agreed. Certain fairs were fixed, with a poll tax for the horses. Altan attended one of the fairs in person, and took as tribute two rare horses. The Chinese were apparently not quite pleased with the concession and fancied that Altan had some ulterior object. It was noticed that he sent large herds of cattle and sheep to the markets rather than horses, and that he made demands for other fairs in Liau tung, which makes it probable that he then controlled the whole force of the Mongols of the Inner division (of the Forty- nine banners). The fairs were apparently failures. The terror caused by the recent Mongol ravages frightened away the Chinese dealers. This failure irritated Altan, who recommenced his assaults upon the district of Tai tong at the head of from 25,000 to 30,000 men. The viceroy on the frontier recommended that the fairs should be abolished, as they afforded means of easy access to the empire on the part of the Mongols. They were accordingly abolished in 1552, and the Chinese were forbidden to attend them. Altan renewed his demonstrations in 1553 and 1554. Let us now turn once more to his doings nearer home.

On the death of the Khakan Bodi Alak, he was succeeded by his son Kudang. Altan acknowledged his dependence upon him, and asked that he himself might be invested with the title of Sutu Khakan. Schmidt says he was also known as Gegen Khan. This was agreed to by the young Khakan. In 1552 the same author describes a campaign undertaken by Altan against the Durben Uirads. He encountered them on the mountain Kunggei Sabkhan, killed the chief of the Khoits, took his wife and two sons prisoners, and subdued the whole people. He also occupied Khoning, the ancient Karakorum, which had been seized by the Durben Uirads.

In 1557 Altan again invaded China. He captured Ing chau as well as forty small places, but he was attacked and forced to retire by Yang chun, the Chinese border commander. Tao song chai, one of his wives, and his son Singai abandoned him and submitted to the Chinese. Except an unimportant raid in 1558, Altan Khakan now ceased to molest China for some time. On the death of the Emperor Khi tsong in 1566 he thought the opportunity favourable, and entered China with Hoapg taiki, whom De Mailla calls his son, but who was really his great nephew Khutuktai Setzen Khungtaidshi, and after capturing Che chau and plundering its neighbourhood, retired. In 1570, Pahannaki, the grandson of Altan, Haliko, and some others submitted to China. The Emperor invested the former with the Mandarin title, and made him handsome presents of silk. In 1570 Altan demanded the return of his grandson, which was granted on condition that he also returned some Chinese deserters. He was much pleased at this, and once more sent envoys, asking to be admitted as a tributary of the empire, so De Mailla says. The Mongol chronicler, on the other hand, tells us that after fighting the Chinese for nineteen years, he pressed them so hard that they granted him the title Sun wang, and a golden seal, upon which he made peace with the Kin Emperor Long tshing (Mu tsong of De Mailla), and forbade the other Mongol princes to make war upon China. This was in 1571.

In 1573 Altan Khakan marched against Khara Tibet, Black Thibet. He subjected both divisions of the upper and lower Shira Uighurs, and took three of the chiefs of the latter prisoners; he also carried away Arik Lama, sGumi bShoga Bakshi, and many Thibetans. Through the influence of Arik Lama, Altan Khakan became much attached to the Lama religion, and began to use the celebrated Buddhist six-syllable prayer formula.

In 1572 Altan sent 250 picked horses as tribute to the Imperial court. His messengers were well treated, and took back with them two of their companions who had been prisoners for twenty years. In 1573 the Imperial authorities of China, then under the control of the Regent, caused several gold and silver seals to be engraved and sent to Altan and the other chiefs.

The following year Pintu, Altan’s son, having applied to the Chinese authorities to allow him to hold a fair to the west of the Hoang ho, was refused; he accordingly migrated to the Koko noor lake, and commenced an attack on the western borders of Shen si, and practically forced the adoption of his demand upon the Chinese authorities. A large fair was authorised to be held at Kan chau and a small one at Chuang leang. In 1576 a Mongol named Intingtaishi, having molested the Chinese frontier, was ordered by Altan to pay a fine of 1,000 sheep, 200 horses, and two camels. The same year Altan Khakan was visited by his great nephew Setzen Khungtaidshi of the Ordus, and was urged by him to make a journey to the south, and once more to restore the religion which had prevailed among them in the days of Kublai Khakan and the Khutuktu P’agpa Lama. Altan assented, and after taking counsel with the chiefs of the Baraghon Tumens, sent an embassy to invite the Allwise Bogda Sodnam rGyamtso Khutuktu to go to him. This embassy was well received, and the Bogda sent the Khakan a letter in reply, with presents, promising to follow directly. He then built a temple at Tsab chiyal, a district of Koko noor. The following account of what happened as nearly as I can understand it I take from Ssanang Setzen.

In 1577 Altan Khakan and the three Baraghon Tumens set out to meet the Bogda. A large party went ahead with costly presents to announce their approach. When these arrived in his presence near the Ulaghan Muren, they asked him to show them some sign of his power, upon which he put his hand in the stream, and the water which previously ran one way turned and ran in the reverse way. This miracle converted the party at once. As a second party also bearing gifts drew near, a spring suddenly spouted out in a dry and barren place. They were also converted.

While they were passing the night at Ulaghan Muren, Bogda Khayan-giriwa (one of the eight terrible Buddhist gods) at the request of the Pancha Mahakala, who begged him to become the protector of the Faith, sent his messengers to capture and put under restraint the dragons and evil spirits in Mongolia. As the procession neared Gun Ergi (, the Irgene Kun of the Muhammedan writers), and at night, all the dragons, evil spirits, and ongghods, which lived in Mongolia, and which had the heads of camels, oxen, sheep, cats, hawks, and wolves, and many other forms, were driven before the Bogda, and by means of powerful exor­cisms were expelled and subjected against their wills.

At the head of the third detachment went Khutuktai Setzen Khung­taidshi of the Ordus, and Dayan Noyan of the Tumeds. With them they had 3,000 men, and they carried many costly presents of silk, gold and silver, camels and horses, with their saddles decorated with gold and jewels. As Khutuktu made obeisance, the Bogda disclosed himself to him in the form of the incarnation of the Khongshim Bodhissatwa with four hands. Another miracle is related by Ssanang Setzen, as having been witnessed by the bystanders, namely, that the horse on which the Bogda rode left in the impressions of its hoofs prints of the six sacred syllables. It was in 1578 the Allwise Bogda first showed himself in Mongolia. At their first interview with him the Khakan and the Khungtaidshi stared at him with astonishment. On his inquiring why they did so, Altan first answered. “For a long time I had a disease in my foot known as Tolai. I was advised to thrust my foot into the open breast of a recently killed horse. I did this. The pain increased in an insufferable manner. I looked up involuntarily, when there appeared in the sky a white man who thus addressed me, ‘Khakan, how can you commit such a great sin? whereupon he disappeared. After that time I was constantly filled with fright, until the Tangutan Ashik Lama (elsewhere called Arik Lama) made me learn the six syllables, and recommended me to pray diligently. From Gumi Baks hi I learnt the use of the rosary, and with it I have daily repeated the six syllables 108 times. I recognise you as the man who appeared to me, and this is why I stared with wonder.”

Then also spoke Setzen Khakan. “As I formerly sat in the presence of my mother, playing at chess, she gave me a fat piece of horseflesh to eat. As I ate, my knife slipped from my hand, raised itself in the air, and in falling to the ground passed close to my knees. As 1 looked down to find my knife, I saw a young man in black clothes, who spoke to me with cross and threatening looks, saying, ‘Why eatest thou horseflesh?’ upon which he also became invisible. Since then I have not eaten horseflesh. I also looked with astonishment because I saw you were the man who had rebuked me.”

The Allwise Bogda replied “that this was all true. That this was not the first time they had met. When Altan Khakhan had been previously born in the person of Khblai Setzen Khakan, he himself had also lived in the person of Madi Dhwadshawa P’agpa Lama, the nephew of S’akya Pandita Ananda Dhwadshawa S’ri Bada. At that time when I, at the instigation of your wise wife Chambui Khatun, bestowed upon you the four consecrations of the exalted Kei Wadshra, and disseminated the faith by word and thought, and produced many proofs of my assiduity and zeal, you rewarded me with the Chinese title of Sang Sing Dai Wang Guyusri, a costly seal, and a yellow signature, put me at the head of the religious administration, and promoted me to places of confidence. Setzen Khungtaidshi was in the days of our exalted Buddha (of Sakiamuni himself) the mightiest of sovereigns, namely, Sokchan Shingbo, king and ruler of the people of Magadha, the protector of Buddha, and the dispenser of gifts. His younger brother Setzen Daitshing was at the same period king and ruler of the people of Kosala, under the name Sartshal. This first interpreter, Wadshra Tonmi Gundshin, was at the period of one of my early appearances the interpreter and teacher of Irguk, under the name Lungdan Sharab. He was born again and fulfilled the same office between the Khakan Khubilai and myself, under the name of Khara Moritu of the Arsang. He is now acting in the same capacity after a third birth.”

After this conversation Altan Khakan went to his couch. As a token of the new era in which light was about to penetrate the darkness of that region, he put on a white dress, mounted a white horse, and once more went to the Bogda, accompanied by his wife and 10,000 men, to accompany him to the newly-built temple at Tsabchiyal. On this occasion the Khakan took his salutation-presents, consisting of the seven noble precious things, adorned with the eight objects of sacrifice, 500 Sidshirs, in weight; a golden bowl, thirty Sidshirs in weight, filled with precious stones; silken stuffs of untold worth and beauty, ten pieces of each kind; other silken stuffs of five different colours, 100 of each colour; ten white horses, with their saddles decorated with gold and precious stones; besides 5,000 head of cattle of various kinds. This presentation took place amidst great festivities, during which Setzen Khungtaidshi delivered the following speech, which was translated by the interpreter Wadshra Tonmi Gun Gundshin. “As harbingers of coming blessings, we have here the Lama as the true object of worship, and the Khakan, the chief almsgiver; to us like the sun and moon when they mount the blue sky together. At the command of the god Khormusda, did our great ancestor Sutu Bogda Jingis Khakan subdue the five banners of his own people and the four related nations. His two grand­sons, the Khubilgan of the Bodhissatwa, Godan Chan, and the Chakra­turning Khubilai Setzen Khakan, placed the profound inquirer into the depths of all knowledge S’akya Pandita, and the belief-enlightener of the breathing-essence, the king of science, P’agpa Lama, at the head of the religious institutions, and following their example, appointed believing princes of the Mongols, Lamas of the Sakyas, and gratified the breathing­essence to the highest degree by the lawful administration of both governments (? temporal and spiritual). Since then and from the time of Uchaghatu Setzen Khakan until now, the condition of religion and the administration of justice among us have fallen very low. We shed the blood and eat the flesh of living beings. Now from this day, when Sakiamuni has in the revolution of time reappeared in the person of the Bogda Lama, and the Lord of the earth Khormusda in the person of the very mighty Khakan, shall the piled up waves of the tempestuous blood stream be transformed into a deep, peaceful sea of milk. If we trust in the Khakan and the Lama, and walk in the bright ways of our forefathers, so will it be well with us.”

“Like the voice of the cuckoo in the first month of summer,” says Ssanang Setzen, “so sounded these words in the ears of the vast assembly of more than 100,000 men, including Chinese, Thibetans, Mongols, and Uighurs, priests and lay-folk?’ The whole assembly heard them with great astonishment. Thereupon the following proposals were made by the Khakan and the Lama, and accepted unanimously by the religious, the priests, and commonalty.

It was the custom of the Mongols on the death of a man, and according to his wealth, to slaughter a number of camels and horses, which were buried with him, and were called Khoilgha, From this time it was ordained that this custom should cease, and that the cattle appointed for the hecatomb should be given to the priests.

The yearly and monthly fasts and days of devotion, as also the fast called Naiman Geshigutu, were to be kept.

The priesthood was divided into four ranks. If a common person lay his hand on a Tsordshi, slandered or insulted him, this should be counted as if it were an offence against a Khungtaidshi. The Rab Jimba Gabdshu should be similarly counted as Taidshis; the Gelongs as Tabunangs, Gundshins, Taishis, and Saissangs; and the clerical Chibaghantsas, Ubaohis, and Ubassantsas as the Ognigods.

During the three monthly fast days, the slaughtering of cattle and the chase of wild animals was to cease altogether.

If anybody of the religious class violated his vows of chastity or married, he was to be thus punished. His face was to be blackened with soot, and he should make a three-fold circuit of the temple backwards, that is, be made a laughing stock to the worshippers. He should then lose his status and be driven away. If a Ubashhi or a Ubassantsa should injure the cause of religion, of which he ought to be the protector, or kill any­thing, he should suffer the punishment of expulsion in the above described manner, and besides become subject to pay taxes. The Ubashis were to be punished in a similar way if they got drunk. These and other things written of old, under the three Thibetan Chakrawartins, and under Khubilai Setzen Khakan, the Mongol, were collected together and propounded under the title, “The laws of the science of the ten meritorious works.”

Upon this the Khakan gave the All wise Bogda the title of Wadshra-dhara Dalai Lama, and raised him to the same post of honour which P’agpa Lama formerly held. The four classes of religious were relieved from paying taxes, from following the army, or attending the great hunts and other burdens, and the administration of justice, religious and civil, was duly established.

Thereupon the Dalai Lama conferred on Altan Khakan the title of the Thousand Golden Wheel-turning Chakrawartin Setzen Khakan; upon Setzen Khungtaidshi that of Guga Garbi Setzen Khungtaidshi, and similar new titles were conferred on the lesser chiefs. The Dalai Lama promised to erect the statue of Maidari (Maitreya) at Nilom Tala. Altan Khakan also promised to raise at Koko Khotan, the chief city of the Tumeds, a statue of Buddha, made of gold, silver, and precious stones. Bushuktu Jinong Taidshi promised to have a transcript of the 108 volumes of the bKa aGjur, made in gold and silver letters, and Sartol Setzen Daitshing to build a temple. Altan Khan now returned home again, taking with him Dongkur Mandshusri Khutuktu, who may be looked upon as the evangelist of the Mongols.

The events I have described, and which were of such supreme importance in Mongol history in that they led to the conversion of the whole race to Lamaism, are described in Pallas’ great work from Kahnuk authorities. His account is not always accurate, and it varies in some of the details from the other. According to him Altan Khakan suffered greatly from the gout. When he consulted the Shamans they recommended him to have a live man, not a horse as in Ssanang Selzen’s story, slit open, and to bury his foot in the warm entrails. This horrible remedy was to be repeated on the evenings when there was a full moon, and as the moon was setting. When he was one day practising this remedy, he fell into a dream, and fancied he saw in the full moon the image of a Lama dressed in full panoply. This addressed him thus, u Khan, we will heal your pain without putting a man to death. Cease this barbarous practice.” The Khan then ordered the corpse to be removed, washed his feet, and summoned two Lamas, who were then at his court, one of the Yellow sect and the other of the Red. He told them the vision, and asked them whose image it was he had seen. One of them, named Samtshan chok, answered that it was the image of Dalai Lama Yondon jamzu.

Altan then despatched Setzen Khungtaidshi and Suksliinbo Khan to Thibet, to fetch this Lama on a mule to him. They accordingly went and brought him.

Altan Khan had latterly been on pretty good terms with the Chinese. In 1577 he renewed the negotiations for holding a fair for the sale of tea and horses, and asked for a gold seal for one of his dependents, doubtless Khutuktu Setzen Khungtaidshi is meant, but his overtures were declined.

In 1582 we are told he had a curious illness, in which his body seemed to die while his spirit remained sound. The Mongol chiefs grew discontented, and were heard to complain to one another, and say, “What is the use of this religion if it cannot save our noble Khan’s life,” and they threatened to drive the Lamas away, upon which Mand-shusri Khutuktu called them together, and explained to them that nothing could avert death, and that everything worldly is as transient as the moon’s shadow in the pool, or the reflections in a mirror ; that even the divine Buddha was subject to it. He then went on to say that he could not avert death when the sickness was mortal, but if not mortal his skill was equal to curing the Khan. Ssanang Setzen goes on to say that he thereupon put some medicine in the Khakan’s nostrils, repeating mean­while three times the formula, “ Khakan, for the sake of religion con­descend to rise,” upon which the old man gradually recovered. After his recovery he summoned his followers about him, and sharply rebuked them for their faithlessness. He inquired from them how many of his ancestors had been permitted to reach his age. Asked if, while they continued the worshippers of the Onggods and Tsaliks, (the fetish gods of Shamanism), they had ever known a man to secure immortality. “Who among either my ancestors or yours was immortal?” he said. “Which of them even reached one hundred years? I am nearly eighty years old, and have reached the term of my life. Did not Sakiamuni himself give the example of Nirwana to show us how inevitable is death? Did not the Allwise Bogda teach us this? You know it to be true. If Setzen Khungtaidshi were here he would explain matters better than I do.” Some time after this, Altan Khan and Setzen Khungtaidshi assembled the chiefs of the twelve Tumeds, and they entered into a solemn agreement to support and extend the faith. Altan Khan only survived his illness for twelve months, Pallas, in the work already cited, also mentions this second illness of the Khan. He however makes it out that the Khan actually died, and that when the people became discontented, the Lama Dongkor Manshusri by his prayers and exorcisms brought him to life again, and that he remained alive for seven days. Altan Khan died in 1583 at the age of seventy-seven. The Imperial Chinese authorites sent Mandarins to offer presents, and to perform the prescribed ceremonial about his corpse. Thus passed away the greatest Mongol who had lived since the golden age of the empire, and his reign is a memorable epoch in the annals of the race, connected as it is with the spread of Lamaism in Mongolia, where it is probable that it now flourishes more than anywhere else.

Altan Khan was succeeded by his son Senge Dugureng Timur. This was in 1584. The same year, after taking counsel with the three Baraghon Tumens, he sent the funeral offerings due on the death of Altan Khakan to the Wadshradhara Dalai Lama, and also sent him a summons to go to him, which he at once obeyed. On his journey he passed the Chinese town of Khamsu, where he was feasted. During the feast, the ashes of the incense pastils that were being burnt before the Dalai Lama arranged themselves in the shape of the letters Ju, and then hardened. This miracle had a great effect on the people of Khamsu, and the faith was much spread there. From Khamsu the Dalai Lama proceeded to Irgai, where he was also very well received. There he manifested himself to the people as Buddha with one face and four hands, two of which were clasped over his heart, and the other two held, one an Udpala flower and the other a white crystal rosary. He sat cross-legged with all his emblems about him, dressed in stately attire and with jewelled ornaments on, while there streamed upon him a five coloured light  a rainbow). This, says Ssanang Setzen, was seen by many and did much to convert them. In 1585, as I have described, the Dalai Lama reached the camp of Setzen Khungtaidshi. After staying with him for some time, and also visiting Bushuktu Jinong, he proceeded to the encampment of the twelve Tumeds. On arriving there he blamed them for having buried the body of Altan Khan. He had it exhumed and burnt. In the ashes were found a great number of Sharils and other precious relics.

Ssanang Setzen now goes on to tell a story which crystalises for us a very curious phase of old Mongol manners. Altan Khakan had a son called Tubet Taidshi. The young man died, and his mother determined to kill 100 boys and 100 foals of camels, which were to be buried with him, and to accompany him as an escort to the other world. She had killed over forty boys, when a tumult arose among the people. As she was about to slay the son of one Shineki Orlok, Kia Taidshi opposed it, and said that she must kill him in lieu of the boy, but as it was impossible to kill him, the murders ceased. The Khatun was laid out after her death, but because of her crimes, Erlik did not leave her body, but found means to reanimate it and to raise it up.

“To tame and expel him the Bogda Lama made use of the formidable power which the frightful Tsoktu Wadshra Yamantaka has in the circle of flames of the chastening avenger. He dug a triangular grave and put in it the upper garment of the Khatun. The Bogda Lama then declared the great truth to the spirit, seized with his four hands the Erlik, which was floating around and cast him into the grave. Upon this there appeared a lizard, which crept through the left arm of the cloak as far as the collar, and stuck its head out. When the Bogda Lama had spoken about the happiness of salvation, about the meaning of the recurring of birth, and about the inevitability of death, the lizard bent its head three times as if it bowed itself before him and then died. Then the Lama, by means of Samadhi Dayan, placed fire in the grave, and while he offered up gifts for the world, and the priests who had left the world, the dress together with the lizard were consumed by the fire. From the unbearable stench caused by this, some swooned, others who were stronger kept their consciousness, saw a white column ascend up out of the smoke that was rising, and on the top of it there floated away a Tegri-son, in the form of a Wadshrasatwa. All present who saw it were amazed, and were still more confirmed in their faith. Just as the rising sun follows upon the first streaks of dawn after a dark night and diffuses bright light, so did the light of religion break through the fogs of unbelief.”

Senge Dugereng was succeeded by his son Ghartu. He removed with one section of the Tumeds from the neighbourhood of the Chakhars, and went eastwards close to the Kharatshins, where he settled. This division of the Tumeds consists of two banners, one of them obeys princes of the royal family of Kharatshin. The latter probably, as I have said before, once formed part of the Junshiyabo Tumen. Its princes are however doubtless subordinate to those of the other wing, over which ruled Ombo Tsokor, probably a son of Ghartu. In 1628 Ombo Tsokor the chief of the western wing, and Shamba, the chief of the eastern wing, with their subjects, submitted to the Manchus.

This branch of the Tumeds, which migrated from its old quarters, now comprises two banners, ruled by a prince of the third rank, another of the fourth, and a grandee of high rank. Their country is 1,000 li from Peking. It is 460 li in breadth from east to west, and 310 li from north to south. To the east it joins the frontier of Yang ching mu. On the west it is bounded by the Kharatshins, on the south by the province of Mukden, and on the north by the eastern section of the Khalkas belonging to the Inner division, and by the Aokhans.

“The left wing is at mount Khaitakha, above 820 li north-east of Hi fung kheou; the right wing at mount Bayan Khua, above 590 li from the same barrier.

“ Thirty li to the west of the left wing is mount Gurban Suburgan ola. On its summit are three pyramids, erected in the times of the Liau and the Kin, and in the vicinity are the ruins of the ancient city of Hing chung. On the same side is the lofty Mokhui boro ola, in Chinese, Thsing che chan, 48 li north-east of the left wing. The river Ussin rises above 290 li to the south-west in mount Obotu tsagan ola. It runs to the south, and entering the district of Kin pian, turns to the south-east and falls into the Siao ling ho.”

“When Ghartu, the grandson of Altan Khan, moved as I have described in the last paragraph with one section of the Tumeds to the neighbourhood of the Kharatshins, another section stayed in its old quarters in the neighbourhood of Koko Khotan. They were ruled by Bushuktu Khan, who was fourth in descent from Altan Khan. When the Chakhars commenced their violent proceedings against their neighbours Bushuktu allied himself with the Kharatshins, and defeated the Chakhars, who were 40,000 strong, at a place named Ju Tseng, situated within the borders of the Tumeds. On the death of Bushuktu, Lingdan Khan of the Chakhars revenged himself upon the Tumeds, and violently compelled them to submit to him. When in 1631 he had been defeated by the Manchus, and was forced to take shelter in Tangut, Manchu troops were also sent to Koko Khotan, upon which Ombo, the son of Bushuktu, as well as his guardian and proxy Guluge, and the subjects of Khanggub and Dolok, submitted to them. When news arrived in 1633 that Lingdan Khan had died in the steppe of Shira talas, a messenger was sent from Koko Khotan to Tangut, and besides him, by supreme orders, a subject of this tribe with a proper escort This was probably sent to see if the news were true. In 1634, Mergen Ching Wang Torghon set off towards the land of Tolitu (the Ordus country), to capture Edshei, the son of Lingdan Khan, and he left Koko Khotan in charge of the Beile Yodo. Meanwhile a false rumour was spread by one of the Tumeds, that a revolution had broken out in the town. Mookhai, the husband of Ombo’s nurse, had in fact secretly made a pact with the commander of a neighbouring Chinese fort, by which Ombo was to be proclaimed as Lord of the West, while the Khalkas, who had been informed by a messenger of the Ming, were to march to his assistance. Jodo having sent out a messenger to inquire the truth about the matter, returned with the intelligence that the Khalkas were really in motion upon which he had Mookhai executed and Ombo imprisoned. After this, in compliance with the orders of the Khakan (of the Manchu Emperor), the administration of the town and district of Koko Khotan was distributed among Guluge, Khanggub, and Dobok. In 1635 this arrangement was modified, and Guluge and Khanggub became chiefs of banners, while Dobok was declared to be the heir of Khanggub.”

“The Tumeds of Koko Khotan are divided into two banners. Their chief town of Koko Khotan, the Kuei hua ching of the Chinese, is 220 li north-east of the gate of Sha hu kheou. Their territory is 403 li from east to west, and 370 from north to south. It is bounded on the east by that of the Durban Keukeds, on the west by that of the Ordus, on the south by the wall which forms the boundary of Shan si, and on the north by the land of the Khalkas. It is 1,160 li distant from Peking.

“Thirty-five li to the north of Koko Khotan lies that part of the In chan mountains called in Mongol, Onghin ola. This chain begins on the north of the country of the Ordus, to the west of the Urads, and extends above 500 li to the north of Koko Khotan. It has several very lofty peaks, which have particular names. The Yellow River, coming from the country of the Urads, flows south-east and then south. It receives on the left the Tutghen, washes the ruins of Khutan Khosho, receives also on the left the Ulan Muren, and then enters China. Its course in the country of the Tumeds is 160 li.”

There is a silent revolution now going on on the northern frontier of China which is effecting very marked changes in the ethnography of this area. During the last 150 years the population of China has increased at an enormous rate, and in consequence has overflowed the borders of the old empire very much. What we see in a small way at Singapore, at St. Francisco, and in Australia, we may see on an enormous scale in Manchuria, and Mongolia south of the desert. The whole country is being thickly colonised by Chinese immigrants, and this influx is rapidly effacing the old landmarks of the country. Manchus and Mongols are not only being sophisticated and changed in costume, and in manners and habits, but also in language. Manchu is rapidly becoming extinct as a distinct language, and it would seem that among the Forty-nine Banners there is a prospect of a similar change. The husbandman of the south is rapidly possessing himself of the more fertile districts of that paradise of Nomads, so well described by Hue as the “land of grass,” the prairie country of Southern Mongolia. Vast colonies of Chinamen now live in districts formerly held by the Mongol herdsmen, and nowhere probably is this more conspicuous than among the Tumeds of Koko Khotan. I extract some sentences about this district from Hue’s travels, which have been so racily translated into English.

Koko Khotan (Blue Town) is a bustling city chiefly inhabited by merchants. It is a great mart for camels, and most of the merchants are Chinamen. It contains five great Lamaseries and more than 2,000 Lamas, besides fifteen smaller ones, and the number of regular Lamas resident in the city may be fairly set down at 20,000. Hue describes the town as an immense mass of houses and shops huddled confusedly together, without any order or arrangement whatever, the Lamaseries alone rising above them. The ramparts of the old town still exist in all their integrity, but the increase of the population has compelled the people by degrees to pass this barrier. Houses have risen outside the walls one after another until large suburbs have been formed, and now the extramural city is larger than the intramural, t There is a Chinese garrison there to keep in order the neighbouring tribes. This does not live in the old town, but in the so-called “New Town” or military town, which was built by the Manchu Emperor Khanghi, and is half an hour’s walk from the old town, and is described by Hue as having a noble appearance, encircled with lofty embattled walls of brick. Its interior in contrast to the old or commercial town is very regularly built, and has a beautiful street running through it from east to west. The garrison consists of 10,000 men under a Kiang Kian. These soldiers are Manchus.

Hue tells us that the Mongols of Western Turned have given up their pastoral life, and now cultivate their lands. They have lost the stamp of their original Mongol character, and become more or less Chinese; many of them do not even know a word of the Mongol language. 0 Some indeed do not scruple to express contempt for their brothers of the desert who refuse to subject their prairies to the ploughshare. They say how ridiculous is it for men to be always vagabondising about, and to have merely wretched tents wherein to shelter their heads, when they might so easily build houses, and obtain wealth and comfort of ail kinds from the land beneath their feet.” But the fact is that habits of the gipsy and Bohemian type are not always adopted from choice but from necessity. It is clear that if the Mongols are to continue living in their old quarters, they must be a pastoral people and little else. The Gobi desert and most of its girdle is quite unfitted for ploughing. The land of the Tumeds is not in fact properly a part of Mongolia at all, but a piece of the empire of China settled by Mongols. “It contains,” according to Hue, “magnificent plains, well watered, fertile, and favourable to the production of all kinds of grain crops. Everything in the country bears the impress of affluence. Nowhere, go where you will, do you see the wretched tumble down houses that disfigure the highways and byeways of China. Nowhere do you see the miserable, half-starved, half-clothed creatures that pain the hearts of travellers in every other country. All the peasants are well fed, well lodged, and well clothed. All the villages and roads are beautified with groups and avenues of fine trees, whereas in the other Tartar regions cultivated by the Chinese no trees are to be seen. Trees are not even planted, for everybody knows they would pulled up next day by some miserable pauper or other for fuel.”

A good deal of this prosperity is however very recent, and Gerbillon, who accompanied the Manchu Emperor into this part of the country in 1688, describes it, in different colours. He describes Koko Khotan as situated in a large plain three or four leagues broad, which plain was then cultivated in many places, and here and there in it were hamlets, each consisting of seven or eight small houses of earth, He describes the town itself as being very small, most of the houses being but huts of earth, those in the suburbs being somewhat better. The Lama temples were however remarkable, finer and more ornamented than the greatest part of, those he had seen in China.

III

THE KHARATSHINS.

 

I HAVE now described two of the three Baraghon Tumens, namely, those of the Ordus and the Tumeds. The third will not detain us so Jong. It was formerly known as the Jungshiyabo Tumen, corrupted by De Mailla into Ynchaopoa. “The name is often linked with that of the Assod, and they were apparently very nearly connected in some way. Aroktai, who filled a notable place in Mongol history in the fourteenth century, belonged to the Assod clan, and was doubtless its chief. Alima Chingsang of the Assod, son of Aroktai, is mentioned as the subject of a dream of Essen Khan’s about 1417. Shortly after, Buke Sorson of the Jungshiyabo is mentioned as one of Essen Khan’s victims, having been hanged on a tree by him.

We are told that the Chinese Emperor Ingtsong (Daiming Chingtai of Ssanang Setzen), whom Essen Khan had taken prisoner, married a daughter of Alima Chingsang of the Assod named Molo, and changed her name to Tsaghan Shiossa, At that time, according to Ssanang Setzen, this tribe was sorely affected by cattle plague, famine, and all kinds of epidemics and diseases. It happened that one night, as Tsaghan Shiossa lay asleep on her bed, that as a maidservant of Alima Chingsang went out early in the morning to milk the cows, she saw a yellowish red beam of light stream out of Tsaghan Shiossa’s yurt. She told this at once to her mistress Akha Dalai Agha, who first convinced herself, and then the whole neighbourhood, of what the meaning of the vision was. This man (the Ming Emperor), she said, is of a noble nature and birth. It is not right to keep one any longer a prisoner who has proved by these signs that he is distinguished beyond ordinary men. We will take him back to his own land and to his people. Upon which it was determined to send him home again, and he changed the name of the district Jirghugan Utshiyad into Daitune Yeke Shara, and distributed gifts and rewards to the people.

Chingtai Khakan by his wife Molo had a son named Ju Dakhagha. From whom sprang the family Dalbai Tabunang which belongs to the Assod tribe. Issama Taishi of the Jungshiyabo is named as the Iago, who whispered slanders into the ears of Mandaghol Khakan, and brought about the destruction of his nephew, Bolkho Jinong. He married Bolkho’s widow, Shiker Taigho, and by her had two sons, named Babutai and Borukhai. Issama Taishi formed a conspiracy against Dayan Khan, who sent an army against him. He was killed and his widow Shiker Taigho was carried off.

Shortly after this we read that Jirgughatai of the Jungshiyabo tribe, in conjunction with two chiefs of the Ordus and Tumeds, went on a deputation to Dayan Khan, to ask him to appoint one of his sons, Jinong of the Baraghon Tumens. These chiefs seem to have been only of subordinate rank, and we find that when Ulusbolod was appointed as requested, that it was displeasing to some of the other chiefs, and, as I have described, Ibiri Taishi of the Jungshiyabo, and Mandulai Agholkho of the Ordus, conspired against and succeeded in having him assassinated. Dayan Khan took a speedy revenge upon his son’s murderers. In the battle which ensued, the Jungshiyabo are named as one of the three sections of the Baraghon Tumen. Dayan was victorious, as I have said, and we are told that Ibiri, deserted by everybody, fled in despair and escaped to the town of Khamil, belonging to the White Caps (? the Mussulman Turks), where he was put to death by an obscure person. Ibiri is no doubt the Ye pula of De Mailla, who tells us that after the murder of Horlun (of Ulusbolod), he crossed the Yellow River, went to encamp in Sihai, and began to grow powerful. He tells us that he was chief of the Ynchaopoa (of the Jungshiyabo), which then comprised ten hordes, but when he migrated to Sihai they dispersed, the Halatien (the Kharatshins) alone remaining in their old country. On the division of the Mongol tribes among the sons of Dayan Khan, we are told that Ubassandsa, otherwise called Ubshighun, became the over-chief of the Assod and Jungshiyabo. Ssanang Setzen tells us that when he was a boy, Bodidara, son of Barsa bolod, was accustomed to say, jestingly, when at play, “If Atshi and Shira kill one another, I shall obtain the government of the Assod and Jungshiyabo.” Now it came to pass that Ching Taidshi, otherwise called Shira, the son of Ubassandsa, had a quarrel with his younger brother Atshi, and killed him. As Shira afterwards died without children, Bodidara was appointed chief of the Assod and Jungshiyabo, and his playful prophecy was thus fulfilled.

The name Jungshiyabo as that of the Tumen, now apparently gave place to that of Kharatshin. The Kharatshin Tumen is mentioned by Ssanang Setzen in a way which shows that it clearly connotes at this later period the same thing as Jungshiyabo. At a previous period the Kharatshins form one section of the Jungshiyabo Tumen, as when Ssanang Setzen speaks of the seven clans of the Kharatshins of the Jungshiyabo. It may well be that the change of name arose as De Mailla suggests, namely, that on Ibiri Taishi’s flight the Tumen was broken up, and the Kharatshin section alone remained behind. The Kharatshins perhaps derive their name from the district of Kharatshin Shatu, at the sources of the Kerulon, where they probably once lived. They are distinguished from all other Eastern Mongols by one peculiarity, in that they alone are now subject to princes who do not belong to the family of Genghis Khan. It would seem Bodidara’s descendants must have died out, for we read in the work translated by Schmidt, that their princes are descended from a contemporary of Jingis Khan’s called Dsartsutai, whose son Jilme was very devoted to the great conqueror, and did him much good service. Seven generations from him, his descendant with 6,000 families migrated to Khotong, and took up his residence near the river Etshin. He was succeeded by his son Gerebolod, who had two sons, namely, Gereltei Saissang and Torobatur. From the former were descended Guniidshab and Gerel, each of whom ruled over a banner, and from the latter, Sereng, who controlled a third banner. One section of the Kharatshins joined the Eastern Tumeds, of whom they composed one banner, and in 1628 with their chief Shamba, descended in the thirteenth generation from Jilme, submitted to the Manchus. The main body of the Kharatshins remained behind. They took part with other confederated tribes in the battle at Ju Tseng, where the Chakhars were severely defeated, and shortly after apparently submitted to the Manchus.

The Kharatshins proper now form three banners, ruled by six princes and chiefs of high rank. Their country is situated outside the gate Bayaskholang Khadatu, i.e., Hi fung kheou, and is 760 li distant from Peking. It is 500 li from cast to west, and 450 from north to south. On the east they arc bounded by the Tumeds and Aokhans, on the west by the Red banner of the Chakhars, on the south by the Great Wall, and on the north by the Ongnighods.t

“The right wing is on the left branch of the Sib6, 390 li north of Hi fung kheou, and extends to the south as far as the pasturage of the Imperial flocks. The left wing is at mount Bayan Jiruke, 350 li to the north of Hi fung kheou. The third banner is between the two others. The country of the Kharatshins is traversed by a river called in Chinese, Lao he; in Mongol, Lokha. It issues from mount Mingan ola, runs north­east, receives several small rivers, waters the northern part of the territory of the Aokhans, and the south of that of the Oniuts or Ongni-ghods. It passes through the country of Naimans and the Eastern Khalkas, and after a course of above 500 li, falls into the Shara muren.

“Among the antiquities of the country of Kharatshin, the Chinese writers reckon the remains of the ancient cities of Taning or Ta ting, formerly inhabited by Chinese; of Thsing chau, in Mongol, Kara Khotan (or black city); of Hui chau, in Mongol, Tsaghan Khotan (white city) and of Li chau, the ruins of which cover a piece of ground three li in circuit. To the west, are three suburghans or obelisks, for which reason this place is called by the inhabitants Gurban Suburghan Khotan.”

 

THE KHORTSHINS.

 

The tribes we have been hitherto considering belonged to one or other of the Six Tumens, and, as I believe, represent very fairly the kernel of the Mongol nation in old times, that portion of the race distinguished as “Niruns, or Children of Light.” The Khalkas, to whom we shall turn in the next chapter, also formed a part of the same section; but in order that we may complete our view of the Forty-nine Banners, it is necessary we should now consider some tribes which were not included in the Six Tumens, and were classed apart as the Khortshin Tumen or Khortshin division. They include the Khortshins proper, the Aru Khortshins, Durbeds, Khorlos, Durben Keukeds, Maominggans, and Urads. These tribes are united together by one bond, namely, that they are all ruled over by princes who claim descent from Khassar, the brother of Genghis Khan.

He is called Juji Kassar by Raschid and Abulghazi, whence D’Ohsson and Erdmann have taken the name; by Ssanang Setzen he is called simply Khassar; by Hyacinthe, Khadsjar; and by Pallas, Chabutu Chassar.

Erdmann says that Juji was his real name, and Khassar only a by­name, but this can hardly be, for the name Juji is not known to the Chinese or native historians. Khassar, he says, means lion. Schmidt tells us the by-name of Khabutu, which the Kalmuks gave him, is derived from Kharbutus, and means archer, and came from his skill in using the bow. They reported of him that his shoulders and breast were so uncommonly broad and his waist so fine that when he lay asleep on his side a dog could creep under him. His strength was so great that when he seized a man he could break him in twain like breaking a wooden arrow.

He was of a turbulent disposition. The first event recorded of him is characteristic. One day, says Ssanang Setzen, Temudjin and Khassar complained to their mother thus, “Bekter and Belgetei (their half- brothers) a short time ago took the fish which we caught. This very day again, when Khassar shot a lark with a small arrow, they also took that. We will kill them both.”

Their mother rebuked them and said, “Why do you speak like the five sons of a former princess of the Taidshuts? The body (of an animal ?) is certainly smaller than its shadow, yet it is stronger than its tail (says the proverb), therefore live at peace with one another. Will you not need each other's help in the future?” They made no reply but went out, closing the door after them, and having found Bekter they put him to death. Their mother in a rage thus addressed them, “How could you do such a thing and kill one another? I had hoped and flattered myself that my sons, who were born and nurtured in hatred of our enemies, would have proved themselves renowned men. How shall this be if you go and kill one another like a wolf which hides its fangs it its own ribs, or like a bird of prey which strikes at its own shadow, or like a great fish which scourges itself with its own tail. It will assuredly come to pass that whichever of you is delicate will become a creeping serpent, while the grosser one will become a toad.”

Ssanang Setzen has preserved one or two stories of him which I quote, because they aptly illustrate Mongol ways of thought. “About this time,” he says (in 1189), “Khassar Essen rebelled and allied himself with Dologhan Khongkhotan; Jingis appointed Subutai Behadur to command the army that was to pursue him, and thus addressed him, ‘My faithful officer who, when at the head of an army, art like the chief jewel of a parure, the pink of honour, inflexible as stone, and you, my army, who environ me like a wall, and whose files are like a forest of reeds, hear my words : in times of peace be united as the fingers of a hand. In those of war, pounce down like a falcon on its quarry. In times of sport and amusement, rove about like flies; but in the day of battle, rush at the foe like a hawk at its victim? Then answered Subutai Behadur : ‘What we can do the future will tell what we shall do, the tutelary genius of our ruler may tell him.’ Upon this he went after Khassar Essen, and when he had overtaken him, he sent him the following message. He who breaks with his relations will only have a small share in the spoil. If kinsmen fall out, they will be as strangers when dividing their booty. You may get together a party, hut not tied to you by blood. You may secure followers, but not brothers.’ These words had their effect, and Khassar was reconciled to his brother."

On another occasion Khassar and his half-brother Belgetei conspired against Genghis and had the following conversation. “This ruler is unjust and violent without measure. It was only by thy ability Khassar, and thy strength Belgetei, that the many tribes were subdued and his harshness softened. Whom but ourselves and our assistance has he to thank for being the ruler of the five-bannered (the Mongols, the Mongols and Kalmuks united were called the nine-bannered)?” When this was reported to Genghis, he determined to correct their boastful language in a curious way. He disguised himself as an old man, and then went about from house to house to sell a long bow. The two brothers Khassar and Belgetei, when he came to them, jeered him and said, “Ah, old man, your bow would do well enough as a snap bow to kill moles with.” He replied, “How can you young people be so scornful before you have tried it, the old man may teach you different.” Upon this Belgetei took the bow with derision and raillery, but his strength was not even equal to stringing it. So the old man strung it and handed it to Khassar, but he was not strong enough to bend it. Then the old man once more changed himself into a hoary and decrepit man, who rode on a blind mule, took the bow and shot an arrow at a piece of rock, which he clove in pieces. Then he turned to the two young men. “Boasting stinks,” says the proverb. “Truly the old man knows it not better than you.” Then spoke the brothers to one another. “This was no ordinary man. It was an incarnation of the Khubilgan, our ruler,” and thenceforward they were afraid, and were faithful to their lord.

About the year 1200 Khassar made a raid upon the Naimans. He met them at the mountains Hulassan, and gave them a severe defeat. After the disastrous battle of Khalantshin Alt, Genghis Khan and his brother became separated. The Keraits had captured the latter’s harem. He was driven to great straits, but at length rejoined Jingis in his place of refuge at Baldjuna. Jingis now practised a ruse upon the Kerait chief Wang Khan. He sent him a note in the name of Juji, saying, “I don’t know where my elder brother is, but I know that my wife and children are in your hands. Oh Khan, my father, for a long time I have slept alone, having nothing to shelter me but boughs, and only the earth for my pillow. I wish to rejoin my family, but don’t know how you would receive me. If you would pardon my former offences I will come back to you with my heart full of submission.” Wang Khan was deceived, sent a messenger with a horn containing a drop of his blood to be mixed with drink, and when quaffed, to be a pledge of honesty. Jingis had time to march rapidly and to attack his rival unawares. In the great fight against the Naimans, in which Tayang Khan was killed, Juji Khassar commanded the centre of the Mongol army. He behaved so well on this occasion that Genghis gave him precedence over all his other relatives. In the expedition against China in 1214, Khassar commanded the left wing of the army, and ravaged the maritime districts of Pehchehli, and the country west of the Liau river called Liau si. Khassar is not mentioned in the account of the campaign of Genghis in the west, and it is very probable that he was left in charge of the Mongols at home.

We next hear of him in the campaign against Tangut, during which Ssanang Setzen reports the following occurrence. He says that during the campaign, a slave informed Genghis that at a banquet Khassar had taken the hand of his wife Khulan. Upon which Genghis, to test his good feeling towards him, sent the slave to his brother with the message. “Send me the heron’s feather which you possess.” Khassar replied, “It is well, my lord. I will let you have the heron’s feather,” and thereupon gave him the desired feather. The treacherous slave however would not take it, pretending it was dirty. Soon after he returned with the order, “Kill me a hawk.” Just then Khassar noted a hawk flying by, and asked the slave where he should hit him. The slave replied, “Between the black and the yellow stripes on its head.” Khassar shot and shattered the hawk’s head. Upon which the slave said, he “desired herons’ feathers, such as princes wear, but these were not such, this was only a hawk,” and he refused to take it, saying, it was fouled with blood. Ssanang Setzen then goes on to tell the story I have already abstracted, about Khassar’s shooting the ill-omened magpie, in the Mona Khan mountains. These several events aroused the jealousy and ill-humour of Genghis, who had his brother put under arrest. When the army reached Tangut, it encircled the town of Turmegei, with triple lines of circumvallation. During the siege an old witch named Khara Khang was accustomed to mount the walls of the town, and to pronounce horrible curses and exorcisms over the besiegers, by which disease was scattered among them, and numbers both of men and horses perished. Upon this Subutai, the great Mongol general, approached his master and said, “Is it your pleasure that the men and horses of the army should be swept away. If not, then release Khassar from confinement, and let him shoot down the old woman.” Genghis consented, and lent him his own horse Jigurtu Khula. Khassar then approached the town and split the old woman's kneecap with an arrow, so that she tumbled down and was killed. Khassar seems to have died before his brother, for he is not named among those who assisted at the inauguration of Ogotai, and his sons and not himself are named in the distribution of Genghis Khan’s clans among his relatives. As 1 have said, his splendid services did not go unrewarded. He was raised to a rank co-ordinate with that of his own sons by Jingis, and much higher than the latter’s brothers. The very high position which he took may be gathered from the fact, that beside the tribes already mentioned as associated with the Khortshins, the Khoshotes of Thibet, and the tribes of Koko noor and Alashan are still ruled by his descendants. In tracing out the very crooked history of the various Mongol tribes, we are here met with a difficulty which has not, I believe, been hitherto noticed, and whose solution might throw some light on the entire question.

Although a Mongol chief inherits clans and not acres from his father, those clans are not broken and separated into isolated fragments, but have a camping ground close together. Among a race of Nomads such principalities as those of mediaeval Germany, consisting of scattered fragments here and there, are hardly possible. When we meet therefore, as in the present case, with two sets of tribes, one on the borders of Manchuria, the other in Thibet, separated from one another by the whole breadth of Mongolia, yet both claiming one prince as their former chief, we may be sure that there has been a disruption or revolution somewhere which has rent the two asunder, and that once they camped close together. In regard to the Khoshotes, we know that they only invaded Thibet in the early part of the seventeenth century, as I shall show in a future chapter, and they probably came from the Koko noor and Alashan districts. In regard to the Khortshins and their associated tribes, we must remember that until the reign of Dayan Khan, the Chakhars and Baraghon Tumens probably lived north of the desert, in part of the present country of the Khalkas. As I have already shown, Adai Khan was the chief of the Khortshins in the early part of the fifteenth century, and we know that he was the victim, not only of the Chinese but also of the Uirads. Now, in the work translated by Schmidt, we read that in the time of the Ming Emperor Khonghi (Gun Tsong, who reigned for ten months in 1425-1426), the Khortshins were attacked and dispersed by the Uirads, and that they then fled to the neighbourhood of the Naghun Muren (the Nonni river), where they settled. There they are still found. Here, then, we have an explanation of the difficulty. Before that they doubtless lived in contact with the Khoshotes, and formed one principality. Where was this situated? Raschid tells us that the patrimony of Khassar was situated in the north-east of Mongolia, near the river Erguna (the Argun), the lake Kule or Guleh the Kulun), and the river Kailar (? the Kalka pira). That is in the old country of the Taidjuts and their confederates, the early enemies of Jingis Khan. Among these confederates the Urads, and the Durbans are specially named. These are still tribes closely attached to the Khortshins and ruled by princes of the same family, and it may well be that the tribes which formed the portion of the iron-fisted Khassar were in fact the Taidjuts and the others. The Khoshotes bear only a recent name. According to the traditions collected by Pallas, they acquired it during the reign of Toghon Taishi, that is, during the reign of the Uirad chief who dispersed the Khortshins, and it may well be that before that they bore a name which would, if recorded, be a familiar one to those who have read of the early struggles of Genghis Khan. Before that dispersal, all the tribes subject to the family of Khassar probably lived in contact with one another in the north-east of the desert : but we must on with our story. Khassar left forty sons. Of these we only know the names of six, namely, Bigu, Tuku, Yesuneguh, or Bisunegeh Malikudar, and Kharaldshu and are mentioned by Erdmann, apparently from Raschid, while Enka Sumur Taidshi is named by Pallas. The first and third of these were alone named in Genghis Khan’s will, by whom they were granted a hezareh, or 2,000 men, made up of various clans. Bigu, we are told, was small in size. Tuku was smaller, while Yesuneguh was a big man with a red face and a long beard. Khassar was succeeded by Bigu, he by his son Harkesun. Harkesun, or Harkisun, was succeeded in turn by his uncle Yesunegun, who is possibly the same as the Cuncur of D’Ohsson. We are told that he greatly distinguished himself during the reigns of Mangu and Khubilai Khan, and won their favour. The former Emperor appointed him governor of Karakorum. He had the superintendence of the palace and the treasury.}} In the war between Khubilai and Arikbuka, he took the side of Khubilai. On his death he was succeeded by his son Amgan, and he again by his son eSigtur, the Singtur of D’Ohsson. He was probably the Siangtaur, who in 1283, was sent in command of an army against Burmah.

In the great rebellion of Kaidu Khan, the chiefs of the tribes of Eastern Mongolia, who were descended from Genghis Khan’s brothers, sided with him, and Singtur is especially named among them, the other two principal leaders being Nayan and Kadan. They formed a league which was to act in concert with the forces of Kaidu in Western Mongolia. Nayan was severely defeated, captured, and put to death. Meanwhile Kadan and Singtur continued the struggle. Khubilai sent an army against them commanded by his grandson Timur. A battle which lasted all day, but was not very decisive, w as fought between the rival forces. The two allies now seem to have separated. Singtur, who I believe is the Kinkianu of De Mailla, retired, and the Imperial troops harried the country of Kadan, and compelled its tribes to submit. Singtur also seems to have eventually fallen a victim to his treason, and was executed and his tribes distributed.

There is now a gap in my authorities. When we once more read of the tribes which belonged to Khassar, it is after the Mongol dynasty in China had been expelled, and when the greater part of the Mongols were under the yoke of the Uirads. There was apparently an exception in the case of the Khortshins and their associated tribes, who were then ruled over by Adai Taidshi, whom Ssanang Setzen makes a descendant of Utsuken, but in this he is surely mistaken, the Khortshins not having belonged to his uluss. I have already told the story of his life and how he became the chief Khan of the Mongols, and shall not repeat it. He ended his days unfortunately, having been killed by the great Uirad chief Toghon Taishi. According to Ssanang Setzen this was in 1438. It was at this time, I believe, that the various tribes belonging to this section were finally tom asunder, the Khortshins and others being driven towards the river Nonni, while the rest under the name of Khoshotes, became a part of the Durben Uirads, as I have already described.

When we next meet with the Khortshins, they are under the authority of a chief named Unebolod ong. Ssanang Setzen tells us he was the son of Baghatur Shigussutai of the Oroghods (? the Urads, one of the tribes closely associated with the Khortshins). We are also told by him that Unebolod was the descendant of Khassar. That he was a very co­siderable personage we may gather from the fact of his having been a rival of the young Khan Dayan for the hand of Mandughai Setzen Khatun, e the quaint story about which rivalry I have already told, ft He was doubtless the most important Mongol prince next to the head of the house. In the great civil strife between the Segon Tumens and the Baraghon Tumens in the reign of Dayan Khan, the Khortshins are mentioned as having sided with the former, and Ortoghokhai Noyan of the Khortshins is named as one of Dayan Khan’s generals in the war. I must now take up the broken thread of the history of the Khortshins from Schmidt’s account He says, “Fourteen generations from Khassar, Kui Mongke Daskhara was the chief of the Khortshins. He had two sons, Bodidara, sumamed Tsorghol Noyan, and Nomundara, styled Khaldshigo Noyan. Bodidara had nine sons. The eldest of these was called Chitshik, styled Baghatur Noyan. From him sprang the Tushiyetu Khan Ooba and the Jassaktu Kiyun Wang Bodatshi, each of whom was at the head of a banner. The second son was named Namsai. From him sprang the  Darkhan Chin Wang Mandshushiri, the Bingtu Kiyun Wang Khongkhor, and the Beile Dongkhor, each of whom also was at the head of a banner. The third son Ubashi will appear again in the account of the Khorlos. The descendants of the fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh sons are unknown. The eighth son Ainakha will appear again in the history of the Durbeds, and the ninth son Bagha Noyan in that of the Jelaids.

Nomundara had a son named Segertei, from whom sprang the later Tushiye Gung Lamashigi, who became the chief of a banner.

In 1593, Ongghotai, the son of Chitshik Taidshi of the Khortshins, together with Manggus and Minggan, the sons of Namsi, in concert with Bosai, the Taidshi of the tribe Dsege or Yege, the tribes Khada, Ula, Khoipa, Khualtsa, Dsokhari, and others, banded themselves together against the founder of the Manchu empire Taidsu Wangti. They attacked without result the town Gedshige, and placed their camp on the mountain Gure. The Wangti marched against them, and as he drew near them he sent the following message to his many chieftains. “Notwithstanding the numbers of the enemy we shall defeat them if we succeed in overthrowing one or two of their Taidshis.” In conformity with this instruction, the brave Eitu placed himself at the head of one hundred picked warriors, and having incited their courage led them against the enemy. As soon as the Dsege people saw this, they desisted from their attack on the town, and marched against this troop. In attempting to capture Minggan, his horse stumbled and fell, and he escaped on foot. The main body of the Wangti’s force now advanced and pursued the enemy to a hill fort of the tribe Khada, completely scattered them, and captured much booty. In 1608 the Manchu troops inarched against the tribe Ula, and captured its main fortress, and Ongghotai, in alliance with Buyantai, the chief of the Ula tribe, was defeated in an engagement by the Manchu troops, upon which Manggus, Minggan, and Ongghotai, one after the other, sent envoys for peace and to form an alliance. In 1624 Ooba, the son of Ongghotai, with all his subjects, submitted to the Manchus, being the first Mongols to do so. This brought upon them the vengeance of the Chakhars who invaded their borders. The Manchus came to their assistance and drove the invaders away. In 1627 Ooba joined with the Manchus in a campaign against the Chakhars, and in 1628 assisted them in their war with the Ming empire. He conquered Tsun choa jeu, and captured its capital. He rendered similar services in 1630 and in 1633, in the struggles with the Ming.

In 1633 the Tushiyctu Jinong Badari, with the Taidshis Unaskhan, Manshushiri, Bodatshi, Khongkhor, Lamashigi, and Dongkhor, and the chiefs of the tribes Jelaid, Durbed, Khorlos, Kharatshin, Turned, Aokhan, Naiman, Bagharin, Dsarod, Ani Khortshin, and Ongnighod formed a union for the purpose of swearing allegiance to the Manchu Emperor, who had then vanquished the Chakhars. They sent an invitation to the Wang of the Sotongos. It was couched in these terms. “The virtues and merits of the Manchu Wangti are recognised by all. It would be a proper and opportune thing to place him on the throne.” Early in the summer of the same year they sent a joint note to the Wangti, in which they proffered him the title of over-chief, changed the names of the year (, the dynastic year name as is customary in China), and declared the year 1635 to be the first of Degedu Erdemtu.

The Khortshins form six banners, under seven princes, of whom two are of the highest rank (Khoshoi Chin Wang, one of them with the title of Tushiyetu Khan). The other are of the second, third, and lower ranks. Their country lies outside the gate Bayaskholang Khadatu (Hi fung kheou), and is 1,280 li distant from Peking. It is 870 li from east to west, and 2,100 li from north to south. Their eastern neighbours arc the Jelaids, their western the Dsarods. On the south they border on the great wall of Mukden, and on the north are bounded by the country of the Solons.t By some inadvertence the Khortshins are excluded from the topographical account of Mongolia appended to Timkowski’s travels, to which I have frequently referred.

 

THE KHORLOS.

 

KHORLOHO, according to Klaproth, means frontier of evil. This tribe consists of two banners, which belong to the left wing of the Khortshins. They are under a prince of the fifth rank and a Taidshi of the first rank. This tribe is a very old one, and appears frequently in the history of Jingis, under its name Kenilas or Khorlos. It then formed one of the confederacy which was named collectively Kunkurat, with several other tribes that were apportioned to Khassar. It was found several times in alliance with the Tartars, and their neighbours in opposition to the great Mongol Khan. Ssanang Setzen tells us that in 1202 Genghis Khan marched against them to punish them. Their chief Naran Khakan went to meet him at the head of 20,000 men. The two armies met at Keriya Kubker. A fierce fight followed, in which Naran Khakan was taken prisoner, and his people were subdued.t

Taissong Khan of the Mongols was assassinated by Tsabdan of the Khorlos tribe in 1452, as I have mentioned. He was himself assassinated by Khubtshir of the same tribe the year following.  Multai of the same tribe is mentioned about the same time as one of those who befriended the young Molon Taidshi. When Dayan Khan sent an army against the rebel issama Taishi of the Jungshiyabo, he put Toghodshi Shigushi of the Khorlos at its head.

I have already said that the Khorlos, like the Khortshins, formed a portion of the heritage of Khassar. Ubashi, the third son of Bodidara, mentioned under the last heading, became the chief of the Khorlos. He was succeeded by his son Manggo. In 1624 Bumba, the son of Manggo, in concert with Ooba, the Taidshi of the Khortshins, sent envoys to the Manchu Wangti with offers of friendship. Like the Khortshins they shortly after finally submitted to him.

“The Khorlos tribe occupies the country formerly inhabited by the tribe of Khitan. It is encamped 1,487 li to the north-east of Hi fung kheou, one of the gates in the Great Wall. Its land is 450 li from east to west, and 660 li from north to south. On the east it borders on the territory of Yung ki chau, on the west and north on that of the Khortshins, and on the south on that of Liau tung. It is 1,799 li from Peking. The front banner occupies the environs of the Gurban tsagan, 1,487 li north-east of Hi fung kheou, and the rear division the environs of mount Chin tsu ling, 1,570 li from Hi fung kheou. The principal river is the Ghirin, which coming from the north-west, from Yung ki chau, enters the territory of the Khorlos, runs north-east through that of the rear division, and falls into the Amur. Lake Dabusutai produces salt.”

 

THE DURBEDS.

 

This name means four in Mongol. It is the same word as Durban, the t or d being a Mongol termination found in Kergud, Buriat, Torgut, &c. This tribe forms one banner under a prince of the fourth rank. It must be clearly distinguished from another tribe of the same name among the Kalmuks, to which we shall refer presently. Under the name Durban, this tribe appears in the days of Jingis allied with the Tartars, &c., in antagonism to the great Mongol chief in his earlier wars. It was one of the Nirun tribes, and was by him assigned with others which had not proved very faithful to Jingis, to his brother Khassar.

The eighth son of Bodidara mentioned n the last paragraph was Aitiakha, styled Setzen Noyan. He became the chief of the Durbeds. In 1624 his son Atutshi, in alliance with Ooba, the Taidshi of the Khortshins, made terms with the Mancinis.

“ he chiefs of the Durbed tribe inhabit the heights of Dokdor, 1,646 li north-east of Hi fung kheou. Its territory is <70 li from east to west, and 240 li from north to south. From the camp of their chiefs to the frontier of the military government of the Amur is 140 li. This government bounds the Durbed country on the east, on the west it is bounded by that of the Jelaids, southwards by the Khorlos, and on the north by the Solons. The camp of its prince is 2,050 li from Peking. The river Nonni, which comes from the north, out of the government of the Amur, divides the Durbeds from the Jelaids.”

 

THE JELAIDS.

 

HERE again the termination d in the name of the tribe is an ordinary Mongol one, and it seems more than probable that this tribe represents the Jelairs of the time of Genghis. It forms one banner, governed by a prince of the third rank. Like the tribes previously named, the Jelaids formed a portion of the heritage of Khassar, and became as in the case of the previous tribe the portion of his descendant Bodidara. On the division of his clans the Jelaids fell to his youngest son Amin. In 1624 Mungkhun, the son of Amin, in conjunction with Ooba, the chief of the Khortshins; and his other relatives, sent an embassy to the Manchus, and made peace with them.

“Their chief camp is on mount Tubesin tsagan, above 1,600 li to the north-west of Hi fung kheou. Their territory is 60 li from east to west, and 400 li from north to south. On the east they are bounded by the Durbeds, on the west and south by the Khorlos, and on the north by the Solons.

“Their country is watered by the river Nonni, which comes from the government of the Amur and enters the frontier of the Khorlos. The Choi, coming from the north-west from the chain of Khinggan, also passes through it. After a course of 500 li to the south, it divides into several arms, makes a bend to the south-east, and falls into the Nonni”.

 

ARU KHORTSHINS.

 

This tribe forms one banner, and is governed by a prince of the third rank. The third son of Tomai Niakhatshi, the father of Daskhara, whom I mentioned in the history of the Khortshins, was called Burkhai, and settled, as I have said, with his clans on the Kulun lake. His second son Begon Noyan was named Kundulen Daitshing. He separated himself definitely from the main body of the Khortshins, and formed his people into a separate tribe, to which he gave the name of Aru Khortshins, which Klaproth translates Northern Khortshins, and Schmidt “The Khortshins who remained behind.” The Aru Khortshins, Durben Keukeds, Urads, Maominggans, Ongnighods, Abaghas, and Abaghanars, as well as the inner and outer sections of the Khalkas, all go by the name of Aru Mongols. Whether this has something to do with Arulad, a race-name among the Mongols in the days of Genghis, I don’t know. The eldest son of Kundulen Daitshing was named Dalai or otherwise Tsokor. He succeeded his father as chief of the Aru Khortshins. They were vassals of the Chakhars, but in consequence of the oppression of Lingdan Khan, they in 1629, with their leader Modsang, the son of Dalai, submitted to the Manchus.

“They are encamped 1,100 li north of Ku pe kheou, one of the gates of the Great Wall. Their country is 130 li from east to west, and 420 from north to south. They are bounded on the east by the Dsarods, on the west by the Barins, on the south by the left banner of the Khalkas, and on the north by the Wesumutshins. From their chief encampment it is 1,340 li to Peking. The Shara Muren or Shira Muren, which runs 200 li to the south of their principal encampment, comes from the province of Barin, and enters the territory of Dsarod.”

 

THE DURBEN KEUKEDS.

 

The name of this tribe means four brothers. It forms one banner under a prince of the second rank. Begon Noyan, as I have said, had three sons. The third of these was Noyantai, who had four sons who divided their father’s clans among them and lived in close alliance. Thence these clans were styled Durben Keuked; in Chinese, Szu tsu pu lo; and in Manchu, Duin Djuse (the four sons).^f In 1629 they submitted to the Manchus.

“Their tribe forms one banner, and encamps at mount Ulan erghi tologai, 550 li north-west of Kalgan-. Their country is 235 li from east to west, and 240 from north to south. On the east and north they are bounded by the Sunids, on the west by the Tumeds of Koko Khotan, on the south by the Chakhars of the red banner.”

 

THE URADS.

 

KLAPROTH says this name means artisan in Mongol! It is a very old tribe, and appears with the Taidjuts, &c., in the history of the early days of Genghis as fighting against him. They are generally found in alliance with the Manguts and Nuyakins, and the three were probably closely connected. They now form three banners, under two princes of the second rank and one of the sixth. These three banners perhaps correspond to the three tribes just named. The third son of Tomai Niakhatshi above-named was called Burkhai. He settled on the lake Kulun. His people were styled Urads. He had five sons, Laikha, Buyanggho, Arsagho; Burutu, and Barsai. The tribe was eventually divided into three sections, one of them ruled by Lakhai’s grandson, named Ombo; the second by Sereng, grandson of Khanin Ching Taidshi, the second son of Barsai; and the third by Toba, son of Khanitu Bingtu Taidshi, the fifth son of Barsai. In 1632 they all sub­mitted to the Manchus, and took horses and camels as presents.

“The Urads occupy the extensive valley of Khadamal, which commences 360 li to the west of Koko Khotan. Their territory is 215 li from east to west, and 300 from north to south. On the east it is bounded by the Mao Minggans, on the west by the Ordus, on the south by the Yellow River, and on the north by the Khalkas. Their principal encampment is 1,500 li from Peking. Their mountains are Khundulin, Ghiran tologoi, Bartu, Egude, and Egui-undur. This last is lofty and steep, and resembles a kiln for drying corn, from which circumstance it derives its name. Khadjar Khosho is the name of a chain of mountains which Extends from the north-west of the encampment of the Urads to Koko Khotan, following the left bank of the Yellow River, which waters the southern districts of this tribe. The rivers Burgatu, Khaliatu, and Shara issue from this chain and fall into that river.”

The account of Mongolia, to which I am so largely indebted, was translated by the Russian Hyacinthe, and is appended to Timkowski’s travels. Klaproth adds a note that Hyacinthe has omitted. The two highest mountains of the Urad country, are those called in Mongol, Chastai ola, and in Chinese, Sina Shan, that is to say, mountains o£ snow. The one is 90 li north of the principal camp of the Urads, the other 205 li north-west, both on the north of the Kara muren, which comes from and falls into the Yellow River In many places in the Urad country the ruins of ancient cities are still to be seen. Among the celebrated temples in their country is the Fo yun zu, on the mountain of the same name, called in Mongol, Udjur Tsayan khada, 190 li north-west of the principal encampment?

 

THE MAO MINGGANS.

 

This tribe forms one banner, under a Taidshi of the first class and a chieftain of high rank.

Minggan means a thousand. The meaning of Mao or Magho, as Ssanang Setzen writes the word, is unknown to me. With the other tribes just named this formed a portion of the very large heritage of Khassar. “His thirteenth descendant was named Uldunei Buyantu. He had a son named Shira Kitad, with the surname Tushiyetu Khan. Shira had three sons, named Dordshi, Kumu Baghatur, and Sanghardshi Khongkor. They lived near the lake Kulun. Dordshi, with the title of Buyantu Khan, became the overchief of the Mao Minggans, and was succeeded in that position by his son Tsegen. In 1632 Kumu Baghatur, with about 1,000 families, submitted to the Manchus, taking presents of camels, &c. In 1633 several other chiefs of the tribe followed his example were received with considerable rejoicings, and were handsomely entertained. In 1634 several of these chiefs broke their allegiance and went over to the Khalkas. Troops were sent after them, which overtook them near the river Ono, and killed more than a thousand of them. The troops continued their pursuit into the land of the Khamnikha (zof the Tunguses), and made many of them prisoners.

“The Mao Minggans are encamped at the source of the Chetubulak, above 800 li north-west of Kalgan. Their country is 100 li from east to west and 190 from north to south. It is bounded on the east by the Khalkas, on the west by the Urads, on the south by the Tumeds of Koko Khotan, and on the north by the desert. It is 1,240 li from Peking.

“The most remarkable mountains there are the Kharatologoi, Khargaitu, Kharateké, Khorko, and Gurban Khara. The chief rivers are the Khundulen, the Bulur lokhoi, and the Aibukha.”

This completes the description of the tribes subject to the descendants of Khassar.

 

THE ONGNIGHODS.

 

The Ongnighods form two banners, under a prince of the second another of the third class, and two chiefs of high rank. This tribe is apparently the only fragment of the very large empire once controlled by Utsuken, the brother of Genghis, and by his descendants, which still remains in his family. I have described in previous chapters the strong influence which this section of the Mongol dominions had upon the main course of Mongol history. It was probably in consequence of the revolutionary character of its successive rulers that the family was eventually deprived. However this may be, it is very certain that among the various Mongol tribes, this one alone is named as still obeying his family.

Temugen Utsuken was the youngest of the brothers of Genghis Khan, who was of the full blood, and was apparently that one who survived the longest, and in consequence of his patriarchal character acquired great influence during the reigns of his sons. There was another brother named Khadshikin or Kadshiun, who is named by Ssanang Setzen, between him and Khassar, but his descendants have apparently died out.

Utsuken seems to have been of a brave and impetuous character. In the great campaign against the Naimans, when most of the officers of Genghis counselled delay until his horses should be in better condition, he urged on the contrary, that those of the enemy were equally thin, and he urged that they should not allow the enemy time to recruit. On the partition of the empire, Utsuken’s portion lay on the frontiers of Manchuria, in the old country of the Inkirasses, about Kalantshin Alt and the river Olkui, and it is probable that he not only ruled over the Mongol tribes in that district, but also over the broken shreds of the Tartars, whom 1 have identified with the Daurians. He was a great favourite with his brother, who assigned him a special army of 5,000 warriors, namely, 2,000 Umauts, 1,000 Basiuts, and 2,000 of mixed clans. Utsuken assisted at the inauguration of his nephew Ogotai, and held one of his hands as he was conducted to the throne. On the death of Ogotai, Utsuken, who, as the eldest of the family had some claims to the throne, made a feeble attempt to gain it, and approached the capital with his troops. When he found he would not be generally supposed, he blandly said he had gone to offer his congratulations,! and with his forty-eight sons he assisted at the inauguration of Kuyuk. He was afterwards tried, and although he was not punished, several of his officers were put to death.[

Utsuken was a great builder, and where he lived, palaces pleasure gardens, &c., were constructed. His chief wife was called Send Fudshin, and was of the tribe of the Olkhonods. He was succeeded in his authority by his son Thugadshar Noyan. He became very powerful, commanded Kublai’s troops in his war with Arikbuka, received many favours from Kublai, and lived to an old age. He was succeeded by his son Agul, and he by his son Nayan. I have described, at some length already, the great rebellion which Nayan headed against Kublai Khan in his later days, nor shall I repeat what I then said. Marco Polo says he could bring 400,000 men into the field, which, as Colonel Yule says, was no doubt a great exaggeration. He also describes the district governed by him as a remote wilderness, more than thirty marches from the court, and he tells us that he had four provinces under h is control, namely: Chorcha, Cauly, Barscol, and Sikintinju, a very great dominion. Colonel Yule has some judicious remarks on these names. He says Chorcha is the Manchu country, the Nyuché of the Chinese; by Kauli was probably meant a portion of or a district on the borders of Corea. Barskul or Leopard lake was doubtless some place in Manchuria, perhaps the great lake of Hinka, while Sikintinju is probably a corruption representing Shangking-Tyngking, expressing the two capitals of the Khitans in this district. According to the Chinese authorities, Nayan’s territory was mainly watered by the rivers Liau, Toro, Kueliei, &c., which answers tolerably to the same area.

Nayan, like many other Eastern princes, is said to have been a Christian. As I have described, he was severely defeated by Kublai, was captured and put to death.

His defeat apparently to a large extent prostrated the power of Nayan’s family. It is not unlikely that several of the Daurian tribes still obeyed his family, even at the accession of the Manchu dynasty, but among the Mongols its authority seems to have decayed. The Khortshins and other tribes forming the confederacy ruled by Khassar apparently succeeded to the vacant power, and I believe that the Nahachu, who opposed the Ming troops with such vigour in this area about 1386, was a descendant of Khassar’s, and it is remarkable, as I have said, that the only tribe whose princes claim descent from Utsuken at this moment is that of the Ongnighods. In the narrative translated by Schmidt we read that one of Utsuken’s descendants had two sons, the elder of whom named Bayantai Khongkhor Noyan became the chief of the Ongnighods, while the second son Badai Setzen Nayan and his clans took the name of Kara Chirik. The descendant of Bayantai in the second generation was Tulan, who took the name of Dugereng Khan. He had seven sons, of whom Sun Dureng and Dung Daitshing were two. The descendants of Badai in the third generation was Nassai, who had two sons named Garma and Nomtai Daitshing. During the disturbances caused by Lingdan Khan, Sun Dureng, Dung Daitshing, and the Taidshi of the family Kara Chirik, named Carma, with all their subjects, submitted to the Manchus. This was in 1631, and they took part in the Manchu campaign against the Chakhars.

“The country of the Ongnighods extends for 100 li from east to west, and 160 li from north to south. On the east it is bordered by that of the Aru Khortshins, on the west by that of Yehé, in the south by that of the Kharatshins and Aokhansy and on the north by, that of the Batins and Kechiktens. It is 760 li from. Peking.

“The right winge encamps at Indzir khogotshit, 520 li north-east: of Khu pe kheou, and the left wing 680 li from the same place. The principal rivers of their country are the Lokha, which runs 100 li towards the south-east of the left wing, it comes from Aolshan, and running to the north-east of the Khirdulun; and the Inghin.150 lito the north-west of the right-wing, which rises in the. mountains of Hia ma ling; after having run to the south-east it receives the Chang ho and falls farther to the cast into the Lokha.”

 

THE ABAGHAS.

 

Thee Abaghas form two banners, under a prince of the second class, a Taidshi of the first class, and two chiefs of high rank. Besides his brothers of the whole blood, Genghis Khan, as I have stated, had-two half-brothers named Bekter and Belgetei. Bekter was killed, as I have already deseribed. Belgetei occurs several times in the account of Genghis as given both by Ssanang Setzen and De Mailla.

His descendant in the seventeenth generation was Bayaskho Burkud, who had two sons. The eldest of these named Tarni Kudung became the chief of the Abaghas, and his brother Nomi Demektu of the Abdaghanars. Tarni Kudung had two sons, namely, Sussenge Waidsang, who had a son named Erdeni Tumen, with the title of Jassaktu Noyan, and Dsangghotai Soriktu, who had as on Dordshi, surnamed Etshige Noyan. The Abaghas were vassals of the Chakhars. When Lingdan Khan began his violent proceeding’s they fled to the north of the desert to the banks of the river Kerulon, and sought protection from Shului, the Setzen Khan of the Khalkas.

In 1627 they formed a portion of the confederacy which defeated the Chakhars at Ju Tseng. In 1631 Kitad Tsokhor, one of their chiefs, submitted, with 500 men, and in 1634, after the great deecat of the Chakhars, Tusker, the grandson of the Erdeni above-named, joined with the Setzen Khan, Shului in writing a submissive letter to the Manchus and in sending products of his country as presents. In 1638 Etshige Noyan Dordshi, with many of his followers, separated from the Khalkas and placed himself under Manchu protection. On this occasion Dordshi changed his name to Amitai and took the title of Darkhan-Noyan. In 1651 his submission was followed, by that of Tusker. Both were raised to the rankes of Kun wang. The former was made chief of the eastern, and the latter of the western wing of the Abaghas. At the same dime pasture grounds, &c., were assigned them on the frontier. When in 1666 the Abaghanars also submitted to the Manchus the latter occupied these newly granted lands, and the Abaghas moved into fresh quarters, between the Khaghotshids and Sunids.

“Their land is 200 li from east to west, and 300 li from north to south. It joins on the east the frontier of the Abaghanars, on the west that of the Sunids, on the south that of the Chakhars of the blue banner, and on the north the great desert. The right wing is encamped at the Spring Kobur, and the left wing about Bain olu. The distance to Peking is 1,000 li.”

 

THE ABAGHANARS.

 

ABAGHANAR means grandfather in Mongol. This tribe forms two banners, under a prince of the third rank and another of the fourth rank,

In the last article I mentioned how the Abaghas and the Abaghanars were divided between two brothers, of ehom the chief of the Abaghanars was called Nomi Demektu. This tribe was under the Setzen Khan Shului, and was settled on the banks of the Kerulon, and its original home was north of the desert. About 1641 several of its chiefs submitted to the, Manchus, and in 1641 the Taidshi Arana Garma with a large following crossed the desert and settled on the frontier of the empire. This migration was not naturally very pleasing to the Khalkhas but they were too weak to oppose the rising Manchu power. In 1665 and 1666, when the Khalkhas themselves had submitted, many other chiefs of the Abaghanars joined their countrymen south of the desert. As I have said, the tribe was settled in the country recently occupied by the Abaghas, for whom new seats were formed.

“Their land is 180 li from east to west and 360 li from north to south. It is bounded on the east by the Khaghotshids, on the west by the Abaghas, on the south by the Chakhars of the blue banner, and on the north by the desert. The distance to Peking is 1,500 li. Their principal camp is 640 li north-east of the barrier of Chang-kia-kheou or Kalgan.

“Under the Yuen dynasty this and the adjacent countries made part of a Chinese province, but under the Ming it was occupied by the Mongols, as we have related, and was under the Setzen Khan of the Khalkhas. The right wing is about Changtu (in Chinese, Yung ngan chan), 640 li north-east of Kalgan, it is 60 li from east to west and 310 li from north to south. ’The left at Mount Urkhu tologai, 582 li north-east of Tu chy kheou; it extends no li from east to west and 318 li from north to south.”

Besides the tribes enumerated in this chapter there are two fragments of the Khalkhas who long ago settled to the south of the desert and form two of the Forty-nine Banners. These are the so-called Eastern and Western Khalkhas of the Inner division. Their history will come more properly in the next chapter, where I shall treat of the Khalkhas.

 

Note 1.—I hardly insisted with sufficient emphasis, in the account of the Chakhars in this chapter, upon the very separate organisation which distinguishes them. Originally the Manchus consisted of seven tribes or banners, as we learn from the narrative of Martini and others. When the Chakhars were conquered, they were given co-ordinate rank with the Manchus and formed into an eighth banner, and are now treated as Bannermen, and looked upon as the reserves of the Manchu army. As I have said, they are divided into eight banners. Hue describes these as the red, blue, yellow, and white, pink, light blue, light yellow, and French white. He says each of the Chakhar banners has its own tribunal, named Nuru Chain, having jurisdiction over all matters that may occur in the banner. Besides this tribunal, there is in each of the eight banners a chief named U Gurdha. Of the eight U Gurdhas, one is selected to fill the post of Governor-General of the eight banners. They are all nominated by the Chinese Emperor. In order that they may be at all times ready to march at the first signal, the Chakhars are severely prohibited from cultivating the ground. They must live on their pay and the produce of their flocks. The entire soil of the eight banners is inalienable. It sometimes happens that an individual sells his portion to some Chinese, but the sale is always declared null and void if it comes in any shape before the tribunals.” In the Chakhar country are found the vast Imperial herds. There are 360 herds of horses alone, each numbering 1,200 horses. A Chakhar Tartar decorated with a white button has charge of each herd. At intervals they are visited by the Inspectors, when the chief herdsman has to make up deficiencies out of his own pocket. They nevertheless manage to cheat their Imperial master. “Whenever a Chinese has a broken-winded horse or a lame ox, he takes it to the Imperial herdsman, who for a small consideration allows him to select what animal he pleases in exchange from among the Imperial herds. Being thus always provided with The actual number of animals they can benefit by their fraud in perfect security.”

In regard to the rebellion of the Chakhars which I mentioned, I find that I overlooked a passage in De Mailla. He tells us in 1675 the rising Manchu empire was threatened on several sides at once. The princes of Kuang tung, Fu kien, and Tai-wan or Formosa, made a pact with the rebel Usankuei, and with the Mongols against the common enemy. The latter were led by a chief named Satchar, who doubtless deemed it a favourable opportunity for recovering his independence. Having persuaded several of the neighbouring princes to join him, he prepared to march into China at the head of 100,000 men. Being informed by spies of the tempest that was brewing in the north, the Manchu Emperor at once ordered the troops of Liau tung and a detachment from the garrison of Peking to march against the Mongols. They marched rapidly, before the latter could concentrate their forces. Satchar forced to fight at a disadvantage was defeated and captured with his brother and children. This is no doubt the same event mentioned by Timkowski. He calls the chief Barin, and tells us he was the chief of the Chakhars.

 

Note 2.—The Abbé Hue tells a quaint story about the Barins which I overlooked in the account of that tribe, which illustrates forcibly the kind of intercourse which is carried on between the Imperial court and the dependent Sovereigns, He says that “although the Mongol Sovereigns think it their duty to prostrate themselves once a year before the Son of Heaven, Lord of the Earth, they nevertheless do not concede to the great Khan the right of dethroning the reigning families in the Tartar principalities. He may, they say, cashier a King for grave misconduct, but he is bound to fill up the vacant place with one of the superseded prince’s sons. The sovereignty belongs, they contend, to such and such a family by a right which is inalienable, and of which it were a crime to dispossess the owner.” He then goes on to say that “a few years ago the King of the Barins was accused at Peking of having conspired a rebellion against the Emperor. He was tried by the Supreme Tribunal without being heard, and was condemned to be 4 shortened at both ends,’ the meaning of the decree being, that his head and feet should be cut off. The King made enormous presents to the officials who were to superintend the execution of the Imperial edict, and they contented themselves with cutting off his braid of hair and the soles of his boots. They reported at Peking that the order had been executed, and no more was said about. the matter. The King, however, descended from his throne, and was succeeded by his son.”

 

Note 3.—I am conscious that some of the expressions in the preceding account of the conversion of the Mongols to Lamaism in the time of Altan Khan are very jejune, and in some cases not very intelligible, but I preferred to follow the text of Ssanang Setzen as nearly as I could understand it, to making a paraphrase upon a subject profoundly difficult and obscure. I hope in another volume to give a short conspectus of the system of Lama Buddhism as it is followed in Mongolia.

 

Note 4.—In this and preceding chapters I have constantly used the Chinese term li for a measure of distance without explaining its meaning. The li is a very variable distance, like the Spanish league, which, as those know to their cost who have been in out-of-the-way comers of that country, expands where there are no official posts to mark the distance. De Mailla says that the li in most ordinary use, and which may therefore be taken as a mean standard of its length, is one-tenth of a French league, so that 200 li form a geographical mile or degree. Hue’s editor says the Chinese li is about equivalent to the quarter of an English mile. Timkowski says, according to information given by persons acquainted with the subject, the Chinese li contains 285 Russian fathoms, and consequently 35 fathoms more than half a verst. Hyacinthe says the Chinese li is equivalent to 1,800 Chinese Engineer feet, 1,8974 English feet, and 271/4 Russian sashens or fathoms. Ten li are equal to 5 versts 210 sashens.  From these varying authorities, De Mailla’s mean calculation may perhaps be accepted as the safest.