READING HALL DOORS OF WISDOM

"THIRD MILLENNIUM LIBRARY"

 

 
 

 

BABAR

 

 

CHAPTER VIII

HERAT.

1500—1507 A.D.

 

Shaibáni Khan, after finishing the subjugation of the kingdom of Khuwárizm, by the Sea of Aral, returned. to the attack of the remnant of the Timurid Empire. At the end of 1505, when all the land between the Sir and the Amu, from Aral to Badakhshan, was his, he prepared to conquer Persia, and began by laying siege to the great city of Balkh, the strongest outpost of Khurasán. Sultán Husain at last was thoroughly roused; he took the field, despite his age and infirmities, and summoned all his kinsmen to his side. Now or never must the Uzbeg invasion be met and rolled back. Among the rest, Babar was called to the war, and none would more heartily join in a campaign against his own deadliest enemy. To defeat Shaibáni was now his dearest wish : it meant revenge for the loss of Samarkand, it might mean Samarkand regained. In June, 1506, he led his troops out of Kabul, and taking the Shibertú and the “Tooth-break” (Dendán-shikán) passes, descended to Kahmard, and thence past the Aimák country, where “as all the world was in disorder, every one plundering and usurping other folks property, my people took some booty from the tilled land as well as from the clans; and we imposed a subvention on the Turks and Aimáks”. His brother Jahángir had been intriguing among these people, and Babar had chosen this route in order to assert his sovereignty and bring his brother, like a whipped cur, to heel.

At the end of October, after a march of eight hundred miles, he met the sons of Sultán Husain; the old man himself had died in the spring, even before the army left Kabul. The princes were encamped with all the troops they could collect on the bank of the river Murghab. They were a totally new experience to the hardy soldier. Whatever may have been the comparative luxury of Andiján or Samarkand in the days of his infancy, Babar had never known the soft delights of cultured ease and magnificent idleness. His own life had been a succession of adventures and privations. He now for the first time became acquainted with the luxurious possibilities of a decadent civilization. Herat, then the capital of Khurasán, had been the home of science and the arts during the long reign of the late sovereign, and the natural capacity of the site had been developed to the utmost. Though it possessed but a single stream within the walls, the gardens without were famous for fertility, and for twenty miles on one side, and nearly ten on another, the country round about was a wilderness of lovely orchards and plantations, and expanses of well-tilled fields, surrounding numerous villas and hamlets, were highly renowned, and this party was certainly free, easy, and unconstrained. “During the time I remained on the banks of the Murghab, I was present twice or thrice at the Mirzá’s drinking parties; when it was known that I drank no wine, they did not trouble me by pressing”. Then he began to argue with himself thus—but we will quote the whole passage, as it is admirably illustrative of the society of the time:—

“A few days later, I had an invitation from Muzaffar Mirza, who lived at the White Garden. Khadija Begum, when dinner was removed, carried him and me to a palace called Terebkhána [or House of Delight] which Babar Mirza [the elder] had built. It stands in the midst of a garden, and though small and of only two stories it is a delightful little house. The upper storey is the more elaborate : it has four rooms, one in each corner, enclosing a central large hall; and the four rooms have four royal balconies. Every part of the hall is covered with paintings ... executed by order of Sultan Abu-Said Mirza, to represent his wars.

“There was a drinking party in the Terebkhána. In the north end of the north balcony two carpets were set facing each other; on one of them sat Muzaffar Mirza and I, and on the other Sultan Masud Mirzá and Jahángir. As we were guests in Muzaffar’s house, the Mirza placed me above himself, and having filled up a glass of welcome, the cup­bearers began to supply all who were of the party with pure wine, which they quaffed as if it had been the water of life. The party waxed warm, and the spirit mounted up to their heads. They took a fancy to make me drink, too, and bring me into the same ring as themselves. Up to then I had never been guilty of drinking wine, and was therefore practically ignorant of the sensations it produced; yet I had a strong lurking inclination to roam in this desert, and my heart was very fain to cross the stream. In my boyhood I had no wish for it, and knew not its joys or pains. Whenever my father invited me to drink wine, I excused myself and abstained; and after his death, by the protecting care of Khwája Kázi, I continued pure and undefiled : I abstained even from forbidden foods, so was it likely I should indulge in wine? Afterwards, by youthful fancy and natural impulse, I began to hanker for wine, but there was no one about me to help me to gratify my desire; not a soul even suspected, my secret longing ...

“At this party, among the musicians was Hafiz Haji; Jalal-ad-dín Mahmud, the flute-player, was there too, and the younger brother of Ghulam Shadi, Shadi Becheh, who played the harp. Hafiz Haji sang well. The people of Herat sing in a low, delicate, legato style. There was a singer of Jahangir Mirzá’s present, Mir Jan by name, a man from Samarkand, who always sang in a loud, harsh voice, and out of tune. Jahángir, who was far gone, suggested that he should sing, and sing he did, in a horribly loud, rasping, unpleasant tone. The men of Khurasán pique themselves on their good breeding, but many turned their ears away, some frowned, but out of respect for the Mirza no one ventured to stop him. After the hour of evening prayers we went from the Terebkhána to the new Winter Palace which Muzaffar Mirzá had built. By the time we got there Yusuf Ali Kukildash, being very drunk, rose and danced; he was a musical man and danced well. Now the party grew very merry and friendly; Jánik sang a Turki song; Muzaffar’s slaves performed some lewd, scurvy tucks while the company were hot with wine; the party was kept up late, and did not separate till an untimely hour.

It seems probable that Babar did not have his wish after all to drink wine at Herat. His chief adviser, Kásim Beg Kochín, remonstrated so severely with the princes upon their reprehensible design of making their young cousin break his religious habit, that when the next entertainment came off at the eldest prince’s, we hear nothing of Babar’s intended initiation in drinking—though unfortunately he had more than enough of it later on—but only of his lack of science as a carver. He could not carve a goose, like many another man of genius, and was obliged to surrender the problem to his cousin: “Badi-az-zamán at once cut up the goose, divided it into small pieces, and set it again before me : he was unequalled in this sort of politeness”

Unfortunately carving geese and sending the cup round were not the qualities most needed when Shaibáni was in the field. Babar soon realized that “the brave barbarian from the north was not to be vanquished by men like these. Their tents of state, their rich carpets, their gorgeous attire and goblets of silver and gold, without adding to their own means of defence, were an incentive to the rapacity of the enemy. “The Mirzás” says Babar, “although very accomplished at the social board, or in the arrangements for a party of pleasure, and although they had a charming talent for conversation and society, possessed no knowledge whatever of the conduct of a campaign or of warlike operations, and were perfect strangers to the preparations for a battle, and the dangers and spirit of a soldier’s life”. No help was to be expected from these polished gentlemen in withstanding the Uzbeg attack; and now that winter was come, and there could be no campaigning till the next season, Babar resolved to go home and see what mischief the Turks, Mongols, Aimáks, Afghans, Hazára, and all the Ils and Ulúses, clans and tribes of various nations and languages, not to mention his own blood relations, had been doing all this while in his new kingdom of Kabul.

At the entreaty of his cousins, the Mirzas, he had spent twenty days in Herat—for “in the whole habitable world there is not such another city”—he had enjoyed life as he had never enjoyed it before; the youngest of his fair cousins, Masuma, had fallen violently in love with him, and they were engaged: but winter was advanced, and on December 34, 1506, he began his return march to Kabul. By the advice of Kásim Beg Kochín he took the mountain road. Babar had a very high opinion of Kásim, who had been his father’s majordomo, and in time to come would be governor of his son Humayun. He describes him as “a brave man, a fine sword, and matchless in a foray”. It is true, when Babar’s fortunes were overcast, Kásim took service with Khusrau Shah, but when this great Amir fled before Shaibáni, and his Begs deserted to Babar, Kásim also returned to his fealty, and his young master welcomed him with affection. In the fight with the Hazára in the glen of Khish, Kásim had shown prodigious valor, despite his years. “He was a pious, devout, faithful Muslim” says Babar, “and carefully abstained from all questionable food. His judgment and talents were remarkably good. He was a humorous fellow, and though ho could neither read nor write, he had an ingenious and elegant wit”.

Kásim and his master needed all their courage in the adventure that now lay before them. They marched by a route much further south than that they had traversed coming out. It snowed incessantly, and in places the snow rose above the stirrups. They lost their way, their guide became hopelessly puzzled, and never succeeded in finding the road again. They sent out exploring parties, in the hope of lighting upon some stray mountaineers who might be wintering nearby, but the scouts came back after three or four days, and reported that no one could be found : the country was absolutely empty of human beings. During the next few days the little army suffered terrible hardships—“such suffering and hardship, indeed” says Babar, “as I have scarcely endured at any other time of my life; and he forthwith sat down and wrote a poem about it, but it was like to be the last poem he should ever write.

“For about a week we went on trampling down the snow, yet only able to make two or three miles. I helped, in trampling the snow; with ten or fifteen of my household, and with Kásim Beg and his sons and a few servants, we all dismounted and labored at beating down the snow. Each step we sank to the waist or the breast, but still we went on trampling it down. After a few paces a man became exhausted, and another took his place. Then the men who were treading it down dragged forward a horse without a rider; the horse sank to the stirrups and girths, and after advancing ten or fifteen paces, was worn out and replaced by another; and thus from ten to twenty of us trod down the snow and brought our horses on, whilst the rest—even our best men, many of them Begs—rode along the road thus beaten down for them, hanging their heads. It was no time for worrying them or using authority: if a man has pluck and emulation he will press forward to such work of his own accord ... In three or four days we reached a cave called Khawál Koti, at the foot of the Zirrín Pass [Zard Sang, over the Koh-i-Baba]. That day the storm was terrible, and the snow fell so heavily that we all expected to die together. When we reached the cave the storm was at its worst. We halted at the mouth : the snow was deep, and the path so narrow that we could only pass in single file. The horses moved with difficulty over the beaten, trampled snow, and the days were at the shortest. The troops began to arrive at the cave while it was yet light; when it was dark they stopped; each man had to dismount and hall where he was; many waited for morning in their saddles.

“The cave seemed small. I took a hoe, and scraping and clearing the snow away made a resting-place for myself as big as a prayer carpet near the mouth of the cave; I dug down, breast deep, but did not reach the ground. In this hole I sat down for shelter from the gale. They begged me to go inside, but I would not. I felt that for me to be in warm shelter and comfort whilst my men were out in the snow and drift—for me to be sleeping at ease inside whilst my men were in misery and distress, was not to do my duty by them, or to share in their sufferings as they deserved that I should. Whatever their hardships and difficulties, whatever they had to undergo, it was right that I should share it with them. There is a Persian proverb that “In the company of friends death is a feast”. So I remained sitting in the drift, in the hole that I had dug out for myself, till bedtime prayers, when the snow fell so fast that, as I had been all the time sitting crouched on my feet, I found four inches of snow on my head, lips, and ears : that night I caught cold in the ear. Just then a party that had explored the cave brought word that it was very capacious, and could hold all our people. As soon as I heard this I shook off the snow from my head and face, and went into the cave, and sent to call those who were at hand. A comfortable place was found for fifty or sixty; those who had any eatables, stewed meat, preserved flesh, or anything ready, brought them out; and so we escaped from the terrible cold and snow and drift into a wonderful safe, warm, cozy place, and refreshed ourselves”

 

It was by such, acts of comradeship find unselfish endurance, at the risk of his life, that Babar endeared himself to his soldiers. They knew that be took a real personal interest in each one of them, and that every gallant deed or feat of uncomplaining patience was sure to be observed and remembered, whilst in their illness or sufferings they could count on his sympathy and help. He possessed many of the finest qualities of a commander; he knew when to be gentle as well as when to be firm; and above all he never asked his men to do what he would not do himself. Whatever they suffered, he would suffer too. This comradeship with his soldiers accounts for much of Babar’s success, and explains the devotion of the rank and file which enabled, him again and again to snatch, victory in the most unfavorable conditions.

Fortunately the terrible march was nearly at an end. When they looked forth from the cave the next morning, the storm was over, the snow had stopped, and though the cold was still intense, and many lost their hands or feet from frost-bite, they managed to climb the pass, and the following day the inhabitants of a village down below were amazed to see a weary body of armed men limping down from the snow-clad heights, which the oldest native had never seen crossed by human beings at such a season. The depth of the snow indeed had saved them, and it was only afterwards that they understood how the heavy drifts, through which they had struggled with so much toil, had leveled and softened many a rift and precipice which they could never have passed but for the friendly covering. As they listened to the hidden penis they had escaped, they learnt to be thankful, seated round the fires of the hospitable villagers, taking their fill of good bread and fat sheep, and warmth and sleep, after the hardships of that fearful journey.

As Babar drew near to Kabul, he learnt that his return had been timed not a moment too soon. A rumor had been spread about that he had been made prisoner in Khurasán, and some of the Mongols who had stayed behind had set up a new king. This was Khan Mirza, the only surviving son of Sultan Mahmud of Samarkand. Khan Mirza was doubly a cousin, for his father was brother of Babar’s father, and his mother was half-sister of Babar’s mother. It happened that several sympathetic relations of Khan Mirza were at that time in Kabul, including a very strong-minded old woman, Shah Begum, the Mirzá’s own grandmother, but only step-grandmother to Babar, whose own mother and grandmother, his once zealous advocates, were unfortunately dead. There was also an uncle-in-law, Muhammad Husain Mirza Dughlát (father of Mirza Haidar, the author of the celebrated history), who had married Babar’s mother’s sister (now dead), and to whom, on going away to Khurasán, the nephew naturally confided a considerable share in the conduct of affairs. There seems to be no doubt that he betrayed his trust, and even his own son’s account in the Tarikh-i-Rashili convicts him first of neglect or secret sympathy, and finally of open treason.

The rebels had been laying siege for twenty-four days to the castle of Kabul, which was valiantly defended by some loyal servants of the absent king, when suddenly Babar burst in upon them. The traitors instantly broke and fled, only to be captured by the loyalists and brought before their injured master. What followed is best told in the words of the chief traitor’s son, who sets the conduct of Babar in a noble and generous light :

 “The Emperor” he says, “in conformity with his affectionate nature, without ceremony, and without a sign of bitterness—nay, with the utmost cheerfulness and good humor—came into the presence of his step-grandmother, who had withdrawn her affection from him and set up her grandson as king in his stead. Shah Begum was confounded and abashed, and knew not what to say. The Emperor, going down on his knees, embraced her with great affection, and said, “What right has one child to be vexed because the motherly bounty descends upon another? The mother’s authority over her children is in all respects absolute”. He added, “I have not slept all night, and have made a long journey”. So saying, he laid his head on Shah Begum’s breast and tried to sleep; he acted thus in order to reassure the Begum. He had scarcely fallen asleep when his maternal aunt, Mihr Nigar Khánim [daughter of Yunus, and widow of Sultan Ahmad, and herself apparently in the plot], entered. The Emperor leapt up and embraced his beloved aunt with every manifestation of affection. The Khánim said to him, “Your children, wives, and household are longing to see you. I give thanks that I have been permitted to behold you once again. Rise up and go to your family in the castle. I, too, am going thither”.

So he went to the castle, and on his arrival all the Amirs and people began to thank God for His mercy. They made the dust of the feet of that loving king kohl for their eyes. Then the Khánim conducted Khan Mirza and my father [the treacherous uncle] before the Emperor. As they approached, the Emperor came out to meet them. The Khánim then said, “O soul of your mother! I have also brought the guilty grandson and the unfortunate brother to you. What have you to say to them?”. And she pointed to my father. When the Emperor saw my father, he instantly came forward with his wonted courtesy, and smiling openly, embraced him, made many kind enquiries, and showed him marked affection. He then embraced Khan Mirza in like manner, and displayed a hundred proofs of love and good feeling. He conducted the whole ceremony with the utmost gentleness of manner, bearing himself, in all his actions and words, in such a way that not a trace of constraint or artifice was to be seen in them. But, however much the Emperor might try to wear away the rust of shame with the polish of mildness and humanity, he was unable to wipe out the dimness of ignominy which had covered the mirror of their hopes”.

 

As Erskine points out, while this clemency was, indeed, founded on strong natural affections, and constitutional strength of feeling, it was sound policy as well as natural kindness that directed Babar’s conduct in this and many similar acts of mercy. But he felt the treachery of his kindred deeply, especially of the women to whom he had given asylum at his court; whilst as to his uncle, Muhammad Husain, who had so ill requited his trust, he says plainly that had he been cut in pieces he would only have met with his deserts; yet he forgave him for his kinship, and let him depart, only to hear “that  this ungrateful thankless man, this coward, who had been treated by me with such lenity, and whose life I had spared, entirely forgetful of this benefit, abused me and libeled me to Shaibáni his new master”. Even this did not prevent Babar’s receiving the traitor’s son at Kabul with the utmost kindness a few years later.

Such was the end of Babar’s expedition to Khurasán, and of the hopes of repelling Shaibáni. The voluptuous Mirzas of Herat and their beautiful capital soon fell before the brave barbarian from the north, and Babar was next to be menaced in his own little kingdom, which he had opportunely recovered from the traitors of his own household.

 

 

CHAPTER IX

KABUL AND KANDAHAR

 

 

 

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