HISTORY OF ISRAEL LIBRARY |
CONTENTS
Introduction
I. Isaac
Israeli
II. David
ben Merwan Al Mukammas
III. Saadia
ben Joseph Al-Fayyumi
IV. Joseph
Al-Basir and Jeshua ben Judah
V. Solomon
Ibn Gabirol
VI. Bahya
Ibn Pakuda
VII. Pseudo-Bahya
VIII. Abraham
Bar Hiyya
IX. Joseph
Ibn Zaddik
X. Judah
Halevi
XI. Moses
and Abraham Ibn Ezra
XII. Abraham
Ibn Daud
XIII. Moses
Maimonides
XIV. Hillel
ben Samuel
XV. Levi
ben Gerson
XVI. Aaron
ben Elijah of Nicomedia
XVII. Hasdai
ben Abraham Crescas
XVIII.
Joseph Albo
Conclusion
CHAPTER XII.
What was
poison to Judah Halevi is meat to Abraham Ibn Daud. We must, he says,
investigate the principles of the Jewish religion and seek to harmonize them
with true philosophy. And in order to do these things properly a preliminary
study of science is necessary. Nowadays all this is neglected and the result is
confusion in fundamental principles, for a superficial and literal reading of
the Bible leads to contradictory views, not to speak of anthropomorphic
conceptions of God which cannot be the truth. Many of our day think that the
study of philosophy is injurious. This is because it frequently happens in our
time that a person who takes up the study of philosophy neglects religion. In
ancient times also this happened in the person of Elisha ben Abuya, known by
the name of Aher. Nevertheless science was diligently studied in Rabbinic
times. Witness what was said concerning Rabbi Yohanan ben Zakkai, Samuel and
the Synhedrin. It cannot be that God meant us to abstain from philosophical
study, for many statements in the Bible, such as those relating to freedom of
the will, to the nature of God and the divine attributes, to the creation of
the world, and so on, are a direct stimulus to such investigation. Surely
mental confusion cannot be the purpose God had in mind for us. If he preferred
our ignorance he would not have called our attention to these matters at all.
This, as
we see, is decidedly a different point of view from that of Judah Halevi. The
difference between them is not due to a difference in their age and
environment, but solely to personal taste and temperament. Toledo was the
birthplace of Ibn Daud as it was of Halevi. And the period in which they lived
was practically the same. Judah Halevi's birth took place in the last quarter
of the eleventh century, whereas Ibn Daud is supposed to have been born about
1110, a difference of some twenty-five or thirty years. The philosopher whom
Judah Halevi presents to us as the typical representative of his time is an
Aristotelian of the type of Alfarabi and Avicenna. And it is the same type of
philosophy that we meet in the pages of the “Emunah Ramah” (Exalted Faith), Ibn
Daud’s philosophical work. Whereas, however, Judah Halevi was a poet by the
grace of God, glowing with love for his people, their religion, their language
and their historic land, Ibn Daud leaves upon us the impression of a precise
thinker, cold and analytical. He exhibits no graces of style, eloquence of diction
or depths of enthusiasm and emotion. He passes systematically from one point to
the next, uses few words and technical, and moves wholly in the Peripatetic
philosophy of the day. In 1161, the same year in which the Emunah Ramah was
composed, he also wrote a historical work, “Sefer Hakabala” (Book of
Tradition), which we have; and in 1180, regarded by some as the year of his
death, he published an astronomical work, which is lost. This gives an index of
his interests which were scientific and philosophic. Mysticism, whether of the
poetic or the philosophic kind, was far from his nature; and this too may
account for the intense opposition he shows to Solomon Ibn Gabirol. On more
than one occasion he gives vent to his impatience with that poetic philosopher,
and he blames him principally for two faults. Choosing to devote a whole book
to one purely metaphysical topic, in itself not related to Judaism, Gabirol, we
are told by Ibn Daud, gave expression to doctrines extremely dangerous to the
Jewish religion. And apart from his heterodoxy, he is philosophically
incompetent and his method is abominable. His style is profuse to the point of
weariness, and his logic carries no conviction.
While
Abraham Ibn Daud is thus expressly unsympathetic to Gabirol and tacitly in
disagreement with Halevi (he does not mention him), he shows the closest
relation to Maimonides, whose forerunner he is. We feel tempted to say that if
not for Ibn Daud there would have been no Maimonides. And yet the irony of
history has willed that the fame of being the greatest Jewish philosopher shall
be Maimonides's own, while his nearest predecessor, to whose influence he owed
most, should be all but completely forgotten. The Arabic original of Ibn Daud’s
treatise is lost, and the Hebrew translations (there are two) lay buried in
manuscript in the European libraries until one of them was published by Simson
Weil in 1852.
Abraham
Ibn Daud is the first Jewish philosopher who shows an intimate knowledge of the
works of Aristotle and makes a deliberate effort to harmonize the Aristotelian
system with Judaism. To be sure, he too owes his Aristotelian knowledge to the
Arabian exponents of the Stagirite, Alfarabi and Avicenna, rather than to the
works of Aristotle himself. But this peculiarity was rooted in the intellectual
conditions of his time, and must not be charged to his personal neglect of the
sources. And Maimonides does nothing more than repeat the effort of Ibn Daud in
a more brilliant and masterly fashion.
The
development of the three religious philosophies in the middle ages, Jewish,
Christian and Mohammedan, followed a similar line of progression. In all of
them it was not so much a development from within, the unfolding of what was
implicit and potential in the original germ of the three respective religions,
as a stimulus from without, which then combined, as an integral factor, with
the original mass, and the final outcome was a resultant of the two originally
disparate elements. We know by this time what these two elements were in each case,
Hellenic speculation, and Semitic religion in the shape of sacred and revealed
documents. The second factor was in every case complete when the process of
fusion began. Not so the first. What I mean is that not all of the writings of
Greek antiquity were known to Jew, Christian and Mohammedan at the beginning of
their philosophizing career. And the progress in their philosophical
development kept equal step with the successive accretion of Greek
philosophical literature, in particular Aristotle’s physical, psychological and
metaphysical treatises, and their gradual purgation of Neo-Platonic adhesions.
The
Syrian Christians, who were the first to adopt Greek teachings, seem never to
have gone beyond the mathematical and medical works of the Greeks and the logic
of Aristotle. The Arabs began where their Syrian teachers ended, and went
beyond them. The Mutakallimun were indebted to the Stoics, the Pure Brethren to
the Neo-Platonists; and it was only gradually that Aristotle became the sole
master not merely in logic, which he always had been, but also in physics,
metaphysics and psychology. Alfarabi, Avicenna and Averroes represent so many
steps in the Aristotelization of Arabic philosophy.
Christian
medieval thought, which was really a continuation of the Patristic period,
likewise began with Eriugena in the ninth century under Platonic and
Neo-Platonic influences. Of Aristotle the logic alone was known, and that too
only in small part. Here also progress was due to the increase of Aristotelian
knowledge; though in this case it was not gradual as with the Arabs before
them, but sudden. In the latter part of the twelfth and the early part of the
thirteenth century, through the Crusades, through the Moorish civilization in
Spain, through the Saracens in Sicily, through the Jews as translators and
mediators, Aristotle invaded Christian Europe and transformed Christian
philosophy. Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Duns Scotus, William of Occam are
the results of this transformation.
The same
thing holds true of the Jews. Their philosophizing career stands
chronologically between that of their Arab teachers and their Christian
disciples. And the line of their development was similar. It was parallel to
that of the Arabs. First came Kalam in Saadia, Mukammas, the Karaites Al Basir
and Jeshua ben Judah. Then Neo-Platonism and Kalam combined, or pure
Neo-Platonism, in Bahya, Gabirol, Ibn Zaddik and the two Ibn Ezras, Abraham and
Moses. In Judah Halevi, so far as philosophy is represented, we have
Neo-Platonism and Aristotelianism. Finally in Ibn Daud and Maimonides,
Neo-Platonism is reduced to the vanishing point, and Aristotelianism is in full
view and in possession of the field. After Maimonides the only philosopher who
deviates from the prescribed path and endeavors to uproot Aristotelian
authority in Judaism is Crescas. All the rest stand by Aristotle and his major
domo, Maimonides.
This may
seem like a purely formal and external mode of characterizing the development
of philosophical thought. But the character of medieval philosophy is
responsible for this. Their ideal of truth as well as goodness was in the past.
Knowledge was thought to have been discovered or revealed in the past, and the
task of the philosopher was to acquire what was already there and to harmonize
contradictory authorities. Thus the more of the past literature that came to
them, the greater the transformation in their own philosophy.
The above
digression will make clear to us the position of Ibn Daud and his relation to
Maimonides. Ibn Daud began what Maimonides finished—the last stage in the
Aristotelization of Jewish thought. Why is it then that so little was known
about him, and that his important treatise was neglected and practically
forgotten? The answer is to be found partly in the nature of the work itself
and partly in historical circumstances.
The
greatest and most abiding interest in intellectual Jewry was after all the
Bible and the Talmud. This interest never flagged through adversity or through
success. The devotion paid to these Jewish classics and sacred books may have
been fruitful in original research and intelligent application at one time and
place and relatively barren at another. Great men devoted to their study
abounded in one country and were relatively few in another. The nature of the
study applied to these books was affected variously by historical conditions,
political and economic; and the cultivation or neglect of the sciences and
philosophy was reflected in the style of Biblical and Talmudical
interpretation. But at all times and in all countries, under conditions of
comparative freedom as well as in the midst of persecution, the sacred heritage
of Israel was studied and its precepts observed and practiced. In this field
alone fame was sure and permanent. All other study was honored according to the
greater or less proximity to this paramount interest. In times of freedom and
of great philosophic and scientific interest like that of the golden era in
Spain, philosophical studies almost acquired independent value. But this
independence, never quite absolute, waned and waxed with external conditions,
and at last disappeared entirely. If Ibn Daud had made himself famous by a
Biblical commentary or a halakic work, or if his philosophic treatise had the
distinction of being written in popular and attractive style, like Bahya’s “Duties
of the Hearts”, or Halevi’s “Cusari”, it might have fared better. As it is, it
suffers from its conciseness and technical terminology. Add to this that it was
superseded by the “Guide of the Perplexed” of Maimonides, published not many
years after the “Emunah Ramah”, and the neglect of the latter is completely
explained.
Abraham
ibn Daud tells us in the introduction to his book that it was written in
response to the question of a friend concerning the problem of free will. The
dilemma is this. If human action is determined by God, why does he punish, why
does he admonish, and why does he send prophets? If man is free, then there is
something in the world over which God has no control. The problem is made more
difficult by the fact that Biblical statements are inconsistent, and passages
may be cited in favor of either of the theories in question. This inconsistency
is to be explained, however, by the circumstance that not all Biblical phrases
are to be taken literally—their very contradiction is a proof of this. Now the
passages which require exegetic manipulation are in general those which seem
opposed to reason. Many statements in the Bible are in fact intended for the
common people, and are expressed with a view to their comprehension, and
without reference to philosophic truth. In the present instance the objections
to determinism are much greater and more serious than those to freedom. In
order to realize this, however, it is necessary to investigate the principles
of the Jewish religion and seek to harmonize them with true philosophy. This in
turn cannot be done without a preliminary study of science. A question like
that of determinism and freedom cannot be decided without a knowledge of the
divine attributes and the consequences flowing from them. But to understand
these we must have a knowledge of the principles of physics and metaphysics.
Accordingly Abraham Ibn Daud devotes the entire first part of the “Emunah Ramah”
to general physics and metaphysics in the Aristotelian conception of these
terms.
Concerning
the kind of persons for whom he wrote his book, he says, I advise everyone who
is perfectly innocent, who is not interested in philosophical and ethical
questions like that of determinism and freedom on the ground that man cannot
grasp them; and is entirely unconcerned about his ignorance—I advise such a
person to refrain from opening this book or any other of a similar nature. His
ignorance is his bliss, for after all the purpose of philosophy is conduct. On
the other hand, those who are learned in the principles of religion and are
also familiar with philosophy need not my book, for they know more than I can
teach them here. It is the beginner in speculation who can benefit from this
work, the man who has not yet been able to see the rational necessity of
beliefs and practices which he knows from tradition.
That the
principles of the Jewish religion are based upon philosophic foundations is
shown in Deuteronomy 4, 6: “Keep therefore and do them; for this is your wisdom
and your understanding in the sight of the peoples, which shall hear all these
statutes, and say, surely this great nation is a wise and understanding people”.
This cannot refer to the ceremonial precepts, the so-called “traditional”
commandments; for there is nothing in them to excite the admiration of a
non-Jew. Nor can it refer to the political and moral regulations, for one need
not profess the Jewish or any other religion in order to practice them; they
are a matter of reason pure and simple. The verse quoted can only mean that the
other nations will be seized with admiration and wonder when they find that the
fundamental principles of the Jewish religion, which we received by tradition
and without effort, are identical with those philosophical principles at which
they arrived after a great deal of labor extending over thousands of years.
Ibn Daud
is not consistent in his idea of the highest aim of man. We have just heard him
say that the purpose of philosophy is conduct. This is true to the spirit of
Judaism which, despite all the efforts of the Jewish philosophers to the
contrary, is not a speculative theology but a practical religion, in which
works stand above faith. But as an Aristotelian, Ibn Daud could not
consistently stand by the above standpoint as the last word in this question.
Accordingly we find him elsewhere in true Aristotelian fashion give priority to
theoretical knowledge.
Judging
from the position of man among the other creatures of the sublunar world, we
come to the conclusion, he tells us, that that which distinguishes him above
his surroundings, namely, his rational soul, is the aim of all the rest; and
they are means and preparations for it. The rational soul has two forms of
activity. It may face upward and receive wisdom from the angels (theoretical
knowledge). Or it may direct its attention downwards and judge the other corporeal
powers (practical reason). But it must not devote itself unduly or without
system to any one occupation. The aim of man is wisdom, science. Of the
sciences the highest and the aim of all the rest is the knowledge of God. The
body of man is his animal, which leads him to God. Some spend all their time in
feeding the animal, some in clothing it, and some in curing it of its ills. The
latter is not a bad occupation, as it saves the body from disease and death,
and so helps it to attain the higher life. But to think of the study of
medicine as the aim of life and devote all one's time to it is doing injury to
one's soul. Some spend their time in matters even less significant than this,
viz., in studying grammar and language; others again in mathematics and in
solving curious problems which are never likely to happen. The only valuable
part here is that which has relation to astronomy. Some are exclusively
occupied in "twisting threads." This is an expression used by an
Arabian philosopher, who compares man's condition in the world to that of a
slave who was promised freedom and royalty besides if he made the pilgrimage to
Mecca and celebrated there. If he made the journey and was prevented from
reaching the holy city, he would get freedom only; but if he did not undertake
the trip he would get nothing. The three steps in the realization of the
purpose are thus: making the preparations for the journey, getting on the road
and passing from station to station, and finally wandering about in the place
of destination. One small element in the preparation for the journey is
twisting the threads for the water bottle. Medicine and law as means of gaining
a livelihood and a reputation represent the stage of preparing for the journey.
They are both intended to improve the ills of life, whether in the relations of
man to man as in law; or in the treatment of the internal humors as in
medicine. Medicine seems more important, for on the assumption of mankind being
just, there would be no need of law, whereas the need for medicine would
remain. To spend one's whole life in legal casuistry and the working out of
hypothetical cases on the pretext of sharpening one's wits, is like being
engaged in twisting threads continually—a little is necessary, but a great deal
is a waste of time. It would be best if the religious man would first learn how
to prove the existence of God, the meaning of prophecy, the nature of reward
and punishment and the future world, and how to defend these matters before an
unbeliever. Then if he has time left, he may devote it to legalistic discussions,
and there would be no harm.
Self-examination,
in order to purify oneself from vices great and small, represents the second
stage of getting on the road and travelling from station to station. The final
stage, arriving in the holy city and celebrating there, is to have a perfect
knowledge of God. He who attains this is the best of wise men, having the best
of knowledge, which deals with the noblest subject. The reader must not expect
to find it all in this book. If he reads this and does not study the subject
for himself, he is like a man who spent his time in reading about medicine and
cannot cure the simplest ailment. The knowledge of God is a form that is
bestowed from on high upon the rational soul when she is prepared by means of
moral perfection and scientific study. The prophet puts all three functions of
the soul on the same level, and gives preference to knowledge of God.
"Thus saith the Lord," says Jeremiah (9, 22), "Let not the wise
man glory in his wisdom [rational soul], neither let the mighty man glory in
his might [spirited soul], let not the rich man glory in his riches [nutritive
soul]: but let him that glorieth glory in this, that he understandeth, and
knoweth me...." Jeremiah also recommends (ib.) knowing God through his
deeds—"That I am the Lord which exercise loving-kindness"—in order
that man may imitate him.
We have
now a general idea of Ibn Daud’s attitude and point of view; and in passing to
the details of his system it will not be necessary to rehearse all the
particulars of his thought, much of it being common to all medieval writers on
Jewish philosophy. We shall confine ourselves to those matters in which Ibn
Daud contributed something new, not contained in the writings of his
predecessors.
Following
the Aristotelian system, he begins by describing substance and accident and
gives a list and characterization of the ten categories. This he follows up by
showing that the classification of the ten categories lies at the basis of the
139th Psalm. It needs not our saying that it must be an extraordinary mode of
exegesis that can find such things in such unusual places. But the very
strangeness of the phenomenon bears witness to the remarkable influence exerted
by the Aristotelian philosophy upon the thinking of the Spanish Jews at that
time.
From the
categories he passes to a discussion of the most fundamental concepts in the
Aristotelian philosophy, matter and form. And here his method of proving the
existence of matter is Aristotelian and new. It is based upon the discussion in
Aristotle's Physics, though not necessarily derived from there directly.
Primary matter, he says, is free from all form. There must be such, for in the
change of one thing to another, of water to air for example, it cannot be the form
of water that receives the form of air; for the form of water disappears,
whereas that which receives the new form must be there. Reason therefore leads
us to assume a common substrate of all things that are subject to change. This
is primary matter, free from all form. This matter being at the basis of all
change and becoming, could not itself have come to be through a similar
process, or we should require another matter prior to it, and it would not be
the prime matter we supposed it to be. This last argument led Aristotle to the
concept of an eternal matter, the basis of becoming for all else besides,
itself not subject to any such process. It is an ultimate, to ask for the
origin of which would signify to misunderstand the meaning of origin. All
things of the sublunar world originate in matter, hence matter itself is the
unoriginated, the eternal.
Ibn Daud
as a Jew could not accept this solution, and so he cut the knot by saying that
while it is true that matter cannot originate in the way in which the composite
objects of the sublunar world come to be, it does not yet follow that it is
absolutely ultimate and eternal. God alone is the ultimate and eternal; nothing
else is. Matter is a relative ultimate; relative, that is, to the composite and
changeable objects of our world; but it is itself an effect of God as the
universal cause. God created it outright.
Prime
matter, therefore, represents the first stage in creation. The next stage is
the endowment of this formless matter with corporeality in the abstract, i. e.,
with extension. Then come the specific forms of the four elements, then their
compounds through mineral, plant and animal to man. This is not new; we have
already met with it in Gabirol and Ibn Zaddik. Nor is the following significant
statement altogether new, though no one before Ibn Daud expressed it so clearly
and so definitely. It is that the above analysis of natural objects into
matter, universal body, the elements, and so on, is not a physical division but
a logical. It does not mean that there was a time when prime matter actually
existed as such before it received the form of corporeality, and then there
existed actually an absolute body of pure extension until it received the four
elements. No, nothing has existence in
actu which has not individuality, including not only form, but also
accidents. The above analysis is theoretical, and the order of priority is
logical not real. In reality only the complete compound of matter and form (the
individual) exists.
Allusion
to matter and form is also found in the Bible in Jeremiah (18, 1ff.),
"Arise and go down to the potter's house.... Then I went down to the
potter's house, and, behold, he wrought his work on the wheels.... Behold as
the clay in the potter's hand...."
The next
important topic analyzed by Ibn Daud is that of motion. This is of especial
importance to Ibn Daud because upon it he bases a new proof of the existence of
God, not heretofore found in the works of any of his predecessors. It is taken
from Aristotle's Physics, probably from Avicenna's treatises on the subject, is
then adopted by Maimonides, and through his example no doubt is made use of by
Thomas Aquinas, the great Christian Scholastic of the thirteenth century, who
gives it the most prominent place in his "Summa Contra Gentiles."
Ibn Daud
does not give Aristotle's general definition of motion as the
"actualization of the potential qua potential", but his other remarks
concerning it imply it. Motion, he says, is applied first to movement in place,
and is then transferred to any change which is gradual, such as quantitative or
qualitative change. Sudden change is not called motion. As the four elements
have all the same matter and yet possess different motions—earth and water
moving downward, fire and air upward—it cannot be the matter which is the cause
of their motions. It must therefore be the forms, which are different in
different things.
Nothing
can move itself. While it is true that the form of a thing determines the kind
of motion it shall have, it cannot in itself produce that motion, which can be
caused only by an efficient cause from without. The case of animal motions may
seem like a refutation of this view, but it is not really so. The soul and the
body are two distinct principles in the animal; and it is the soul that moves
the body. The reason why a thing cannot move itself is because the thing which
is moved is potential with reference to that which the motion is intended to
realize, whereas the thing causing the motion is actual with respect to the
relation in question. If then a thing moved itself, it would be actual and
potential at the same time and in the same relation, which is a contradiction.
The Bible, too, hints at the idea that every motion must have a mover by the
recurring questions concerning the origin of prophetic visions, of the
existence of the earth, and so on. Such are the expressions in Job (38, 36,
37): "Who hath put wisdom in the inward parts?" "Who can number
the clouds by wisdom?" In Proverbs (30, 4): "Who hath established all
the ends of the earth?" and in many passages besides.
The
question of infinity is another topic of importance for proving the existence
of God. We proceed as follows: An infinite line is an impossibility. For let
the lines be infinite in the directions b,
d. Take away from cd a finite length = ce, and pull up the line ed so that e coincides with c. Now if ed is equal to ab, and cd was also equal to ab by hypothesis, it follows that ed = cd, which is impossible, for ed is a part
of cd. If it is shorter than cd and yet is infinite, one infinite is
shorter than another infinite, which is also impossible. The only alternative
left is then that ed is finite. If
then we add to it the finite part ce, the sum, ce + ed = cd, will be
finite, and cd being equal to ab by hypothesis, ab is also finite. Hence there
is no infinite line. If there is no infinite line, there is no infinite surface
or infinite solid, for we could in that case draw in them infinite lines.
Besides we can prove directly the impossibility of infinite surface and solid
by the same methods we employed in line.
We can
prove similarly that an infinite series of objects is also an impossibility. In
other words, infinite number as an actuality is impossible because it is a
contradiction in terms. A number of things means a known number; infinite means
having no known number. A series is something that has beginning, middle and
end. Infinite means being all middle. We have thus proved that an actual
infinite is impossible, whether as extension or number. And the Bible also
alludes to the finiteness of the universe in the words of Isaiah (40, 12):
"Who hath measured the waters in the hollow of his hand ...,"
intimating that the universe is capable of being measured.
We must
prove next that no finite body can have an infinite power. For let the line be
a finite line having an infinite power. Divide into the several parts ab, be, cd, de, etc. If every one of the
parts has an infinite power, ab has
an infinite power, ac a greater
infinite power, ad a still greater, ae a still greater, and so on. But this
is absurd, for there cannot be anything greater than the infinite. It follows
then that each of the parts has a finite power; and as the sum of finites is
finite, the line ae also has a finite
power. All these principles we must keep in mind, for we shall by means of them
prove later the existence and incorporeality of God.
As the
concepts of physics are essential for proving the existence of God, so are the
principles of psychology of importance in showing that there are intermediate
beings between God and the corporeal substances of the world. These are called
in the Bible angels. The philosophers call them secondary causes.
Accordingly
Ibn Daud follows his physical doctrines with a discussion of the soul. There is
nothing new in his proof that such a thing as soul exists. It is identical with
the deduction of Joseph Ibn Zaddik). Stone and tree and horse and man are all
bodies and yet the last three have powers and functions which the stone has
not, viz., nutrition, growth and reproduction. Horse and man have in addition
to the three powers above mentioned, which they have in common with tree, the
powers of sensation and motion and imagination, which plants have not. Finally
man is distinguished above all the rest of animal creation in possessing the
faculty of intelligence, and the knowledge of art and of ethical
discrimination. All these functions cannot be body or the result of body, for
in that case all corporeal objects should have all of them, as they are all
bodies. We must therefore attribute them to an extra-corporeal principle; and
this we call soul. As an incorporeal thing the soul cannot be strictly defined,
not being composed of genus and species; but we can describe it in a roundabout
way in its relation to the body. He then gives the Aristotelian definition of
the soul as "the [first] entelechy of a natural body having life
potentially".
Like many
of his predecessors who treated of the soul, Ibn Daud also finds it necessary
to guard against the materialistic theory of the soul which would make it the
product of the elemental mixture in the body, if not itself body. This would
reduce the soul to a phenomenon of the body, or in Aristotelian terminology, an
accident of the body, and would deprive it of all substantiality and
independence, not to speak of immortality. How can that which is purely a
resultant of a combination of elements remain when its basis is gone?
Accordingly Ibn Daud takes pains to refute the most important of these
phenomenalistic theories, that of Hippocrates and Galen. Their theory in brief
is that the functions which we attribute to the soul are in reality the results
of the various combinations of the four elementary qualities, hot, cold, moist,
dry. The more harmonious and equable the proportion of their union, the higher
is the function resulting therefrom. The difference between man and beast, and
between animal and plant is then the difference in the proportionality of the
elemental mixture. They prove this theory of theirs by the observation that as
long as the mixture is perfect the activities above mentioned proceed properly;
whereas as soon as there is a disturbance in the mixture, the animal becomes
sick and cannot perform his activities, or dies altogether if the disturbance
is very great. The idea is very plausible and a great many believe it, but it is
mistaken as we shall prove.
His
refutation of the "accident" or "mixture" theory of the
soul, as well as the subsequent discussion of the various functions, sensuous
and rational, of the tripartite soul, are based upon Ibn Sina's treatment of
the same topic, and we have already reproduced some of it in our exposition of
Judah Halevi. We shall therefore be brief here and refer only to such aspects
as are new in Ibn Daud, or such as we found it advisable to omit in our
previous expositions.
His main
argument against the materialistic or mechanistic theory of the soul is that
while a number of phenomena of the growing animal body can be explained by
reference to the form of the mixture in the elementary qualities, not all
aspects can be thus explained. Its growth and general formation may be the
result of material and mechanical causes, but not so the design and purpose
evident in the similarity, to the smallest detail, of the individuals of a
species, even when the mixture is not identical. There is no doubt that there
is wisdom here working with a purpose. This is soul. There is another argument
based upon the visible results of other mixtures which exhibit properties that
cannot be remotely compared with the functions we attribute to the soul. The
animal and the plant exhibit activities far beyond anything present in the
simple elements of the mixture. There must therefore be in animals and plants
something additional to the elements of the mixture. This extra thing resides
in the composite of which it forms a part, for without it the animal or plant
is no longer what it is. Hence as the latter is substance, that which forms a
part of it is also substance; for accident, as Aristotle says, is that which
resides in a thing but not as forming a part of it.
We have
now shown that the soul is substance and not accident. We must still make clear
in which of the four senses of the Aristotelian substance the soul is to be
regarded. By the theory of exclusion Ibn Daud decides that the soul is
substance in the sense in which we apply that term to "form." The
form appears upon the common matter and "specifies" it, and makes it
what it is, bringing it from potentiality to actuality. It is also the
efficient and final cause of the body. The body exists for the sake of the
soul, in order that the soul may attain its perfection through the body. As the
most perfect body in the lower world is the human body, and it is for the sake
of the soul, it follows that the existence of the sublunar world is for the
sake of the human soul, that it may be purified and made perfect by science and
moral conduct.
While we
have proved that soul is not mixture nor anything like it, it is nevertheless
true that the kind of soul bestowed upon a given body depends upon the state of
the mixture in the elementary qualities of that body. Thus we have the three
kinds of soul, vegetative, animal and human or rational. We need not follow Ibn
Daud in his detailed descriptions of the functions of the several kinds of
soul, as there is little that is new and that we have not already met in Joseph
Ibn Zaddik and Judah Halevi. Avicenna (Ibn Sina) is the common source for
Halevi and Ibn Daud, and the description of the inner senses is practically
identical in the two, with the slight difference that Halevi attributes to the
"common sense" the two functions which are divided in Ibn Daud
between the common sense and the power of representation.
The soul
is not eternal. It was created and bestowed upon body. When a body comes into
being, the character of its mixture determines that a soul of a certain kind
shall be connected with it. The other alternatives are (1) that the soul
existed independently before the body, is then connected with the body and dies
with the death of the latter; or (2) it remains after the death of the body.
The first alternative is impossible; because if the soul is connected with the
body in order to die with it, its union is an injury to the soul, for in its
separate existence it was free from the defects of matter. The second
alternative is equally impossible; for if the soul was able to exist without
the body before the appearance of the latter and after its extinction, of what
use is its connection with the body? Far from being of any benefit, its union
with the body is harmful to the soul, for it is obliged to share in the
corporeal accidents. Divine wisdom never does anything without a purpose.
The truth
is that the soul does not exist before the body. It arises at the same time as,
and in connection with body, realizing and actualizing the latter. Seed and
sperm have in them the possibility of becoming plant and animal respectively.
But they need an agent to bring to actuality what is in them potentially. This
agent—an angel or a sphere, or an angel using a sphere as its
instrument—bestows forms upon bodies, which take the places of the previous
forms the bodies had. The sphere or star produces these forms (or souls) by
means of its motions, which motions ultimately go back to the first incorporeal
mover, by whose wisdom forms are connected with bodies in order to perfect the
former by means of the latter.
Now the
human soul has the most important power of all other animals, that of grasping
intelligibles or universals. It is also able to discriminate between good and
evil in conduct, moral, political and economic. The human soul, therefore, has,
it seems, two powers, theoretical and practical. With the former it understands
the simple substances, known as angels in the Bible and as "secondary
causes" and "separate intelligences" among the philosophers. By
this means the soul rises gradually to its perfection. With the practical
reason it attends to noble and worthy conduct. All the other powers of the soul
must be obedient to the behests of the practical reason. This in turn is
subservient to the theoretical, putting its good qualities at the disposition
of the speculative reason, and thus helping it to come into closer communion
with the simple substances, the angels and God. This is the highest power there
is in the world of nature.
We must
now show that the rational power in man is neither itself body nor is it a
power residing in a corporeal subject. That it is not itself body is quite
evident, for we have proved that the lower souls too, those of animals and
plants, are not corporeal. But we must show concerning the rational power that
it is independent of body in its activity. This we can prove in various ways.
One is by considering the object and content of the reason. Man has general
ideas or universal propositions. These are not divisible. An idea cannot be
divided into two halves or into parts. Reason in action consists of ideas. Now
if reason is a power residing in a corporeal subject, it would be divisible
like the latter. Take heat as an example. Heat is a corporeal power, i. e., a
power residing in a body. It extends through the dimensions of the body, and as
the latter is divided so is the former. But this is evidently not true of
general ideas, such as that a thing cannot both be and not be, that the whole
is greater than its part, and so on. Hence the rational power is independent of
body.
Ibn Daud
gives several other proofs, taken from Aristotle and Avicenna, to show that
reason is independent, but we cannot reproduce them all here. We shall,
however, name one more which is found in the "De Anima" of Aristotle
and is based on experience. If the reason performed its thinking by means of a
corporeal organ like the external senses, the power of knowing would be
weakened when confronted with a difficult subject, and would thereby be
incapacitated from exercising its powers as before. This is the case with the
eye, which is dazzled by a bright light and cannot see at all, or the ear,
which cannot hear at all when deafened by a loud noise. But the case of
knowledge is clearly different. The more difficult the subject the more is the
power of the reason developed in exercising itself therein. And in old age,
when the corporeal organs are weakened, the power of reason is strongest.
Although
it is thus true that the rational soul is independent of the body, nevertheless
it did not exist before the body any more than the lower souls. For if it did,
it was either one soul for all men, or there were as many souls as there are
individual men. The first is impossible; for the same soul would then be wise
and ignorant, good and bad, which is impossible. Nor could the separate souls
be different, for being all human souls they cannot differ in essence, which is
their common humanity. But neither can they differ in accidental qualities, for
simple substances have no accidents. They cannot therefore be either one or
many, i.e., they cannot be at all
before body.
Nor must
we suppose because the reason exercises its thought functions without the use
of a corporeal organ that it appears full-fledged in actual perfection in the
person of the infant. Experience teaches otherwise. The perfections of the
human soul are in the child potential. Later on by divine assistance he
acquires the first principles of knowledge about which there is no dispute, such
as that two things equal to the same thing are equal to each other, that two
contrary predicates cannot apply to the same subject at the same time in the
same relation, and so on. Some of these are the fundamental principles of
mathematics, others of other sciences. Then he progresses further and learns to
make premises and construct syllogisms and argue from the known to the unknown.
We have thus three stages in the development of the reason. The first potential
stage is known as the hylic or potential intellect. The second is known as the
actual intellect, and the third is the acquired intellect. If not for the body
the person could not make this progress. For without body there are no senses,
and without senses he would not see how the wine in the barrel ferments and
increases in volume, which suggests that quantity is accident and body is
substance. Nor would he learn the distinction between quality and substance if
he did not observe a white garment turning black, or a hot body becoming cold.
There is need therefore of the body with its senses to lead to a knowledge of
the universals. But this knowledge once acquired, the soul needs not the body
for its subsequent existence; and as the soul is not a corporeal power, the
death of the body does not cause the extinction of the soul.
Some
think that because the soul is the form of the body it is dependent upon it and
cannot survive it, as no other form survives its substance. But this inference
is not valid. For if the human soul is included in the statement that no form
survives its matter, we assume what we want to prove, and there is no need of
the argument. If it is not as a matter of fact included, because it is the
question at issue, its comparison with the other observed cases is simply a
matter of opinion and not decisive.
The
reader will see that the problem of the rational soul gave Ibn Daud much
concern and trouble. The pre-existence of the soul as Plato teaches it did not
appeal to him for many reasons, not the least among them being the statement in
Genesis (2, 7), "And God breathed into his nostrils the breath of
life," which seems to favor the idea of the soul originating with the
body; though, to be sure, a harmless verse of this kind would not have stood in
his way, had he had reason to favor the doctrine of pre-existence. Immortality
was also a dogma which he dared not deny. The arguments against it seemed
rather strong. From the doctrine of the soul's origin with the body and its
being fitted to the material composition of the latter, would seem to follow
the soul's extinction with the death of the body. The same result was
apparently demanded by the observation that the intellect develops as the body
matures, and that without the senses and their data there would be no intellect
at all. The fluctuation of intellectual strength with the state of bodily
health would seem to tend to the same end, against the doctrine of immortality.
Moreover, the Aristotelian definition of the soul as the entelechy or form of
the body, if it applies to the rational faculty as well as to the lower powers,
implies necessarily that it is a form like other forms and disappears with the
dissolution of its substance. To avoid all these pitfalls Ibn Daud insists upon
the incorporeal character of the reason's activity, i. e., its independence of
any corporeal organ, and its increasing power in old age despite the gradual
weakening of the body. He admits that its development is dependent on the data
of sense perception, but insists that this is not incompatible with its freedom
from the body when fully developed and perfected. As for its being a form of
body, not all forms are alike; and it is not so certain that the rational power
is a form of body. Neither the difficulties nor the solution are of Ibn Daud's
making. They are as old as Aristotle, and his successors grappled with them as
best they could.
There is
still the question of the manner of the soul's survival. The same reasons which
Ibn Daud brings forward against the possibility of the existence of many souls
before the body, apply with equal cogency to their survival after death. If
simple substances having a common essence cannot differ either in essence or in
accident, the human souls after the death of the body must exist as one soul,
and what becomes of individual immortality, which religion promises? Ibn Daud
has not a word to say about this, and it is one of the weak points religiously
in his system as well as in that of Maimonides, which the critics and opponents
of the latter did not fail to observe.
Before leaving
the problem of the soul Ibn Daud devotes a word to showing that metempsychosis
is impossible. The soul of man is suited to the character of his elemental
mixture, which constitutes the individuality of his body. Hence every
individual's body has its own peculiar soul. A living person cannot therefore
have in him a soul which formerly resided in a different body unless the two
bodies are identical in all respects. But in that case it is not transmigration
but the re-appearance of the same person after he has ceased to be. But this
has never yet happened.
Finally
Ibn Daud finds it necessary to defend the Bible against those who criticize the
Jews on the ground that there is no mention of the future world and the
existence of the soul after death in the Biblical writings. All the rewards and
punishments spoken of in the Bible, they say, refer to this world. His answer
offers nothing new. Judah Halevi had already tried to account for this
phenomenon, besides insisting that altogether devoid of allusion to the future
world the Bible is not. Ibn Daud follows in Halevi's footsteps.
Abraham
Ibn Daud closes the first, the purely scientific part of his treatise, by a
discussion of the heavenly spheres and their motions. In accordance with the
view of Aristotle, which was shared by the majority of writers throughout the
middle ages, he regards the spheres with their stars as living beings, and
their motions as voluntary, the result of will and purpose, and not simply
"natural," i.e., due to an
unconscious force within them called nature. One of his arguments to prove this
is derived from the superiority of the heavenly bodies to our own. Their size,
their brightness and their continued duration are all evidence of corporeal
superiority. And it stands to reason that as the human body, which is the
highest in the sublunar world, has a soul that is nobler than that of plant or
animal, so the heavenly bodies must be endowed with souls as much superior to
the human intellect as their bodies are to the human body. The Bible alludes to
this truth in the nineteenth Psalm, "The heavens declare the glory of
God.... There is no speech nor language...." The last expression signifies
that they praise God with the intellect. There are other passages in the Bible
besides, and particularly the first chapter of Ezekiel, which make it clear
that the heavenly bodies are living and intelligent beings; not, to be sure, in
the sense of taking nourishment and growing and reproducing their kind and
making use of five senses, but in the sense of performing voluntary motions and
being endowed with intellect.
We have
now concluded our preliminary discussion of the scientific principles lying at
the basis of Judaism. And our next task is to study the fundamental doctrines
of Jewish theology which form the highest object of knowledge, dealing as they
do with God and his attributes and his revelation. The first thing to prove
then is the existence of God, since we cannot define him. For definition means
the designation of the genus or class to which the thing defined belongs,
whereas God cannot be put in a class. As the essence of a thing is revealed by
its definition, we cannot know God's essence and are limited to a knowledge of
his existence.
The
principles for this proof we have already given. They are that a thing cannot
move itself, and that an actual infinite series is impossible. The argument
then proceeds as follows: Nothing can move itself, hence everything that moves
is moved by something other than itself. If this is also moving, it must be
moved by a third, and so on ad infinitum. But an actual infinite series of
things moving and being moved is impossible, and unless we ultimately arrive at
a first link in this chain, all motion is impossible. Hence there must be a
first to account for the motion we observe in the world. This first must not
itself be subject to motion, for it would then have to have another before it
to make it move, and it would not be the first we supposed it to be. We have
thus proved, therefore, the existence of a primum
movens immobile, a first unmoved mover.
We must
now show that this unmoved mover is incorporeal. This we can prove by means of
another principle of physics, made clear in the first part. We showed there
that a finite body cannot have an infinite power. But God is infinite. For,
being immovable, his power is not affected by time. Hence God cannot be body.
This
proof, as we said before, is new in Jewish philosophy. In Bahya we found a
proof which bears a close resemblance to this one; but the difference is that
Bahya argues from being, Ibn Daud from motion. Bahya says if a thing is, some
cause must have made it to be, for a thing cannot make itself. As we cannot
proceed ad infinitum, there must be a
first which is the cause of the existence of everything else. The objection
here, of course, is that if a thing cannot make itself, how did the first come
to be.
The
Aristotelian proof of Ibn Daud knows nothing about the origin of being. As far
as Aristotle's own view is concerned there is no temporal beginning either of
being or of motion. Both are eternal, and so is matter, the basis of all
genesis and change. God is the eternal cause of the eternal motion of the
world, and hence of the eternal genesis and dissolution, which constitutes the
life of the sublunar world. How to reconcile the idea of eternal time and
eternal motion with the doctrine that an actual infinite is impossible we shall
see when we treat Maimonides. Ibn Daud does not adopt eternity of motion even
hypothetically, as Maimonides does. But this merely removes the difficulty one
step. For the infinity which is regarded impossible in phenomena is placed in
God. But another more serious objection is the adoption of an Aristotelian
argument where it does not suit. For the argument from motion does not give us
a creator but a first mover. For Aristotle there is no creator, and his proof
is adequate. But for Ibn Daud it is decidedly inadequate. We are so far minus a
proof that God is a creator ex nihilo. Ibn Daud simply asserts that God created
matter, but this argument does not prove it. As to the incorporeality of God
Aristotle can prove it adequately from the eternity of motion. If a finite body
(and there is no such thing as an infinite body) cannot have an infinite power,
God, whose causing eternal motion argues infinite power, is not a body. Ibn
Daud's attempt to prove God's infinity without the theory of infinite motion on
the ground that time cannot affect what is immovable, is decidedly less
satisfactory. On the whole then this adoption of Aristotle's argument from
motion is not helpful, as it leads to eternity of matter, and God as the mover
rather than the Creator. Gersonides was frank enough and bold enough to
recognize this consequence and to adopt it. We shall see Maimonides's attitude
when we come to treat of his philosophy.
Ibn Daud
may have been aware of the inadequacy of his argument from motion, and
therefore he adds another, based upon the distinction between the
"possible existent" and the "necessary existent"—a
distinction and an argument due to Alfarabi and Avicenna. A possible existent
is a thing whose existence depends upon another, and was preceded by
non-existence. It may exist or not, depending upon its cause; hence the name
possible existent. A necessary existent is one whose existence is in itself and
not derived from elsewhere. It is a necessary existent because its own essence
cannot be thought without involving existence. Now the question is, Is there
such a thing as a necessary existent, or are all existents merely possible? If
all existents are possible, we have an infinite series, every link of which is
dependent for its existence upon the link preceding it; and so long as there is
no first there is nothing to explain the existence of any link in the chain. We
must therefore assume a first, which is itself not again dependent upon a cause
prior to it. This is by definition a necessary existent, which is the cause of
the existence of everything else. This proof is compatible with God as a
Creator.
Having
shown the existence and incorporeality of God we must now prove his unity. We
shall base this proof upon the idea of the necessary existent. Such an existent
cannot have in it any multiplicity; for if it has, its own essence would not be
able to keep the elements together, and there would be need of an external
agent to do this. But in this case the object would be dependent upon something
else, which is incompatible with the idea of a necessary existent.
Nor is it
possible there should be two necessary existents; for the necessary existent,
we have just shown, must be of the utmost simplicity, and hence cannot have any
attribute added to its essence. Now if there is a second, there must be
something by which the first differs from the second, or they are identical.
Either the first or the second therefore would not be completely simple, and hence
not a necessary existent.
We have
thus shown that God is one both in the sense of simple and in the sense of
unique. To have a clear insight into the nature of his unity, we must now show
that nothing else outside of God is really one, though we apply the term one to
many things. No one will claim that a collective is one; but neither is an
individual really one, for an individual man, for example, consists of many
organs. You might think that a homogeneous and continuous elementary mass like
air or water is one. But this is not true either, for everything that is
corporeal is composed of matter and form. If then we set aside corporeal
objects and aim to find real unity in mathematical entities like line and
surface, which are not corporeal, we are met with the difficulty that line and
surface are divisible, and hence potentially multiple. But neither are the
simple intellectual substances, like the angels, true ones; for they are composed
of their own possible existence and the necessary existence they acquire from
another. The only being therefore that may be a true one is that which is not
corporeal and not dependent upon another for its existence.
Considering
the question of unity from a different aspect, in its relation, namely, to the
thing designated as one, we find that unity never forms the essence of anything
called by that name; but is in every case an accident. Thus if it were the
essence of man as man that he is one, there could not on the one hand be many
men, and on the other there could not also at the same time be one horse, one
tree, one stone. In God his unity cannot be an accident, since as simple he has
no accidents. Hence his unity is his essence. And if we examine the matter
carefully we find that it is a negative concept. It involves two things. First,
that every other unity involves plurality in some form or another. And second
that being unlike anything else, he cannot bear having other things associated
with him to make the result many, as we can in the case of man. A, for example,
is one; and with B, C, and D he becomes many. This is not applicable to God.
The
divine attributes form the next topic we must consider. Here Ibn Daud offers
little or nothing that is essentially new. He admits neither essential nor
accidental attributes, for either would bring plurality and composition in the
nature of God. The only attributes he admits are negative and relative. When we
speak of God as cause we do not place any special entity in his essence, but
merely indicate the dependence of things upon him. The truest attributes are
the negative, such as that he is not body, that his existence is not dependent
upon another, and so on; the only difficulty being that negative attributes,
though removing many doubts, do not give us any positive information. All the
anthropomorphic attributes in the Bible endowing God with human functions like
sleeping and waking, or ascribing to him human limbs, eyes, ears, hands, feet,
etc., must be understood metaphorically. For the Bible itself warns us against
corporealizing God, "Take ye therefore good heed unto yourselves; for ye
saw no manner of form on the day that the Lord spake unto you in Horeb"
(Deut. 4, 15). When the Bible speaks of God's anger and favor, the meaning is
that good deeds bring man near to God and cause happiness which is known as
paradise ("Gan Eden"), and bad deeds remove far away from God and
lead to misfortune, called Gehenna. It is like the apparent motion of the trees
and the mountains to the traveller, when in reality it is he that is moving. So
here God is said to approach and depart, to be angry with and favor, when in
reality it is man who by his deeds comes near to God or departs far from him.
When we assign many attributes to God we do not mean that there is any
multiplicity in his nature. This cannot be. It is like the case of a man whose
eyes are not properly co-ordinated. He sees double when there is only one. So
we too suffer from intellectual squinting, when we seem to see many attributes
in the one God.
The most
common and most important attributes are the following eight: One, existent,
true, eternal, living, knowing, willing, able. It can be easily shown (and Ibn
Daud does proceed to show, though we shall not follow him in his details) that
all these are at bottom negative. Unity means that there is nothing like him
and that he is indivisible. Eternal means he is not subject to change or
motion. True means he will never cease existing and that his existence does not
come from another, and so on with the rest.
He closes
his discussion of the attributes by intimating that he has more to say on this
topic, but had better be content with what has been said so far, for a more
thorough discussion of these matters in a book might do harm to those who do
not understand and interpret the author’s words incorrectly. This reminds us of
Maimonides's adjuration of the reader to keep what he finds in the "Guide
of the Perplexed" to himself and not to spread it abroad. Philosophy
clearly was a delicate subject and not meant for intellectual babes, whose
intellectual digestion might be seriously disturbed.
We have
now concluded our theory of God and his attributes; and in doing so we made use
of principles of physics, such as matter and form, potentiality and actuality,
motion and infinity. The next step is to prove the existence and nature of
intermediate spiritual beings between God and the corporeal objects of the
superlunar and sublunar worlds, called angels in the Bible, and secondary
causes by the philosophers. For this purpose we shall have to apply the
principles we have proved concerning the soul and the motions of the heavenly
bodies. We have proved above that the human soul is at first in the child
intelligent potentially and then becomes intelligent actually. This requires an
agent, in whom the end to which the potential is proceeding is always actual.
As the rational soul is neither body nor a corporeal power, this actual agent
cannot be either of these, hence it is neither a sphere nor the soul of a
sphere, but it must be a simple substance called Active Intellect. The prophets
call it "Holy Spirit" ("Ruah Ha-Kodesh"). We thus have a
proof of the existence of at least one such simple intellectual substance, or
angel, the relation of which to the human soul is as that of light to vision.
Without light vision is potential, light makes it actual. So the active
intellect makes the potential soul actual and gives it first the axioms, which
are universally certain, and hence could not have originated by induction from
experience.
Similarly
we can prove the existence of other simple substances from the motions of the
heavenly spheres. We have already shown that the spheres are living beings and
endowed with souls. But souls, while causing motion in their bodies are at the
same time themselves in a sort of psychic motion. This must be caused by
unmoved movers, or intellects, who are also the causes of the souls. To make
this difficult matter somewhat clearer and more plausible, we may instance an
analogy from familiar experience. A ship is made by the shipbuilder, who is its
corporeal cause. But there is also an incorporeal cause, likewise a ship, viz.,
the ship in the mind of the shipbuilder. The analogy is imperfect, because the
incorporeal ship in the mind of the builder cannot produce an actual corporeal
ship without the builder employing material, such as wood, iron, etc., and in
addition to that expending time and physical exertion on the material. But if
he had the power to give the form of a ship to the material as soon as the latter
was prepared for it without time and physical manipulation, we should have an
instance of what we want to prove, namely, the existence of simple immaterial
substances causing forms to emanate upon corporeal existences. This is the
nature of the active intellect in its relation to the soul of man, and it is in
the same way that the philosophers conceive of the motions of the heavenly
spheres. God is the first unmoved mover. The angels or simple substances stand
next to him; and they, too, are always actual intelligences, and move the
heavenly bodies as the object of love and desire moves the object loving it
without itself being moved. The heavenly bodies move therefore because of a
desire to perfect themselves, or to become like unto their movers.
So far
Ibn Daud agrees with the philosophers, because the doctrines so far expounded
are not incompatible with the Bible. But when the philosophers raise the
question, How can the many originate from the One, the manifold universe from
the one God, and attempt to answer it by their theory of successive emanations,
Ibn Daud calls a halt. The human mind is not really so all-competent as to be
able to answer all questions of the most difficult nature. The doctrine of
successive emanations is that elaborated by Alfarabi and Avicenna, which we
have already seen quoted and criticized by Judah Halevi. It is slightly more
complicated in Ibn Daud, who speaks of the treble nature of the emanations
after the first Intelligence—an intelligence, a soul and a sphere—whereas in
Halevi's account there were only two elements, the soul not being mentioned.
We have
so far dealt with the more theoretical part of theology and religion, so much
of it as may be and is accepted by nations and religions other than Jews. It
remains now to approach the more practical and the more specifically Jewish
phases of religion; though in the purely ethical discussions and those relating
to Providence we have once more a subject of general application, and not
exclusively Jewish.
As the
introduction to this second part of the subject, Abraham Ibn Daud devotes a few
words to the theoretical defence of tradition, or rather of mediate knowledge.
He does so by analyzing the various kinds of knowledge. Knowledge, he says, is
either intelligible or sensible. Sensible knowledge is either directly
perceived by the subject or received by him from another who perceived it
directly, and whom he believes or not as the case may be. That is why some
things believed by some people are not believed by others. The ignorant may
think that this weakness is inherent in matters received from others. As a
matter of fact such indirect knowledge is at the basis of civilization and
makes it possible. If every man were to judge only by what he sees with his own
eyes, society could never get along; there would be no way of obtaining justice
in court, for the judge would not put credence in witnesses, and the parties
would have to fight out their differences, which would lead to bloodshed and
the disruption of social life. The different attitude of different persons to a
given matter of belief is due not necessarily to the uncertainty of the thing
itself, but to the manner in which the object of the belief came down to us. If
a thing rests upon the testimony of one man, its warrant is not very strong.
But if a whole nation witnessed an event, it is no longer doubtful, unless we
suppose that the account itself is due to one writer, and the event never
happened. We shall discuss these matters in the sequel.
Having
justified in a general way the knowledge derived from the testimony of others
by showing that society could not exist without depending upon such knowledge;
though admitting at the same time that caution should be exercised and
criticism in determining what traditional testimony is valid or not, we now
take up one of these traditional phenomena which plays perhaps the most
important rôle in Jewish theology, namely, the phenomenon of prophecy. Before
discussing the traditional aspect of this institution and its purpose in the history
of religion we must consider it from its natural and psychological aspect.
The
explanation of Ibn Daud—it was not original with him, as we have already seen
the non-religious philosopher in Halevi's Cusari giving utterance to the same
idea, and in Jewish philosophy Israeli touches on it—the explanation of Ibn
Daud is grounded in his psychology, the Aristotelian psychology of Avicenna.
The first degree of prophecy, he says, is found in true dreams, which happen to
many people. Just as waking is a state of the body in which it uses the
external as well as the internal senses, so sleeping is a state of the body in
which the soul suppresses the external senses by putting them to sleep, and
exercises its "natural" powers only, such as the beating of the heart
pulse, respiration, and so on. The internal senses are also at work during
sleep, or at least some of them. In particular the power of imagination is
active when the external senses are at rest. It then makes various combinations
and separations and brings them to the common sense. The result is a dream,
true or false. When the senses are weak for one reason or another this power
becomes active and, when not controlled by the reason, produces a great many
erroneous visions and ideas, as in the delusions of the sick.
The Deity
and the angels and the Active Intellect have a knowledge of the past, present
and future, and we already know that the soul, i. e., the rational soul, receives influence from the Active
Intellect as a natural thing in every person. Now just as it gets from it
science and general ideas, so it may receive a knowledge of hidden things if
the soul is adequately prepared. The reason it cannot receive information of
hidden things from the Active Intellect in its waking state, is because the
soul is then busy in acquiring knowledge through the senses. In sleep, too, it
may be prevented by the thick vapors rising from the food consumed during the
day, or by anxiety due to want of food or drink. The imagination also sometimes
hinders this process by the constant presentation of its foolish combinations
to the common sense. But sometimes this power comes under the control of the
reason, and then the rational soul is prepared to receive hidden things from
the Active Intellect. In those cases the imagination transforms these facts
into images, which are true dreams. If they concern an individual or a
particular event, we do not call them prophecy, or at least the share of
prophecy they may have is very small. We call them prophetic dreams when they
concern important matters and have reference to a whole nation or nations, and
come to pass in the distant future. An example of such a dream is that recorded
in Daniel 7, 1.
Sometimes
the information comes to the prophet without the aid of an image, when the
reason prevails over the imagination, like the dream of Abraham at the
"covenant of the pieces" (Gen. 15, 12ff.). Sometimes, also, the
activity of the senses does not prevent the prophet from seeing the hidden
things of the future, and he receives prophetic inspirations while awake. The
prophet sometimes faints as he is overcome by the unusual phenomenon, at other
times he succeeds in enduring it without swooning. All these cases can be
illustrated from the Bible, and examples will readily occur to the reader who
is familiar with the various instances and descriptions of prophetic visions
and activities in Scripture.
The
purpose of prophecy is to guide the people in the right way. With this end in
view God inspires a proper man as a prophet and gives him superior powers to
perform miracles. Not every man is capable of prophecy, only one who has a pure
soul. For the most part the prophetic gift is innate, at the same time study
and good associations help to develop this power in him who has it. Witness the
"company of prophets," whose example inspired Saul (1 Sam. 19, 20),
and Elisha as the disciple of Elijah.
While we
thus see Ibn Daud, unlike Halevi, adopting the philosophical explanation of
prophecy, which tries to bring it within the class of natural psychological
phenomena and relates it to dreams, he could not help recognizing that one
cannot ignore the supernatural character of Biblical prophecy without being
untrue to the Bible. He accordingly adds to the above naturalistic explanation
a number of conditions which practically have the effect of taking the bottom
out of the psychological theory. If Judah Halevi insists that only Israelites
in the land of Palestine and at the time of their political independence had
the privilege of the prophetic gift, we realize that such a belief is of the
warp and woof of Halevi's innermost sentiment and thinking, which is radically
opposed to the shallow rationalism and superficial cosmopolitanism of the
"philosophers" of his day. But when the champion of Peripateticism,
Abraham Ibn Daud, after explaining that prophecy is of the nature of true
dreams, and though in most cases innate, may be cultivated by a pure soul
through study and proper associations—repeats with Judah Halevi that the time
and the place are essential conditions and that Israelites alone are privileged
in this respect, he is giving up, it seems to us, all that he previously
attempted to explain. This is only one of the many indications which point to
the essential artificiality of all the medieval attempts to harmonize a given
system of philosophy with a supernaturalistic standpoint, such as is that of
the Bible. It is not in this way that the Bible is to be saved if it needs
saving.
The next
practical question Ibn Daud felt called upon to discuss was that of the
possibility of the Law being repealed, abrogated or altered. This he found it
necessary to do in order to defend the Jewish standpoint against that of
Christianity in particular. How he will answer this question is of course a
foregone conclusion. We are only interested in his manner of argument. He
adopts a classification of long standing of the Biblical laws into rational and
traditional. The first, he says, are accepted by all nations and can never be
changed. Even a band of thieves, who disregard all laws of right and wrong as
they relate to outsiders, must observe them in their own midst or they cannot
exist. These laws bring people of different nationalities and beliefs together,
and hence there can be no change in these. Nor can there be any alteration in
that part of the Law which is historical in content. An event of the past
cannot be repealed.
It only
remains therefore to see whether abrogation may possibly be compatible with the
nature of the traditional or ceremonial laws. Without arguing like the
philosophers that change of a divine law is incompatible with the nature of
God, which is unchangeable, our sages nevertheless have a method of explaining
such phrases as, "And it repented the Lord that he had made man"
(Gen. 6, 6), so as to reconcile the demands of reason with those of tradition.
Now if there were laws of the traditional kind stated in the Bible without any
indication of time and without the statement that they are eternal, and
afterwards other laws came to change them, we should say that the Lord has a
certain purpose in his laws which we do not know, but which is revealed in the
new law taking the place of the old. But as a matter of fact the Bible states
explicitly in many cases that the laws are not to be changed, "A statute
for ever throughout your generations" (Num. 10, 8, and passim). Arguments
from phrases like, "Your new moons and your appointed feasts my soul
hateth, etc." (Is. 1, 14), have no validity, for there is no indication
here that sacrifices are abolished. The meaning of Isaiah is that sacrifices in
conjunction with wrong living are undesirable.
Our
opponents also argue that Biblical expressions to the effect that the laws are
eternal prove nothing, for we know of similar instances in which promises have been
withdrawn as in the priesthood of Eli's family and the royalty of the house of
David, where likewise eternity is mentioned. We answer these by saying, first,
that in David's case the promise was withdrawn only temporarily, and will
return again, as the Prophets tell us. Besides the promise was made only
conditionally, as was that made to Eli. But there is no statement anywhere that
the Law is given to Israel conditionally and that it will ever be taken away
from them.
The claim
of those who say that the laws of the Old Testament were true, but that they
were repealed and the New Testament took its place, we meet by pointing to a
continuous tradition against their view. We have an uninterrupted tradition
during two thousand four hundred and seventy-two years that there was a man
Moses who gave a Law accepted by his people and held without any break for two
thousand four hundred and seventy-two years. We do not have to prove he was a
genuine prophet since they do not deny it.
Some of
them say that in the captivity in Babylon the old Law was forgotten and Ezra
made a new law, the one we have now. This is absurd. The law could not have
been forgotten, for the people did not all go into captivity at one time. They
were not all put to death; they were led into exile in a quiet fashion, and
there were great men among them like Hananiah, Mishael, Azariah, Daniel and
others who surely could not have forgotten the Law. Besides Ezra could never
have had the consent of all the people scattered everywhere if he had made a
law of his own. As a matter of fact the Law as we have it is the same in all
details throughout the world.
The next
problem we must consider is the perennial one—the problem of evil and of
freedom. It is the purpose of the entire book, as Ibn Daud tells us in his
introduction.
The
further a thing is removed from matter the more perfect is its knowledge. For,
as we have already said, it is matter that hinders knowledge. All defect and
evil is the result of the potential. Hence the farther a thing is removed from
potentiality the more perfect it is and the freer it is from defect. God's
essence is the most perfect thing there is; and as he knows his essence, his is
the most perfect knowledge. God knows, too, that his perfection is not
stationary in him, but that it extends and communicates itself to all other
things in order. And the further a thing is from him the less is its perfection
and the greater is its imperfection. We have thus a graduated series, at one
end the most perfect being, at the other the least perfect, viz., matter.
Now it is
impossible from any point of view, either according to reason or Bible or
tradition, that evil or defect should come from God. Not by reason, for two
contradictories in the same subject are impossible. Now if good and evil both
came from God, he would have to be composite just like man, who can be the
cause of good and evil, the one coming from his rational power, the other from
the spirited or appetitive. But God is simple and if evil comes from him, good
cannot do so, which is absurd. Besides, the majority of defects are privational
in character and not positive, like for example darkness, poverty, ignorance,
and so on, which are not things, but the negations of light, wealth, wisdom,
respectively. Being negative, not positive, they are not made by any body.
One may
argue that it is in the nature of man that he should have understanding and
perfection; and if God deprives him of it, he does evil. The answer is that the
evil in the world is very small in comparison with the good. For evil and
defect are found only in things composed of the elements, which have a common
matter, receiving forms in accordance with the mixture of the elementary
qualities in the matter. Here an external cause sometimes prevents the form from
coming to the matter in its perfection. The seed, for example, depends upon the
character of the soil which it finds for its growth. Now it does not follow
that God was bound to give things the highest perfection possible. For in that
case all minerals would be plants, all plants animals, all animals men, all men
angels; and there would be no world, but only God and a few of the highest
angels. In order that there shall be a world, it was necessary to make a
graduated series as we actually have it. And as a matter of fact the very
defects in the material composites are a good when we have in view not the
particular thing but the whole. Thus if all men were of a highly intellectual
type, there would be no agriculture or manual labor.
Now there
are men whose temperament is such that they cannot distinguish between right
and wrong, and they follow their inclinations. To counteract these bad
qualities God gave his commandments and warnings. This shows that it is not
impossible to oppose these evil tendencies, for in that case the commandments
would be useless. The acts of man come neither under the category of the
necessary, nor under that of the impossible, but under the category of the
possible.
There are
two senses in which we may understand the term possible. A thing may be
possible subjectively, i. e., in relation to our ignorance, though objectively
it may be necessary and determined. Thus we in Spain do not know whether the
king of Babylon died to-day or not; and so far as we are concerned, it is
possible that he is dead or that he is alive. In reality it is not a question
of possibility but of necessity. God knows which is true. The same thing
applies to the occurrence of an eclipse in the future for the man who is
ignorant of astronomy. Such possibility due to ignorance does not exist in God.
But there
is another sense of the word possible; the sense in which an event is
objectively undetermined. An event is possible if there is nothing in the
previous chain of causation to determine the thing's happening in one way
rather than another. The result is then a matter of pure chance or of absolute
free will. Now God may make a thing possible in this objective sense, and then
it is possible for him also. If you ask, but is God then ignorant of the
result? We say, this is not ignorance. For to assume that it is, and that
everything should be determined like eclipses, and that God cannot create
things possible, means to destroy the order of the world, of this world as well
as the next. For why shall man engage in various occupations or pursue definite
lines of conduct since his destiny is already fixed?
The truth
of the matter is that there are several orders of causes. Some are directly
determined by God, and there is no way of evading them; others are entrusted to
nature, and man is able to enjoy its benefits and avoid its injuries by proper
management. A third class contains the things of chance, and one may guard
against these also. So we are bidden in the Bible to make a parapet on the
roofs of our houses to guard against the possibility of falling down. Finally
there is the fourth class, those things which depend upon the free choice of
the individual. Right and wrong conduct are matters of choice, else there would
be no use in prophets, and no reward and punishment. When a person makes an
effort to be good, his desire increases, and he obtains assistance from the
angels.
Since
freedom is supported by reason, Scripture and tradition, the passages in the
Bible which are in favor of it should be taken literally, and those against it
should be interpreted figuratively. When the Bible says that God hardened
Pharaoh's heart, it means simply that Pharaoh was allowed to proceed as he
began. All the ancient sages of our nation were in favor of freedom.
If we
compare the above discussion of the problem of freedom with that of Judah
Halevi, we see that Ibn Daud is more consistent, whatever we may think of his
success in solving the insoluble problem. He frankly insists on the absolute
freedom of the will and on the reality of the objectively contingent, not
shrinking before the unavoidable conclusion that the events which are the
results of such freedom or chance are no more known beforehand to God than they
are to man. And he tries to avoid the criticism of attributing imperfection to
God by insisting that not to be able to foretell the contingent is not
ignorance, and hence not an imperfection. The reader may think what he pleases
of this defence, but there seems to be a more serious difficulty in what this
idea implies than in what it explicitly says.
If the
contingent exists for God also, it follows that he is not the complete master
of nature and the world. To say as Ibn Daud does that God made the contingent,
i. e., made it to be contingent, sounds like a contradiction, and reminds one
of the question whether God can make a stone so big that he cannot lift it
himself.
His
proofs in favor of freedom and the contingent are partially identical with
those of Judah Halevi, but in so far as he does not explicitly admit that the
will may itself be influenced by prior causes he evades, to be sure, the
strongest argument against him, but he does so at the expense of completeness
in his analysis. Halevi is less consistent and more thorough, Ibn Daud is more
consistent, because he fails to take account of real difficulties.
In the
final outcome of their respective analyses, Halevi maintains God's
foreknowledge at the expense of absolute freedom, or rather he does not see
that his admissions are fatal to the cause he endeavors to defend. Ibn Daud
maintains absolute freedom and frankly sacrifices foreknowledge; though his
defence of freedom is secured by blinding himself to the argument most
dangerous to that doctrine.
Abraham
Ibn Daud concludes his "Emunah Ramah" by a discussion of ethics and
the application of the principles thus discovered to the laws of the Bible. He
entitles this final division of his treatise, "Medicine of the Soul,"
on the ground that virtue is the health of the soul as vice is its disease. In
his fundamental ethical distinctions, definitions and classifications he
combines Plato's psychology and the virtues based thereon with the Aristotelian
doctrine of the mean, which he also applies in detail. He omits wisdom as one
of the Platonic virtues and, unlike Plato for whom justice consists in a
harmony of the other three virtues and has no psychological seat peculiar to
it, Ibn Daud makes justice the virtue of the rational soul.
The end
of practical philosophy is, he says, happiness. This is attained, first, by good
morals; second, by proper family life; and third, by means of correct social
and political conduct.
The human
soul consists of three principal faculties, vegetative, animal, rational.
Corresponding to these the principal virtues and vices are also three. The
vegetative power, whose functions are nourishment, growth and reproduction, is
related to appetite, and is called the appetitive soul. The animal power as
being the cause of sensation, voluntary motion, cruelty, revenge, mercy and
kindness, is called the spirited soul, because these qualities are dependent
upon the energy or weakness of the spirit. The rational power has two aspects.
One is directed upwards and is the means of our learning the sciences and the
arts. The other aspect is directed downwards, and endeavors to control
(successfully or not as the case may be), the two lower powers of the soul,
guarding them against excess and defect. This function we call conduct, and
virtue is the mean between the two extremes of too much and too little. The
mean of the appetitive power is temperance; of the spirited power, bravery and
gentleness; of the rational soul, justice.
Justice
consists in giving everything its due without excess or defect. Justice is
therefore the highest of all qualities, and is of value not merely in a
person's relations to his family and country, but also in the relations of his
powers one to another. The rational power must see to it that the two lower
faculties of the soul get what is their due, no more and no less. This quality has
an important application also in the relations of a man to his maker. It is
just that a person should requite his benefactor as much as he received from
him, if possible. If he cannot do this, he should at least thank him. Hence the
reason for divine worship, the first of commandments. This quality, the
greatest of men possessed in the highest degree. Moses "said to him that
did the wrong, wherefore smitest thou thy fellow?" (Ex. 2, 13). And when
the shepherds came and drove away the daughters of the priest of Midian,
"Moses stood up and helped them, and watered their flock" (ib. 17).
This is the reason why God sent him to deliver Israel.
God
showed the care he had of his nation by revealing himself to them, and thus
showing them the error of those who think that God gave over the rule of this
world to the stars, and that he and the angels have no further interest in it.
Hence the first commandment is "I am the Lord thy God," which is
followed by "You shall have no other gods," "Thou shalt not take
the name of the Lord thy God in vain" (Ex. 20, 2ff.). "Remember the
Sabbath day" is for the purpose of condemning the belief in the eternity
of the world, as is evident from the conclusion, "For in six days the Lord
made heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is...." (ib. 11).
"Honor thy father and thy mother" (ib. 12) is intended to inculcate
the duty of honoring the cause of one's being, including God. Thus the first
five commandments all aim to teach the revelation and Providence of God. The
rest deal with social and political conduct, especially the last one,
"Thou shalt not covet," which is important in the preservation of
society.
The
commandment to love God involves the knowledge of God, for one cannot love what
one does not know. A man must know therefore God's attributes and actions. He
must be convinced likewise that no evil comes from God, or he cannot love him
as he should. He may fear him but not with the proper fear. For there are two
kinds of fear, and the one that is commanded is fear of majesty and awe, not fear
of punishment.
Divine
service means not merely prayer three times a day, but constant thought of God.
To develop and train this thought of God in us we are commanded to put on
phylacteries and fringes, and to fasten the "mezuzah" to our door
posts. For the same reason we celebrate the festivals of Passover, Tabernacles,
Hanukkah and Purim, as a remembrance of God's benefits to our people. All these
observances are ultimately based upon the duty of thanking our benefactor,
which is part of justice, the highest of the virtues.
Among
moral virtues we are also commanded to practice suppression of anger, and its
inculcation is emphasized by making it a divine attribute, "The Lord, the
Lord, a God full of compassion and gracious...." (Ex. 34, 6). Other
virtues of the same kind are, not to repay evil for evil, not to be jealous, to
practice humility like Moses, and so on. In fact all the virtues laid down by
ethical philosophers are found better expressed in the Bible.
In
respect to family virtues, we are bidden to care for and protect the members of
our family, wife, children and slaves. Of social virtues we have love of our
neighbor, honesty in dealing, just weights and measures, prohibition of
interest and of taking a pledge from the poor, returning a find to the loser, and
a host of other teachings.
There
are, however, some of the traditional laws, the purpose of which is not known,
especially the details of sacrifices and the like. In explanation of these we
must say that the law consists of a rule of life composed of several parts.
First is belief; second, moral qualities; third, family life; fourth, social
and political life; fifth, the commandments above referred to, which we shall
characterize as dictated by divine wisdom, though we do not understand them.
Not all the parts of the Law are of the same order of value. The fundamental
portion and the most important is that dealing with belief. Next in importance
are the laws governing social and moral conduct, without which society is impossible.
That is why all nations agree about these; and there is honesty even among
thieves. The last class of commandments, whose purpose is not known, are the
least in importance, as is clear also from statements in the Bible, such as,
"I spake not unto your fathers, nor commanded them in the day that I
brought them out of the land of Egypt, concerning burnt offerings or
sacrifices...." (Jer. 7, 22). At the same time we cannot deny that there
are some reasons for their observance. Thus sacrifice leads to repentance as a
result of reflection, even if the person does not confess his sin, as he is
bidden to do in certain cases.
In fact
there is one aspect which gives this class of commandments even greater
importance than the social duties. It is the principle of implicit obedience
even when we do not see the value of the commandment. I do not mean that a man
should not study science, particularly what concerns the knowledge of God. This
is not to be recommended. But when a man is convinced that there is such a
thing as genuine prophecy, showing God's providence, as we see in the case of
Moses who delivered his nation, performed wonders for them and was always
honored and believed—he should not balk at the acceptance of some laws given by
such a divine man simply because he does not understand them. Abraham is a good
example. For when God promised him that Isaac would become a great nation, and
then commanded him to sacrifice his only child, he did not ask any questions
and was ready to do God's behest. His example is meant to be followed by all.
This is the purpose of these subtle commandments, which are made with wisdom.
Through them we may see the difference between belief and unbelief.
The above
discussion is extremely typical of the rationalistic attitude of Ibn Daud and
his school, which includes such men as Maimonides, Gersonides and others.
Reason, theory, science, explanation—these are the important considerations in
things philosophical, as well as things religious. Theory is more important
than practice, and belief stands higher than mere conduct. No wonder that
Maimonides was not satisfied until he elaborated a creed with a definite number
of dogmas. Dogmas and faith in reason go together. It is the mystic who is
impatient of prescribed generalities, for he is constantly refreshed by the
living and ever flowing stream of individual experience. The rationalist has a
fixed unchangeable Idea or reason or method, whose reality and value consists
in its unity, permanence and immutability. In favor of this hypostatised
reason, the rationalist Ibn Daud is ready to sacrifice so fundamental an
institution as sacrifice in the face of the entire book of Leviticus,
pretending that a single verse of Jeremiah entitles him to do so. But the Jew
Ibn Daud in the end asserted himself, and he finds it necessary to admit that
in a sense these non-rational laws may be of even greater importance than the
rational; not, however, as a simple believer might say, because we must not
search the wisdom of God, but for the reason that unreasoned obedience is
itself a virtue.
In
conclusion we remind the reader that Ibn Daud was the precursor of Maimonides,
touching upon, and for the most part answering every question treated by his
more famous successor. Ibn Daud was the first to adopt Aristotelianism for the
purpose of welding it with Judaism. He showed the way to follow. Maimonides
took his cue from Ibn Daud and succeeded in putting the latter in the shade.
Historic justice demands that Ibn Daud be brought forward into the light and given
the credit which is deservedly his due.
CHAPTER XIII .- MOSES MAIMONIDES
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HISTORY OF THE JEWS
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