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NAPOLEONIC
WARS
YEAR 1800.
The
successful General had now become, according to all historic precedent,
Dictator, and in possession of supreme power; but he found himself surrounded
by generals, till that moment his equals, and his rivals in military glory,
disposed to question all his merit, and by no means to subscribe to all bis
commands. First and foremost in this crowd was General Moreau, who bad stood by
his side in the momentary conflict at the orangery, and whose claim on the
public gratitude was certainly only second to Bonaparte. He was rewarded by
being named General-in-Chief of the Armies of the Rhine and the Danube. In
consequence of the death of Championnet, Massena had
been appointed to the command of the army of Italy, where Rome and Naples were
occupied by General Janitor.
The
first step of Bonaparte after arriving at consular power was to make proposals
of peace to the several belligerents, and first to England, by means of a
letter addressed to the King himself. The Minister answered, declining the
proposition, and justified his policy in a series of most eloquent speeches in
Parliament with this apt Ciceronian quotation: “ Cur igitur pacem nolo? quia infida est, quia periculosa, quia esse non potest.”
He was supported in the view he took by a division of the House of Commons of
265 to 64. It was soon manifest that Bonaparte had no serious intention of
making peace with England. He desired to break up the confederacy against
France, because he did not find the Republic in a condition to afford any
promise of carrying on the war with advantage; but war was essential to his
elevation. He was equally unsuccessful in the proposal he made at the same time
to Austria, for the Cabinet of Vienna was unwilling to stop short in the career
of victory which they had commenced, especially as Britain was ready with a
liberal subsidy to encourage the Emperor to persevere in the war. The Archduke
Charles, however, far from feeling any confidence in the issue of the
approaching contest from the experience he had acquired in the last, candidly
gave his opinion in favour of an accommodation with France. The Emperor
nevertheless not only turned a deaf ear to his representations, but resented
his frank opinion by depriving him of the command of the Imperial army, and His
Imperial Highness retired to his government of Bohemia, whence he had the grief
to witness a series of misfortunes that his wisdom had foreseen, and which
perhaps his abilities might have averted.
The
First Consul was more successful in his propitiatory advance to the Czar, which
he made under cover of a return of many thousand Russian prisoners, who were
sent back, without question of exchange, perfectly equipped and provided. Just
at the moment of this delicate attention on the part of the First Consul, Paul
happened to be indignant at the failure of his troops in Switzerland and
Holland, and more especially at the conduct of General Frolich,
at the capitulation of Ancona, which no justification on the part of the Aulic
Council could appease. He accordingly concluded peace with the French Republic,
and dismissed the emigrant corps of Conde which had been taken into his
service, and which now passed over to that of Great Britain.
The
First Consul was not a man to trust to diplomacy alone for the success of his
policy. He had, it is true, a difficult task before him,—to make head against
the confederacy of Austria and England with a defeated and dispirited army, to
recruit an exhausted treasury, and to conciliate a disunited people. He
laboured to restore respect for religion by permitting the churches to be
reopened for public worship without obstacle or ridicule, and by abolishing the
absurd puerilities of decade fêtes and an unsainted calendar; he allowed a general tolerance, so that the Demoiselles St. Janvier
were no longer to be called Mesdemoiselles Nivôse, but reassumed, with others,
the ancient appellations of their family. An attempt at reviving the rebellion
in La Vendee was promptly repressed, order was introduced into the finances,
and an appeal to the capitalists of Paris was answered by a loan of twelve million of francs. The funds showed an increasing
confidence in the wisdom of the new order of things, and the national domains
began to find purchasers.
The
military measures of the First Consul were equally energetic. The first class
of the conscription for the year was called out, and many veteran soldiers, who
had returned to their homes during the eight preceding years, were required
again to serve. By these means 150,000 men were brought under arms. The
gendarmerie was reorganised for the police of the interior, so that the wealthy
classes were enabled again to resume the luxuries of their station, with their
hospitalities and their equipages, and to repair to their country seats, sure
of being exempt from service, insult, or injury. Large purchases of horses were
made in all countries, and the artillery, instead of being rendered available
through private contractors, was brought under a more military order and
discipline. Large remounts were sent to the frontiers, to supply the waste that
had occurred in the cavalry. All these proceedings were effected with a degree
of system and activity to which the military organisation of France had been a
stranger since 1796.
In
order to secure tranquillity at home, the First Consul took immediate steps to
pacify La Vendée, where an enemy, having his head-quarters near Loudon, was
continually promoting insurrection. Bonaparte addressed a proclamation to the
inhabitants, offering an amnesty, and at the same time sent down General Brune with an army of 60,000 men, to enforce his arguments,
accompanied by the civil functionary Hedouville, to aid the military chief with
prudent counsel. The Abbé Bernier, who had obtained a considerable ascendant in
the Vendean League, was soon in communication with Hedouville, and on the 18th
of January an accommodation was signed at Montfaucon for La Vendée, but Brittany and Normandy still remained in open insurrection.
Having
failed to propitiate his enemies abroad, and having now made himself easy in
regard to his enemies at home, it had become necessary to the First Consul to
consider calmly his military position in France. The British Envoy at Munich,
Mr. Wickham, had, by incessant activity and by prodigal subsidies, obtained the
coalescence of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, and the other
smaller German states, in sending their contingents to the Imperial army. These
were well organised, especially in cavalry and artillery. The Marshal de Kray commanded in chief for Austria, and encamped his army in
the angle formed by the Rhine at Bale, resting his left flank on Switzerland,
and his right upon Alsace. In Italy the Imperial army was commanded by M. de
Melas, and was established at the foot of the Apennines, in observation of and
threatening Genoa, where the British offered their cooperation from the side of
the sea, with their navy and some military detachments, principally of
emigrants. De Kray’s army was said to count 150,000 men, and De Melas’s army 120,000, all well appointed.
The
possession of Switzerland was an immense military advantage to France, in
offering an admirable strategic point, from which to bear on either side,
towards Italy or Germany, with the greatest effect. Here, therefore, was
collected an army of 40,000 men, who were watched by a small Austrian corps
d’armée. The French army opposed to Kray consisted of 130,000 men.
The
French government, having become easy in regard to Holland and La Vendée, had
an available surplus of 20,000 men, with which Bonaparte now began to form the
nucleus of a third army (called at Dijon the army of reserve), which was
rapidly increased by the arrival of conscripts, and by the assembling of three
new divisions brought up from Paris, Rennes, and Nantes, and the command of
this was given to General Berthier, between whom and the First Consul a good
understanding reigned as to its being brought together for service, and as to
its ultimate object and intention; but Bonaparte found it difficult, in forming
his schemes with the required combination and dispatch, to hold any superior
control over Moreau, who had already evinced an intention to act independently
of him, and therefore the plan of the campaign required to be modified; that General
was therefore simply ordered to cross the Rhine, and threaten the
communications with Vienna, by advancing against the Imperialists in his front
with the boldness that was characteristic of that renowned great General. The
Aulic Council had, on the other hand, prescribed a project of campaign for
their armies, laid down by General Zach, which was that their Italian army
should force the Riviera di Genoa, with the assistance of the British fleet,
and thus effect an invasion of France by way of the Maritime Alps.
WAR
IN ITALY
There
appeared nothing to oppose this project, and Bonaparte had indeed, in his
wonderful prescience in military strategy, contemplated its probability. The
army of Championnet had been entirely dissipated, and
nothing but the military reputation and energy of Massena, who had succeeded to
his command, with the assistance of such men as Soult and Suchet under him,
could in so short a space of time have re-established a barrier against the
Austrian plan of campaign. But the Commander-in-Chief had been warned, by the
instructions he received in March from the First Consul, to be careful lest the
Austrian General in his front should endeavour to cut his force in two, by a
rapid concentration against his centre. By the first days of April, Massena had
given the army a complete reorganisation; the right wing, commanded by Soult,
consisted of 18,000 men, under the orders of Miollis, Gazan, and Marbot. Resting their right upon the sea, these occupied
the snowy heights from Recco by Torriglia to the
Bocchetta, Campofreddo, and Montenotte, whence they
doubled back again on the sea at Vado. The fortress
of Savona was held by General Gardanne, with a garrison of 700 men, and that of
Gavi was held in front of this elevated range by a garrison of 500; and Suchet,
commanding the centre with 12,000 men, and having under him Clausel, Pouget, and Garnier, occupied the mountain passes,
even as far as the Col di Tenda. The left wing of this army, under General Thurreau, whose headquarters were at Embrun, occupied, with
6500 men, all the passes of the Alps that debouch into the valley of the Var
and on the Lake of Geneva. This position, thus occupied by Massena’s army, was
thought to be very hazardous, being backed by the sea, and extending fifty
leagues from right to left, and having only the Pass road of the Corniche to
communicate with the base of operations at Genoa, where the general
headquarters were fixed.
All
this while the Baron de Melas and the Austrian army were revelling in plenty in
the plains of Piedmont, where every facility was afforded him for refitting his
army for a new campaign. It is true he had to keep his forces faced two ways;
on the one side, to watch any approaches from Switzerland, and on the other the
army of Italy: but for these objects he had 93,000 men in the field, divided
into three corps d’armée: the first, under General Kaim, with 30,000, with
Wukassovitch and Haddick looking north from Turin; the second, under Ott,
watching the army of Massena; and the centre, under Melas in person, looking on
the Southern Alps. The proposition of General Zach, already alluded to, was to
seize Genoa, march rapidly on Nice, and threaten France from the banks of the
Var. Holding the whole country of Piedmont, he could have readily fallen with all
his force upon the army of Massena, so as to completely separate Soult from
Suchet, and place the latter at his mercy; but the Imperial Commander-in Chief
was swayed by the more limited plan of attack suggested by General Assaretto, which was to fall upon Savona and Vado, and leave Genoa for future operations. If this plan
had been put in effect by the end of February, nothing could have saved Suchet,
but it was the 5th of April before the Imperialists were in motion.
To
draw off the enemy’s attention, Ott advanced against Miollis, but entered into
no serious engagement with him. Melas, with thirty-two battalions, twelve
squadrons, and some light guns, moved up from Acqui,
by the valley of Bormida, as far as the foot of the Apennines, while General Elsnitz
conducted to Ceva twenty-eight battalions and five
squadrons, with eight mountain guns, and was ordered to bring up his right
shoulders so as to aid the General-in-Chief in his projected attack on
Montenotte on the 6th. The arrangements for this attack were kept so secret,
that Massena was not at all apprised of them. A multitude of columns debouched
at one and the same time against the entire French line, on the morning of the
5th of April. The first was led by General Palfy with
such vigour, that Gardanne was driven over the crest of the hills on Cadibona; and Melas with fresh troops, attacking the flying
soldiers of Gardanne, so scattered them over the mountains that, although they
defended themselves valiantly, and were well supported by Soult, who brought up
some reinforcements from Cornigliano, yet, fearing to be cut off from his line
of retreat on Genoa, that General fell back along the Corniche, leaving Savona
occupied with a garrison of 600 men. Suchet, in like manner attacked by
Elsnitz, was obliged to yield to him Settepani, Monte
San Giacomo, and Finale, and to fall back on Borghetto. Massena was also
attacked on the side of Genoa, hut on the 7th he had succeeded in assuming the
offensive there, carried the Monte Faccio, and drove
back the Austrians on Fortanabona. As soon, however,
as he learned that Soult and Suchet had been forced to separate, he awoke to
the truth of the movement and saw that the advance against him on the side of
Genoa was but a feint: he accordingly resolved to reunite his centre and left,
for which purpose he sent orders to his lieutenants, and named Savona as the
point of reunion. The advance was to be made on the 9th, and he divided Soult’s
force into three divisions: Miollis, with 7000 men, to face Ott and protect Genoa
from attack; Gazan, with 5000 men, to cross the hills from Voltri to Sassello, while Gardanne and Suchet were to return
to Montenotte and Monte San Giacomo. But war in these mountain regions is more
than anywhere a game of chance. It happened that Melas had selected the same
day to attack the French on that side of Genoa. Leaving Elsnitz to restrain
Suchet, he had collected the brigades of Bellegarde and Sticker to concentrate
with Hohenzollern at the Bocchetta, and advance against Massena. Hohenzollern,
however, stopped his movement across the division of Gazan, who was delayed in
the attack of the Austrians in Acqua Santa, the
result of which was, that Melas got possession of the Bocchetta pass, and
proceeded to draw the knot round Genoa.
But
Massena was gone away from thence to Monte Croce, to look after Gardanne, and
Soult had marched off in the direction of Sassello,
where he had fallen upon the Austrian General St. Julien, and very roughly
handled him, taking six colours and 1500 prisoners. In the confusion, however,
Melas came upon Massena himself, and drove him into Voltri,
where, on the 12th, he collected some of the troops of Miollis, and established
that post. All this while, Elsnitz was deeply engaged with Suchet on the side
of San Giacomo, which, after various success, the Republican General had failed
to carry by storm on the 12th, and was therefore obliged to fall back on Settepani, leaving the ground covered with his dead:
eventually, however, he established his division between Finale and Garessio. On the same day Soult was fighting on the Monte Favole; but Melas, in order to put an end to these isolated
combats, resolved to concentrate an attack, which he made on the 14th, with the
troops of Bussy and St. Julien at Porta d’Ivrea.
Soult, however, continued to hold his ground pertinaciously, though thwarted by
the Austrian General in every attempt to move in a direction where he might
expect to meet with Suchet. On the 16th, General Bellegarde thought himself in
a position to summon Soult; but, thanks to the fogs that prevail in these
mountains, the French General effected his escape to Voltri,
where he was united to Massena on the 17th. Here Melas attacked the Republicans
on the 19th, and marching down on Sestri di Ponente,
very nearly cut them off from Genoa, into which, nevertheless, after much hard
fighting, they at length effected their entrance.
While
Massena placed his troops so as best to defend the approaches to Genoa, and
exerted himself to excite their ardour and animate their patriotism, Melas,
leaving to Ott the charge of maintaining a blockade at Genoa, set off with
three brigades to reinforce Elsnitz, in order to dispose of the French centre,
now completely cut off from the army of Italy under Suchet. Massena had been
enabled to send Oudinot to that General, in an open
boat by sea, to tell him of the events of the 12th to 17th; and in consecuence of this information, Suchet resolved on another
attempt at a junction, and accordingly advanced to the village of Bormida on
the 19th, prepared to assault San Giacomo the following day. His intention had
sufficiently transpired to put the Austrians on their guard, who were
accordingly on the alert before break of day; and when the two columns of Jablonowsky and Clausel were seen
to cross the Mallera, Melas was already on the spot,
and forthwith launched his new troops against the enemy, and completely
overwhelmed them. Suchet, though now obliged to fall back, resolved to afford
his adversary as much occupation as possible, and thus to impede his operations
against his chief at Genoa. With this object he transferred his headquarters on
the 27th to Albenga, where he took up the ground on
which the battle of Loano had been fought in 1795,
extending from Borghetto upon the sea on his right to Monte Calvo and Rocca Barbena on his left. Here Melas resolved to attack him, but
it was first necessary to reduce Savona, in which Brigadier Buget had been left with a garrison of 600 men. This task was intrusted to Mayor-General
Count de St. Julien, assisted by a British squadron under Captain H. Downman, consisting of the frigate “Santa Dorotea,” 36, the brig “Chameleon,” 18, Lieutenant Jackson,
and the Neapolitan brig, “Strombolo,” Captain Settimo. With commendable perseverance, this blockading
squadron kept its boats in such active watch off the harbour’s mouth, that the
garrison was reduced to capitulate from famine on the 15th of May. Baron Melas
therefore established his headquarters at Savona on the 29th, and prepared to
bring up his forces, so as to drive Suchet from Albenga at the point of the bayonet. The attack was fixed for the 2nd of May: Elsnitz
assaulted Monte Calvo, and drove back the brigade of Serras to Sambucca; Lattermann carried Borghetto. Suchet thus disposed now feared for his flanks and rear, and
in the night quietly retired farther backward to cover Otreilla and the Col Ardente. The Austrians, delighted with their success, pushed on. Gorrup took possession of the Col Ardente on the 7th, and Knesevich drove Lesuere the same
day from the Col di Tenda. The British gun-boats operating upon the strand,
completely stopped the passage of the French by that road, so that on the 8th
Suchet was forced to abandon the Roya and retire to Mentone. On the 10th the
whole of his division was collected on the left bank of the Var, which it
crossed on the 11th; and Melas, continuing his pursuit, entered Nice the same
day.
In
the meantime, Massena was called upon to defend Genoa, which was threatened
with a formidable siege both by sea and land. The city of Genoa has been
frequently described. It stands at the bottom of a little gulf in the
Mediterranean, partly on the flat below and partly on the declivity of an
abrupt elevation, or mountain buttress, which by means of two valleys, broken
from the very summit, is divided in an abrupt mass from the range of the
Apennines. The city is accordingly in the form of a triangle, with its base on
the sea, and its apex in the mountains. Nature and art have alike combined for
its defence. A double wall, having a circumference of about ten Italian miles,
surrounds it, and two moles project into the sea to form a haven, which abastioned front defends, while two forts, called the Spur
and the Diamond, are placed on the heights, and command both the harbour and
the fortifications. The Republican troops were thus posted: they occupied the
city with 1600 men; Miollis, on the east, had 4500 men behind the Sturla; Gazan, to the westward, took post at San Pietro d’
Arena. The fort of the Spur, which is considered the key of the entire
fortress, was occupied by a garrison. After all the casualties of the preceding
fights, the French garrison for the entire defence of the place was counted at
12,000 men. The Austrian investment commenced opposite San Pietro di Arena,
where Palfy’s division, under Schellenberg, assembled
9000 men; General Vogelsang, with 8000, protected the valley of Rivasolo; Hohenzollern, with 1 10,000, observed the two
forts, the Diamond and the Spur; and Gottesheim, with 4000 or 5000, the road
leading into Genoa on the east towards Nervi. The investing army thus extended
twelve leagues, and the only means of communication between the several members
of it was by difficult mountain paths. To Ott had been intrusted the attack of
Genoa, when Melas went in person after Suchet, and the General determined to
drive in the besieged on the 30th of April, while Lord Keith from the seaward
gave the assistance of the British fleet to restrain the garrison. Bussy,
assisted by the fire of the fleet, got possession of San Pietro d’ Arena and Rivasolo; Schellenberg seized the post of the Spino and Pellato, while Frimont
carried Quezzi; and Rousseau and Gottesheim crossed
the Bisagno to the east. Massena, seeing the isolated character of these
attacks, resolved to combine his forces for a resolute defence, and ordered
Soult to retake the post called the “Brothers”, for which purpose, be sent him
four battalions from the left while he placed himself at the head of the
division of Miollis on the right, and drove back the besiegers across the
Bisagno. Gottesheim therefore retired from his attack on Nervi, with the loss
of some hundreds of prisoners. Massena forthwith repaired to the fort of the
Spur, from which he could see the fight on every side, and could perceive Soult
already aux prises with Hohenzollern, whom he had succeeded in driving
back to Turazzo. The Imperialists lost 3000 in these
combats.
Massena
having now flushed his troops with some success, resolved to avail himself of
it by an attempt to seize the height called La Coronata,
which was bristling with Austrian artillery. Gazan was ordered on this service
on the 2nd of May; but the General receiving a serious wound early in the day,
the division was driven back in disorder, with the loss of 300 or 400 men. This
attack had been mainly resisted by the guns of the British frigate “Phaeton”,
38, Captain Nicholl Morris, who opened such a fire upon the retiring French
column, that it required all the energies of Soult to get it back within the
French lines. The town was henceforth continually and effectually bombarded by
the British squadron, consisting of frigates, sloops, and Neapolitan gun and
mortar boats, under the direction of Captain Beaver of the “Aurora”, which very
much annoyed the French garrison, and distracted the defence.
Massena,
ever active, and not allowing the least misgiving of his enterprises to occupy
his mind, now determined on an attack upon the Monte Faccio.
To Soult and Miollis was intrusted this enterprise, and the 11th was the day
fixed for it. Miollis was to occupy the attention of Gottesheim’s division upon the Sturla, while Soult, ascending the
Bisagno, was to turn the mountain by the right. Four battalions were directed
against Hohenzollern to keep him quiet at Turazzo.
The attack of Miollis failed completely, and but for the exertions of the
Commander-in-Chief his troops would have fled scattered and confused into the
town. Soult, isolated as he was by this defection, without regarding the check,
pushed on his men to Cavolozzo, and seized the
entrenchment on the mountain; and Massena, having re-established discipline in
the troops of Miollis, led them forward against the division of Gottesheim,
which he drove back on Sori, with the loss of 1300 prisoners. This gallant
attack by Soult was but the prelude to an attack on Monte Cretto,
which was intrusted to the same general, on the 14th ; but Ott had now
strengthened these hills by fresh troops, placed under the command of
Hohenzollern. This was unknown to Massena, and at the moment when the advanced
guard, under Gauthier and Gazan, were ordered to drive in the Imperialist
outposts, at about eleven o’clock in the day, a most formidable storm happened
to break over the mountain, which very much damped the courage and the
ammunition of both sides. As soon, however, as it cleared away, Gauthier was
encountered by Hohenzollern and was wounded and driven back. Soult then
ordered Poinsot to conduct another attack with the
reserve, and accompanied it himself; but, the brigade of Frimont coming up to
reinforce Hohenzollern, the French were again discomfited. Soult in this
encounter received a shot that broke his thigh, and left him a prisoner in the
hands of the Austrians. The Republicans, seeing their leaders stricken, turned
and fled, and but for the foresight of Massena, who had sent up Gazan in
support, the retreat of the division would have been seriously compromised.
The
English fleet renewed the bombardment every night. This had become so
intolerable to the garrison, that Massena got together a flotilla of his own from
amongst the old galleys and some vessels of the Genoese, with which to silence
and destroy the bombarding vessels. At night this force took up a position
under the protection of the guns of the two moles, which, as well as the
bastions, were covered with French troops prepared to render effectual
assistance. On the 21st, at one in the morning, the British bombarding flotilla
opened on the town, and the fire was promptly returned, as well from the town
as from the moles and shipping, especially from the “Prima” galley, which was
moored close to the old or eastern molehead. The Admiral directed Captain
Beaver to carry this galley by boarding her; accordingly ten boats, containing
100 men in officers and crew, drew off from the fleet for this object. The boats
dashed on towards the galley, but its construction offered difficulties not
thought of; and the “Prima,” when barricaded, was found to present a more
formidable object of attack than the British were prepared for. A young
midshipman, however, of the name of Caldwell, made an entrance amidships,
through every obstacle, in the most gallant manner, and was promptly supported
by his companions; while, on the other side, Captain Beaver, in the cutter of
the “Minotaur,” and Lieutenant Gibson, in the launch of the “Vestal,” clambered
up to the poop of the galley, where a considerable number of French soldiers
were collected for its defence. A desperate struggle ensued, but the British
succeeded in their object, and Lieutenant Gibson hauled down the French Commodore’s
burgee. The boats immediately took the prize in tow, and the galley was soon
seen moving to the entrance of the harbour, under a tremendous fire of shot,
shell, and musketry from the troops on the bastions and the molehead. Soon
after the “Prima” had passed out, under the command of Lieutenant Gibson, an
alarm was raised of fire below. The lieutenant rushed down, and found a drunken
French sailor with a light and crowbar, with the object (as he unhesitatingly
declared) of blowing up the vessel and all on board of her. The wretch was
promptly secured, and a guard placed over the hatchway. But the siege and
bombardment still continued with accumulating horrors; and the populace,
running about the streets, set up frightful cries for a surrender. Nothing but
the wonderful efforts of the French soldiers to restrain them prevented a
general insurrection. The city of Genoa contained a population of 160,000
souls, who were already a prey to the direst famine. The old, reduced to the
necessity of supporting life by herbs and roots, died of diarrhoea or
inanition; and mothers were often found dead in the streets from starvation,
with children at the breast dead or dying.
WAR
ON THE RHINE . BATTLE OF ENGEN
These
accounts of the extremities to which Massena was exposed with his gallant army
in Genoa excited the highest sympathy in Paris, and reiterated applications
were made to Moreau to set the army of the Rhine in motion, which might operate
as a diversion in favour of the Italian army, and deter Melas from entering
France.
Bonaparte,
nevertheless, viewed these reverses with comparative indifference. He had a
higher and greater object, which he was preparing the means of maturing in
secret His eye was continually on his army of reserve at Dijon, which Berthier
was actively engaged in disciplining and organising; but in the plan he
contemplated it was necessary for him to push forward Moreau’s army across the
Rhine and through the mountains, of which that general had had such good
experience during the last campaign. This was most essential to Bonaparte’s
mighty scheme against Italy. Moreau, on the other hand, had good and sufficient
reasons for a delay, in the utter exhaustion to which Alsace and the Swiss
frontier had been reduced by their military occupation during the last two
years. Moreover, his army was weak in artillery horses, and his cavalry was
badly mounted; he was also ill provided with tools, tents, or with any bridge
equipage sufficient to pass troops across the most ordinary streams. Bonaparte,
obliged to admit some of these excuses, urged the General in any case to send
forward a portion of his army, under General Lecourbe, who was well informed of
the military aspect and resources of the country. Although Moreau had collected
an army of upwards of 100,000 ready to take the field, and might well have
spared a division, he would not listen to the proposition to part with
Lecourbe, and the First Consul had no alternative but to dissemble for the
moment, and ordered the army, by telegraph, peremptorily to cross the river
frontier. Moreau had organised his army in four corps d’armée, of three
divisions each. Lecourbe commanded the right of the army at Ragatz, in the Rheinthal, nearly opposite Feldkirk and the Vorarlberg. He had with him Vandamme, Lorges, and Montrichard. Moreau
himself commanded 26,000 in the entrenched camp at Bale, with Delmas, Leclerc,
and Richepanse: this he called the corps of reserve. The centre, under
General St. Cyr, with Baraguay d’Hilliers, Thurreau, and Ney under him, consisting of 30,000 men, was
concentrated about the two Briesachs; and the left
corps d’armée, under St. Suzanne, with Collaud, Souham, Legrand, and Delabride,
occupied Kehl and Strasburg. The army had 116 pieces
of artillery and 13,000 horse, and General Dessolles was named to the Chief of
the Staff of the Army. On the other side, the Imperialist Commander-in-Chief,
Field-Marshal de Kray, had an active force of 110,000 men, with 300 pieces of
artillery; his headquarters were at Donauschingen.
His right wing was under General Sztarray, with 16,000 men, and rested on the
Mayne about Heidelberg. Keinmayer, with 15,000, watched all the debouches
through the Black Forest mountains; Giulay being
pushed forward through the Val d’Enfer to Fribourg,
to keep his eye upon the river bank opposite Neu-Briesach.
The main body, 40,000 strong, was placed at the junction of all the roads
leading from the Rhine to the valley of the Danube, where it was cantoned about
head-quarters. It was covered by three advanced guards: one, under the Archduke
Ferdinand, watched the approaches from Bale; the Prince Joseph of Lorraine
protected the magazines formed about Stockach; and General de Sporch observed the Lake of Constance, in which was a
flotilla of gun-boats, commanded by an English captain, Williams. A detached
corps of twenty-six battalions and twelve squadrons, under the command of the
Prince of Reuss, occupied the Grisons and the Rheinthal.
It was impossible for any army to be better posted for its object, and it was
in the best condition.
Moreau
having, after much consultation, determined his plan for crossing the Rhine,
moved his headquarters to Colmar, and on the 25th of April, at four in the
morning, St. Suzanne passed the river with his three divisions at Kehl, and advanced right and left on Rastadt and Appenweier. Kienmayer strove in vain to check the
French advance at Griesheim, but was forced by the brigade Decaen to fall back
to Linz on the Rastadt road, and to Offenburg on the
other side. At the same time St. Cyr debouched from Neu- Briesach,
pushing Ney towards Burkheim, as if to communicate
with St. Suzanne. Giulay, after making some
resistance at Freiburg, fell back before this advance to the defiles of
Neustadt, sending a detachment to Waldkirch to keep
up his line with Kienmayer. De Kray, considering that these movements betokened
an intention to force the gorge of Knielis, sent up
reinforcements of infantry and cavalry from Villingen,
and called in an equal force from Stockach and Engen to replace them in his
camp; but on the 27th St. Suzanne suddenly recrossed the Rhine by the bridge of Kehl and marched along the left bank to Neu-Briesach; when there he again crossed to the right bank,
while Moreau, with the corps of reserve, advanced on Lauffenburg and Schonau. St. Cyr, making way for St. Suzanne, marched
off to St Blaize on the Alb, and on the 28th forced
the Col de Neuhof below Feldberg. General Delmas was
pushed forward by Moreau to make the passage of the Alb, where the Archduke
Ferdinand held Albruck strongly entrenched; but the
Republicans, under the Adjutant-General Cohorn, had
already got to his highness’s rear, and obliged him to retreat in such haste,
that he omitted to destroy the bridge, which the French immediately crossed,
while the Archduke fell back on Thiengen in order to
join his countrymen near Schaffhausen. Moreau had thus completely deceived his
opponent. By threatening the passage of the river opposite Kienmayer, he had
drawn De Kray’s attention to that quarter, and he now brought an overwhelming
force into the mountains opposite the Austrian left, turning by their sources
the valleys of the Wiesen, the Alb, and the Wutach.
De
Kray, retaining his first impressions, strengthened Kienmayer on his right to
30,000 men, and as he still left the Prince of Reuss in the Voralberg with 25,000 more, he had only 40,000 men left to defend himself against the
French General, who now advanced upon him at the head of 70,000 men.
Moreau
employed the 29th and 30th in rectifying his line.
St.
Suzanne had reached the Val d’Enfer on the 30th. St.
Cyr had marched down from his position on Stuhlingen,
whence General Lindenau withdrew. Lecourbe had
arranged with the General-in-Chief to remain ready to cross the Rhine on the
1st of May. In the night, therefore, he concentred all his corps behind Reichlingen, having collected there twenty-five boats, and
placed thirty-four pieces of artillery in battery to cover the passage, but De
Kray had withdrawn the troops from between Schaffhausen and Constance, and
there was no opposition except from the outposts of General Kospoth and the Prince of Lorraine on the river banks. The divisions Molitor and
Vandamme accordingly crossed, and immediately occupied the roads that led to
Engen and Stockach. The brigade Goulu crossed at
Paradis, near Schaffhausen, and encountered some resistance at the village of Busingen. With very little interruption, therefore, the
French troops made their way to operate a junction, and in passing captured the
fort of Hohentweil on the Aach,
by which means they secured a place armed with thirty-six guns, which protected
the direct communications of De Kray with the Prince of Reuss. The moment,
however, had now arrived when the passage of the Rhine having been effected, it
had become necessary for the Imperialists to offer an effectual resistance to
the descent of the French into the valley of the Danube, and Moreau was not
aware that his adversary was so much on the alert as he proved to be. On the
3rd of May, at break of day, Lecourbe was already in march, and the brigade of
Molitor had even arrived between Singen and Steuslingen, when he came upon a body of 9000 Austrians
under the Prince of Lorraine: these retired as the French advanced, but
Molitor, instead of following them, threw his men into a by-road that led by Neuzingen to Wahlwies, while
Montrichard and Nansouty with a strong body of cavalry, got before the
Austrians on the road to Ossingen. The Imperialists,
outflanked on both sides, were obliged to fall back behind Stockach; but the
French followed them up so quickly, that in an instant they were all thrown
into confusion and dispersed, flying with haste to Möskirch, and leaving 4000
men and 8 guns behind them, with the possession of considerable magazines that
had been formed at Stockach. The division Lorges, destined to keep up the
communications between Lecourbe and the General-in-Chief, marched in column of
brigades: that of Goulu, clearing the ground between
Engen and Stockach, arrived at the latter place when the fight was over; the
other, under Lorges himself, united itself with Moreau. While these things were
going on, Field-Marshal De Kray arrived at Engen with his entire force; but,
desirous of collecting there the division of General Giulay and Prince Ferdinand, he halted, sending the division of Baillet to strengthen Nauendorf, who was already aux
prises with the division of Lorges at Weiterdingen;
but the division of Delmas coming up to the assistance of Lorges, Nauendorf found himself outnumbered, and fell back on Welst-Engen, leaving many prisoners behind him. As it was
only midday when he was informed of this, De Kray, although ignorant of what
had occurred at Stockach, determined to support his lieutenant and withstand
his adversary on the ground he occupied; but Moreau, aware of the advantages he
had already gained, sent Delmas to storm a remarkable height behind Welst-Engen, called Hoherihowen,
and Nauendorf, obliged to relinquish the post, fell
back again across the stream below it at Neuenhausen and Ghirgen. During this time symptoms of a heavy
engagement were heard on the other side of Engen, where the division Richepanse
had marched from Blumenfeld, but had been restrained by Kray from advancing
beyond Wolterdingen, and was very nearly overcome
until Baraguay d’Hilliers arrived to his aid from Riedeschingen. Kray skilfully availed himself of all the
advantages afforded him by the ground, and hoped to crush Richepanse and Baraguay d’Hilliers before Delmas could arrive to their
assistance; with a view, therefore, of preventing this junction, he desired Nauendorf to retake Welst-Engen.
Moreau,
who saw the doubtful issue of the combat, and the necessity of some energetic
movement before nightfall to reestablish it, advanced
the carabineers of Bontems and the reserve of
Nansouty, and ordered Lorges to send forward five battalions and a brigade of
carabineers against the village of Eheigen. Bontems gallantly led his horse on in despite, of the fire
of twelve guns in battery, and took the village; but Nauendorf,
bringing up his reserve of grenadiers and all his cavalry, drove back the
Republicans in great disorder and with considerable loss. Moreau sent up, in
support, the division Bastoul and the cavalry of Hautpoult, but they failed to
regain the ground before night put an end to the combat St. Cyr, supported by
Ney, had during the whole day been contending against the Archduke Ferdinand on
the left, at Leipfertingen, on the banks of the Wutach, who resisted gallantly every attack until
nightfall, when he retired in good order, and closed in upon the main army at Stetten. Both sides now received intelligence of what had
occurred at Stockach, which, while it encouraged the Republicans to renew the
attack, determined Do Kray to retreat. The Archduke was accordingly ordered to
fall back in the night on Tuttlingen, and the rest of
the army on Liptingen and Möskirch. Giulay, who had been engaged without effect on a distant
flank with the division Thurreau, rejoined the Archduke in the night, who was likewise reinforced at this juncture by 3000
or 4000 Bavarians under General Wrede, and took up a position at Buchheim. Kray now sent pressing orders to Kienmayer and
Sztarray to join him, and determined to concentrate his forces in order to
defend the position he had now assumed at Möskirch. Moreau resolved, however,
to anticipate this junction, and to make the most of his present advantages by
attacking the Imperialists before they could get up their reinforcements.
BATTLE
OF MÖSKIRCH.
The
position taken up by De Kray at Möskirch was an exceedingly strong one. The
high roads from Engen and Stockach here unite, and mount the base of the
plateau of Krumbach, which it skirts to the left, and then descends into a long
defile of wood, at the end of which is seen Möskirch on the right and Hendorf
on the left De Kray took up his ground between these two villages or towns; the
Prince of Lorraine with his skirmishers, in the wood of Brechtlingen,
rested his left on the Ablach, a rocky stream running
towards Memingen; Nauendorf occupied Hendorf with his
centre; and the Archduke Ferdinand was already at Buchheim on the right. The headquarters were established at Rohrdorf. The French were
supposed to number 40,000 foot and 15,000 horse. The entire position was
crowned with formidable artillery. Moreau ordered Lecourbe to attack his old
adversary the Prince of Lorraine; Van damme to advance by Closterwald; and
Montrichard, Nansouty, and d’Hautpoult by the chaussée
from Stockach. St Cyr was ordered to form the left, and to move up from Lipptingen. The divisions Delmas, Bastoul, and Richepanse
formed the reserve. On the 5th of May, at daybreak, the French army was in
movement, and Kray, as soon as he was informed of it, advanced a battery of
twenty-five guns to the plateau of Krumbach, where he also deployed eighteen
battalions to receive the enemy. Montrichard had succeeded, about nine o’clock,
in driving in the Austrian advanced posts, but no sooner did the heads of his
columns show themselves on the edge of the plateau, than the fire of the
battery drove them back to the protection of the wood. Lecourbe endeavoured to
establish eighteen guns to silence the enemy’s battery, and the French cavalry
were sent forward to capture it, but both attempts failed. General Lorges tried
to force the position at the side of Hendorf, and engaged in a sharp contest in
the wood, and those that succeeded in forcing their way through this obstacle
came upon the heights about Hendorf and Möskirch, bristling with twenty-five
guns, that poured down grape and shell upon their heads. De Kray, encouraged by
his success, now attempted to assume the offensive, and sent forward twelve
battalions to Wondorf to open the way for the arrival of the Archduke
Ferdinand. They encountered the troops of Lorges advancing again for the attack
of Hendorf, and after a stout conflict the French at length obtained possession
of that village. Vandamme at this moment brought up his division out of the
wood of Walpertsweifer and sent Molitor forward to
make an attack upon Möskirch, in rear of the Austrian corps, who were in advance
at Krumbach. The Austrians defended the town with crossed bayonets, and
altogether barred entrance until Lecourbe sent up Montrichard to the attack,
who drove the enemy through the town, joining Molitor at the opposite end of
it. Both of these divisions now pushed on, supported by the cavalry of
Hautpoult and Nansouty, until they were stopped at Rohrdorf by Nauendorf, who was posted there with forty pieces of
cannon. Kray, with great quickness of vision, saw that there was between Vandamme’s attack and that of Lorges a considerable space,
and in order to obtain time to establish a junction with the Archduke, he
resolved, with his reserve from Rohrdorf, to attack Lorges at Hendorf, whom he
drove completely across the ravine of the Ablach, the
attack being opportunely supported by the Bavarians at Altheim.
Moreau, coming up with the reserve, saw at once from the side of the firing the
danger that was impending, and rapidly moved forward his troops. The division
of Delmas first came up to the support of Lecourbe, but the Archduke, effecting
at this moment his junction with Kray’s army, fell on the division of Delmas,
and drove it in. Moreau then ordered up the division Bastoul to make a charge
of foot, which enabled Delmas to stand the shock. Kray now, therefore, turned
upon the division of Bastoul, in the ravine behind Krumbach. The fight raged
along this ravine as far as Altheim, when Moreau came
back to the field, bringing up with him the division Richepanse. De Kray, now
finding himself outnumbered, withdrew all his troops to Buchheim and Rohrdorf; and Moreau bivouacked on the field of battle. Thus, after a loss
of nearly 6000 men on both sides, no great result was obtained, and no trophy
gained; yet at Krumbach, at Hendorf, at Möskirch and at Altheim,
the French had in the end obtained an effectual mastery. De Kray therefore
resolved to place the Danube between himself and his adversary, and carried his
whole army across the river at Mengen, where he joined Keinmayer and Sztarray.
Moreau had obtained vast magazines by the success of these operations, which
enabled him to march on, without stopping, on the 7th and 8th of May, always
resting his left flank on the Danube, but making occasional halts to enable the
corps of St. Suzanne to come up with him. On the other hand, the Austrian
General-in-Chief, now in security as to position, consulted his generals as to
his future movements, and the majority decided that he should again recross the
Danube to save the magazines at Biberach and Memingen, and should strive to
effect a junction, if possible, with the Prince of Reuss behind the Iller.
In
the night of the 6th and 7th the Austrian army accordingly crossed the Danube
at Riedlingen, and advanced next day on Biberach. This town is situated on the
river Riess, over which there is a bridge, but the valley is so exceedingly
marshy, that it is not to be passed by a horse anywhere. The approach to this
level is across a mountain bulwark called the Galgenberg, and after passing the
town, in the fort there is a similar block of high ground called Mettenberg.
The Austrians had hardly formed their camp at Biberach, about midday on the
8th, when they came in contact with the advance of the French on the
Galgenberg. In order to afford the means of removing the magazines, the Archduke
Ferdinand was sent forward to occupy Mittel-Biberach; but the position was
extremely hazardous, with the great ravine of the Riess in his rear. Moreau
happened to be absent from the army, having gone to hasten forward St Suzanne’s
corps, and St Cyr was in temporary command. He accordingly sent forward the
divisions of Thurreau and Richepanse, with fifteen
guns, who fell so heavily on those troops placed on the Galgenberg, that De
Kray could only save his advance by hasty reinforcements, and then as hastily
withdrew the whole through Biberach, sacrificing three magazines, and losing
2000 men. He had fortunately given orders to the Prince of Lorraine to remove
the stores from Memingen, which he accomplished by transferring them to Ulm,
whither he transported his whole army; and he forthwith entrenched his camp
near that place, and collected in it nearly 80,000 men and 12,000 horses, to
await there the further movements of his adversary.
WAR
IN ITALY
THE
FIRST CONSUL CROSSES THE ST. BERNARD.
The
First Consul, though he had found General Moreau neither obedient to his will
nor accommodating to his wishes, was well pleased to find the troops of the
Republic successfully established on the banks of the Danube. He was now prepared
on every side for the great coup that he was about to launch against the enemy.
Even the reverses of the army of Italy had, in some measure, advanced that
object by drawing the Austrian Commander-in- Chief away from Piedmont; for not
only was Melas on the Var, and intent on the pursuit of Suchet, but General
Kaim had been ordered to beat up General Thurreau’s quarters, and was therefore removed from the path that Bonaparte desired to
keep clear for his grand expedition. While Moreau was yet absent from his army,
Carnot, to whom had been intrusted the portfolio of war in the absence of
Berthier (still in command of the army of reserve), arrived at the army on the
Danube, being himself the authority and the messenger to the Commander-in-Chief
to send General Lorges to join Moncey at the Mont St.
Gothard, whither that general accordingly repaired with 20,000 men on the 13th
of May.
In
the meanwhile, the First Consul worked day and night to get forward his
preparations, which embraced the most minute details. It was the ardour of
Bonaparte’s character which effected these gigantic operations,—corresponding,
organising, providing, equipping: he never regarded the minutest details to be
below the swoop of his genius.
It
was of the first moment that the enemy should be kept in ignorance of the real
strength and destination of the army which Berthier’s indefatigable activity
was collecting between Dijon and the Alps; and so effectual was the deceit,
that the Austrian spies made the subject a matter of ridicule throughout
Europe, as if a few battalions of conscripts could relieve the exigencies of
Massena.
On
the 6th, the First Consul quitted Paris, having now prepared everything for his
expedition into Italy, by a path across the Alps unexpected by the enemy, and
which had been well reconnoitred and considered, and the most extensive
preparations made that the passage should be effected quickly and successfully.
Every pass across the great mountain chain had been canvassed: the way by the
St Gothard had been deemed too circuitous, and that by Mont Cenis was too near
the Austrian line of operations; the Simplon required to be approached through
the Valais, for which there was not time; accordingly the Pass of the St
Bernard was, after great consideration, the point determined upon. Bonaparte
awaited with impatience the report of the Engineer-General Marescot,
whom he had sent to reconnoitre the ground, and after passing the troops in
review on the road, he repaired to Geneva to receive the General’s report.
“Eh
bien! peut-on passer?”
“Oui, General, mais avec peine. Je regarde l’operation comme très difficile.”
“Difficile, soit, mais est-elle possible?”
“Je le crois, mais avec des efforts extraordinaires.”
“Eh bien, partons.”
An
interval of time was yet, however, required to allow Moncey to descend into Italy by the Pass of the St. Gothard; and accordingly
Bonaparte, to disguise his intentions, gave out that he would hire a house at
Geneva, to be at hand to provide against the exigencies of Suchet and Thurreau. With that versatility of mind which was so wonderful
in him, even when engrossed in the mightiest conceptions, he occupied himself
at Geneva with the conversation of the famous Necker (who still resided at Coppet), and in other ordinary pursuits. But on the 18th he
repaired to Lausanne, where he passed in review the vanguard of his army: here
Carnot joined him, with the account of the victory at Möskirch and the
assurance that Lorges was already on his march through the Alps. He had ordered
180,000 rations of biscuit to be baked as he passed Lyons, giving out that they
were for the fleet. These were now covertly employed to form a magazine at
Villeneuve, at the end of the Lake of Geneva. Artillery and ammunition were
secretly carried into the mountains from Besançon, Auxerre, Grenoble and Briançon, upon pretence of a review; for not only was he
desirous of concealing his intentions from the enemy, but the new constitution
of the year VIII.had distinctly provided that the
First Consul should not command armies; although its wise creators had
established no punishment for disobedience of this provision, nor given to any
one the power of checking its neglect. Perhaps a battle of Marengo could done
have obliterated any enactment of the kind. A hundred large trees were felled
and hollowed to convey the guns by sledges, and the soldiers were silently
provided with six days’ provisions in their haversacks; and sumpter mules,
collected from the valleys, accompanied the army with subsistence for six days
more; the peasants were everywhere organised to carry shot and shell, and the
ammunition was securely packed in little boxes, so as to be conveyed on the
backs of beasts of burthen.
The
passage of the Great St. Bernard, lying north of Mont Blanc, has been used as
the principal line of traffic between France and Italy for many thousand years.
It is approached from Martigny in the Valais by St.
Pierre, to which village it is practicable for wheels, but thence to Aosta it
is merely a foot or bridle-path, following the sinuosities of the valleys that lead to the summit, 8000 feet above the sea, where is
situated the celebrated convent, founded a thousand years ago by the humanity
of the illustrious saint whose name it bears. Here pious and intrepid monks
have for ages fixed their abode to rescue from danger and destruction
travellers who may be overwhelmed with the snow in this elevated region, in
which avalanches are frequent and fatal. At Aosta the steep and rugged descent
terminates, and along the smiling plains of Italy the road is again excellent,
leading direct upon Turin and Milan.
On
the 16th of May, the army having been silently advanced from Dijon to
Villeneuve, on the Lake of Geneva, at the foot of the mountain, moved forward
up the steep from St. Pierre on the 17th, the division of Lannes leading. The
First Consul slept, in the midst of the troops, at the Convent of St. Maurice,
where he fixed his headquarters till the 20th. When the whole army had passed,
after an ascent of twelve hours, they reached the hospice. Here the foresight
of the General-in-Chief had availed himself of the hospitality of the convent
to provide an ample refreshment of bread and cheese and wine, — a seasonable
supply, which exhausted the ample stores of the establishment, but was
afterwards justly repaid to them by the authorities. The troops, forgetting
their fatigues, rent the air with acclamations, and after an hour’s rest the
army again moved forward. The descent was even more dangerous than the ascent:
the snow, hard enough beneath, was beginning to melt on the surface, and both
men and horses repeatedly lost their footing, and some were precipitated down
the steep and perilous descent, even to St. Remi. The advanced guard at length
reached Etroubles, where they came upon the first Austrian outpost. It was
impossible that more than 7000 or 8000 men could cross in a day; nevertheless
Lannes pushed on, and reached Aosta the second evening, and the village of
Chatillon on the 19th, but when a little farther on he was stopped by the Fort
du Bard, which effectually hindered all further progress. Loison came following
after Lannes, and Berthier soon arrived after him; but the first report of the
nature of the obstacle that the Fort du Bard presented, had a discouraging
effect upon the whole army. The First Consul, deeming all his difficulties surmounted,
was descending the Italian declivity of the mountain, when he received the
engineer Marescot’s report, that the fort could not
be carried by a coup de main, and that by no exertions would it be possible to
construct a road, practicable for artillery, beyond the range of the guns of
the fort. It was the 20th before Bonaparte reached Aosta. He had crossed the
range on the back of a sure-footed mule, attended by a young and active guide;
but, with all the experience and care of such a one, he often did down
considerable depths at very great hazard, and eventually descended with
considerable difficulty. To those, however, who remember David’s celebrated
picture of the passage of the Alps by Bonaparte, on a rampant charger, amidst
storms and snow, the true picture appears mean and undignified; French
exaggeration, however, always overcharges the picture, and has loved to mark
the enterprise as one which had never been undertaken but by three renowned
leaders of great historical fame. One is called upon, therefore, to bring to
memory that the passage of Suwarrow over the St.
Gothard in the previous year, in face of a resolute enemy, was far more
hazardous, and merited more glory, and that the passage by Hannibal, in
opposition to the mountain tribes, was infinitely more difficult. The merit of
Bonaparte’s enterprise was its hardy conception, and the wonderful secrecy and
forethought by which he was enabled to fall upon an enemy who were without the
slightest idea of an invasion from that quarter, and who could not comprehend
an expedition that was far beyond the limited comprehension of the military
genius of ordinary generals.
As
soon as the First Consul heard that the advance was checked by an obstacle that
appeared to some to be insurmountable, he hastened to the front, and clambering
across the rocks of Albaredo, which commanded the fort on the left bank of the
Dora Baltea, reconnoitred with his own eyes the inconsiderable
fortification below him, which yet, he could not deny, was a more serious
obstacle than the mountain had proved to be. The Fort du Bard is situated on a
pyramidal rock midway in the slope, is constructed of masonry, and armed with
twenty guns, which completely commands the narrow road that leads directly
under the ramparts, and through a single range of cottages just standing above
the bed of the Dora Baltea, the whole space for
village and stream not exceeding fifty or sixty yards. Lannes had summoned the
fort on his first arrival before it, and its commandant, Captain Bernkopf, had replied to the summons with spirit, but was
not sufficiently on the alert, so that in the night of the 21st, some companies
of French introduced themselves into the village and lowered the drawbridge;
but the garrison retired into the fort on the rock above, and from its secure
casemates kept up an incessant fire on every soldier that showed himself.
Bonaparte himself, Lannes, Marescot, and every French
officer and soldier racked their brains in vain to suggest a means of getting
past this dreadful obstacle to the passage of the army. At length, on the 23rd,
contrary to the advice of Marescot, Bonaparte ordered
an escalade. General Loisou headed the grenadiers,
who, under the eyes of the First Consul, threw themselves against the
revetement; but the most daring courage was all in vain,—round shot, grape
shot, musketry, did their work effectually, and 200 killed and wounded (among
the latter of whom was Loison himself) obliged the General-in-Chief to renounce
the enterprise. In the meanwhile Lannes had discovered a goat-path, out of the
reach of the batteries, along which he passed some infantry and cavalry, and
with them he advanced on the 22nd, to Ivrea, across Monte Strutto.
Here the advance, under Watrin, encountered the
Austrian brigade of Briez, with 2500 men, whom he
drove back to Borgofranco, making some prisoners.
But
Bonaparte chafed at the impossibility of getting forward his cannon, and vainly
pushed forward reconnaissances on every side to seek
another outlet. At length, as time pressed, it was determined to employ
artifice, and to take advantage of the darkness of the night boldly to pass the
artillery through the village itself; dung was collected and spread upon the
road, the wheels of the guns were wrapped in straw, the horses sent by the
mountain paths, and the stalwart arms of the grenadiers and the soldiery
carried the guns through the village on trucks in complete silence. In this
way, on the 25th, some 40 guns and 100 tumbrils were passed successfully,
notwithstanding some fire-balls and hand-grenades, by which some few men were
killed at random, but one tumbril unfortunately exploded, which, however, did
not arrest the passage for a moment. Lannes now ordered Ivrea, in which Briez with his brigade had shut himself, to be assaulted on
its three sides, and he himself led the attack on the 26th, when the French
troops rushed in with loud shouts, the Austrian troops retiring precipitately
towards Chiusella, where they joined General Haddick’s division.
It
was the 27th, before the whole French army, 36,000 strong, was collected around
Ivrea. The infantry comprised three corps d’armée under Lannes, Duchesne, and
Victor; Murat commanded the cavalry; and Chabran, with
one division, remained behind to blockade the Fort du Bard, which, in fact,
held out till the 5th of June. Bonaparte now received advices from Suza and Fenestrelles that
General Thurreau had crossed Mont Cenis, and was
skirting the foot of the mountains towards Novallese;
that General Bethencourt, who had wound down the Simplon on the left of the
army, was at Domo d’Ossola with Gravellona,
pushing the Austrian brigade of Landon before him. Lechi was therefore sent by the First Consul to obtain information respecting General Moncey, who was, in truth, now descending the St.
Gothard, in spite of all the opposition of the brigade of Dedovich to retard his march.
To
General Haddick had been intrusted by Melas the duty of closing and watching
the passes of the Alps; who now, sending off to the General-in-Chief advices of
this serious inundation of the enemy into the plains of Piedmont, eight
battalions and thirty squadrons were hastily collected to cover the approaches
to Turin. Lannes was immediately sent against the Austrians to attack them in
the position they had assumed behind the bridge of Chiusella.
The position was strong, and a well-directed artillery received the attack; but
in spite of it, Colonel Macon reached the bridge by marching up the bed of the
stream. Here General Palfy was struck down dead at
the head of the Austrian cavalry, in vainly endeavouring to stop the French
column, who carried the bridge in face of a vigorous resistance, and drove them
back to Romano. Haddick, in consequence, retired behind the Oreo at Foglizzo. This opened the way to Lannes to advance on
Turin, but he adroitly turned from the capital, and pushed for the Po at Chivasso, where he made himself master of a flotilla of
boats, of which the French army had the greatest need, for they were
necessarily unprovided with any bridge equipage. Bonaparte now adopted a course
that, while it quite bewildered the Austrian General, could not fail to produce
a great moral impression in Italy, and would facilitate his junction with Moncey and the divisions coming through the Alps, and raise
his force to 50,000 men. Leaving Lannes, therefore, at Chivasso,
the First Consul advanced Murat to the Ticino, where he arrived on the 30th of
May, and where he was shortly followed by the divisions of Loison and Victor.
On the 31st Murat came up against the Imperial cavalry of Festenberg,
and the corps of Wukassovitch, and drove them across the river to Turbigo. On the 1st of June, he passed the division of
Bondet to Buffalora; and on the 2nd Bonaparte,
marching with the advanced guard, entered Milan, to the surprise of the
garrison in the fort and to the immense astonishment of Melas in the field.
The
first rumours of the French army marching into Italy found the Austrian Chief
intent on entering France by storming the bridge over the Var, and crushing
Suchet. So brilliant a campaign would afford him leisure to turn his army
either against Provence or Switzerland, as might hereafter be determined on. At
first, the information that reached him on the 13th of May, was that the army
of reserve had quitted Dijon. He naturally surmised that the object of this
movement was to raise the siege of Genoa, and he looked out for the appearance
of the French troops in his front; but he himself made no movement till the
18th, when General Kaim reported to him the arrival of a considerable force in
the Valais. Melas accordingly sent off the brigade of Knesevitch to assist Kaim, while he himself fell back to Nice with the brigade of Auersberg. He left Elsnitz with 18,000 men to watch Suchet,
who had with him 12,000 in the tête du pont on
the Var, where he strengthened himself by every means of art. Elsnitz had not
at first any artillery with him, but the General-in-Chief sent him some guns by
water from Nice, and he then gallantly determined to assault the bridge, but in
this attempt he signally failed.
Report
on report now reached Melas, and he learned with such surprise the arrival of
General Bonaparte with the French army on the plains of Italy, that he could
not believe the fact until it had been corroborated to him from the authorities
at Milan. At Coni, on the 22nd, he learned the capture of Ivrea by Lannes, and Thurreau’s attack on Suza, but he
could not comprehend the intent and object of these events. The affair at Chiusella, and the disaster that had happened to Palfy and his brigade of horse on the 26th, with the
apparent intention of the French to march on Turin, induced Melas to recall
Elsnitz in great haste to Fossano, where he would be
at hand either to assist him against Bonaparte or to march to the assistance of
General Ott before Genoa. The Austrian General was so intent on the expected
advance of the Republican army on Turin, that he was not aware that Lannes,
after attacking Chirazzo, had suddenly marched away
to Pavia, situated at the junction of the Ticino and the Po, and where there
was the principal depot of the Austrian army, with a quantity of guns, muskets,
and ammunition, which that General had in truth surprised and taken.
The
garrison of Genoa was at its last gasp, and it required all the address of
Massena to maintain order amidst the starving population of the city. On the
26th, two officers, who had evaded the enemy’s outposts, brought the news to
Massena that Bonaparte was on the 20th at the Italian side of the St Bernard,
coming on to his relief. Nevertheless, there was every apprehension that the
famished garrison would be overpowered by the multitudes of starving
inhabitants, who had risen in despair, and with unwonted courage. While matters
were in this desperate state, the French General heard, on the 31st, that a
flag of truce was at the gates. The Adjutant-General Andrieux was sent to meet it. It was a letter from the General-in-Chief Melas, couched
in the most flattering terms, and offering a capitulation. This proposition
appeared to Massena to be ill timed, and he declined it; but the same night a
severe bombardment, both by sea and land, shook his firmness, and the condition
of his troops and the aspect of the people drove him to compliance, so that on
the 4th he agreed to the surrender of Genoa, with the sole stipulation that the
garrison, 8000 or 9000 strong, should be conveyed by land or sea to Antibes.
The same evening the Austrian troops took possession of the gates. The next day
the garrison marched out, with General Gazan at its head, and were regaled with
some good sustenance, of which they stood in great need, at the outposts, and
Massena, embarking in an open boat, made the best of his way by water to join
General Suchet’s army. The defence had done honour to
the French arms. The city was not surrendered until half the defenders had
succumbed to wounds or sickness; the second in command, Soult, had been made
prisoner, and grievously wounded; and eight other generals, eleven colonels,
and three fourths of the officers had been put hors de combat. Out of
compliment to the defence, the Austrian General omitted the word “Capitulation”
from the terms conceded for the surrender, so that French vanity was thus
reconciled to the sight of the Imperial flag waving over the walls of Genoa.
Melas
had seen the necessity of concentrating his army without a moment’s delay, and
had fixed upon Alessandria for the trysting place. Kaim was withdrawn to Casale, where he forthwith strengthened the tête du pont over the Po. Wukassovitch had orders to defend the
passage of the Ticino. Raddick, leaving a garrison at
Turin, under General Nimptsch, marched up by Asti. Ott received the most
positive orders to raise the siege of Genoa; but the British Admiral, Lord
Keith, had a voice in that question, and urged the Austrian General to disobey
the order, which had the effect, in fact, of hastening the capitulation, and of
smoothing over the prejudices of Massena, by which we have seen he was led to
terms; but no sooner was the place surrendered than, leaving Hohenzollern with
sixteen battalions to garrison the city, Ott marched away the besieging force
to Tortona.
BATTLE
OF MONTEBELLO
Bonaparte,
having issued proclamations and reorganised the republic at Milan, now sent away
detachments to endeavour to surprise Peschiera and
Mantua, which was somewhat rash and hazardous in him; nevertheless, he was
willing to dally for five or six days in the Capuan delights of Milan, for no
one better understood the necessity of interchanging the delights with the
severities of war to the soldiers. This delay enabled him also to welcome the
arrival of Moncey’s corps d’armée; and, as soon as he
had effected this junction, he immediately resolved to march his army from
Milan to encounter Melas. The Fort du Bard having surrendered, Chabran, set at liberty, was sent to keep watch over
Piedmont; and Lorges was now left to blockade the Castle of Milan and guard
Lombardy. On the 7th, the First Consul quitted Milan, and took up his
headquarters at Pavia; and Lannes, having collected boats sufficient, moved
forward the division Watrin to pass the Po, who took
up a position threatening the great communications from Alessandria to
Piacenza.
On
this same day Elsnitz had reached Ceva, but had been
so pressed and punished by Suchet in his retreat, that his division, lessened
by several thousands, was disorganised, and hardly able to maintain its place
in the line. Melas was therefore constrained to draw from Genoa every
disposable man, and to leave the defence of that city to some 3000 sick, who
could undertake no other duty. Gavi, which was still occupied by French troops,
was kept blockaded by some Alpine volunteers, while the Austrian blockading
force was drawn in towards Alessandria. General O’Reilly, with the Imperial
cavalry, was sent off in haste to defend the passage of the Po near Piacenza,
and Ott and Hohenzollern were pushed forward in the same direction. Kaim had
arrived at Alessandria, and Elsnitz, getting clear of Suchet, reached Asti on
the 10th or 11th.
The
First Consul had now a most difficult game to play against his adversary. He
held Milan and the Ticino, it is true, while he also threatened the great road
by Piacenza; and, so long as he occupied Pavia and the Stradella, Melas could
not pass into Lombardy, unless he could dislodge the French army. Nevertheless
the enemy were upon all his communications with France. Watrin was attacked fiercely at St Cipriano, at the moment of passing the river, by
General Molitor and the Prince of Taxis; but as soon as the brigade of Gency had been got over at Albaredo, Lannes attacked, in
his turn, and the Austrian division was forced to withdraw. Murat advanced from
Lodi, but as the troops ordered to Piacenza by Melas had not yet arrived, he
found the tête du pont there merely armed by
six guns, and garrisoned by about 200 men. These he immediately assaulted, but
without success. However, the Austrian General Mosel, who commanded in the
town, withdrew those troops from the bridge in the night, just as O’Reilly
arrived with the Imperial cavalry. In the meantime Murat, ignorant of the evacuation
of the tête du pont, had assembled some boats
at Nocetto, where he crossed the river. The divisions
Chambailhac, Gardanne, and Mounier were concentrated near La Stradella, and were
apprised that they might at any time expect to have some 15,000 or 18,000
Austrians on their hands coming from Genoa. O’Reilly saw that he was unequal to
oppose the accumulation of troops around Piacenza, but he also feared for the
great force of artillery that was following in his wake, and he apprehended
very reasonably that some of Lannes’ division would intercept it at Broni. He therefore exerted himself to keep Watrin in check while the guns reached Tortona in safety on
the night of the 7th-8th June. Ott was delayed at Voghera till the 8th by the
waters of the Scrivia, which had swollen so much in one night that he could not
lay a bridge over; but next day he united himself with O’Reilly at Casteggio, forming a corps of twenty-six battalions and
fifteen squadrons, or about 16,000 men, exactly at the point where Bonaparte
expected an enemy. Here they were drawn up in a most advantageous position, die
right resting on some heights which are spurs of the great Apennine range, and
command the great road leading to Tortona. Bonaparte was himself at the
Stradella to witness the junction, and sent back to hasten the march of Victor,
while he directed Lannes to call in Murat, and to defend stoutly every approach
against himself until their arrival.
Ott,
in the impression that his adversary was but a rearguard of the French retreating upon Mantua, hastened to direct the division of
Vogelsang to assail the heights on his right, and Schellenburg to march against the town of Casteggio in the plain,
while he held Montebello with his reserve. Watrin defended this last with difficulty, in face of the Austrian superiority in
artillery, and Gottesheim in the hills had driven back the French battalions
when the head of Victor’s column arrived on the ground. This changed the whole
state of affairs, and gave the Republicans the superiority; nevertheless, Ott
held his own until Victor brought up the whole of his division, when he ordered
a retreat, and O’Reilly, who covered it, had some difficulty to get through Casteggio; but the Imperialists retired in good order to
San Giuliano, throwing in as they passed by a garrison of 1000 men into
Tortona. The Austrians lost in this action near 3000 killed and wounded, and
1500 prisoners. But Bonaparte arrived on the ground before the close of the
battle, and highly complimented Lannes, who obtained great praise for his
success, which procured for him in after years his tide of Duke of Montebello.
Bonaparte
had now his head-quarters at La Stradella, a remarkable position, so called
from the narrowness of the defile occasioned by the approximation of the mountains
and river at that spot; and ground singularly well adapted to compensate his
inferiority to the enemy in cavalry and artillery. Here he remained the three
following days, concentrating and organising his troops for the impending
battle that was now become imminent. He was thus occupied when his old Egyptian
comrade, Dessaix, with his aides-de-camp Savary and Rapp, arrived in the camp.
He had quarrelled with Kleber, and had in consequence quitted the banks of the
Nile; and burning ardently to serve again under his old chief, whom he was
sincerely attached to and much valued, he came up with headquarters on the
12th. The First Consul immediately made a corps d’armée of the divisions Mounier
and Boudet, and gave Dessaix the command. Melas
arrived on the 10th at Alessandria, where he learned the disastrous issue of
the affair of Montebello, and, on a calm revision of the difficulties that
surrounded him, he also considered that it was only by the hazard of a battle
that he could get out of them. He now collected around him 31,000 men, of whom
7000 were cavalry, and 200 pieces of artillery. He saw in his front the French
army 60,000 strong, closing all access into Lombardy. In his rear, Suchet,
having rallied to his standard the garrison of Genoa, was now driving Elsnitz
before him, and occupying all the passes of the Alps. These hemmed him in on
the left, and the Apennines on the right. He therefore resolved to give battle,
and open a way by his good sword, to escape from the corner into which he had
become suddenly ensconced. Having formed this resolution, he gave orders to
Elsnitz and Hohenzollern to join him quickly, and despatched a request to the
British Admiral, Lord Keith, to accelerate the approach of 12,000 English, who
had arrived at Minorca.
Bonaparte’s
force before Melas was 29,000, of which 3600 were horse. Since the 9th, he had
obtained no intelligence of his adversary, and concluded that he was meditating
an escape, either from the side of Genoa or by way of the Ticino; in his
impatience, therefore, he determined to go forward and look after him;
accordingly, on the 12th, he moved his headquarters to Voghera, and on the 13th
crossed the Scrivia below Tortona. On arriving at San Giuliano, he could learn
no intelligence of the position of the Austrian army; he therefore pushed
Dessaix the same evening to Rivalta, on the road to Novi, and gave Victor
orders to march forward to Marengo. Gardanne, who commanded the advance of the
latter, here fell upon O’Reilly in the village, and drove him to the banks of
the Bormida, establishing his advanced post for the night at the farm of Padrebona. The First Consul slept on the 13th at Torre di Garafolo. Nothing was yet known positively of Melas, and
Bonaparte felt anxious for the return of some of his troops, and for the coming
up of those still on the left of the Po, whom he was now anxious should arrive
in line. In the course of the night, therefore, he called back Dessaix from the
road to Novi, and placed Lannes in echelon behind Victor’s division about Spinetta.
The
plain on which the celebrated battle of Marengo was now to be fought offered no
advantages of ground. The waters of the Scrivia, the Bormida, and the Tanaro, coming down from the mountain, here unite
themselves with the Po in a vast and richly cultivated plain, across which the
great road leading through the villages of San Giuliano and Marengo ascends a
slight elevation of ground before it descends to the Bormida, which it crosses
by a bridge, and then enters the strongly fortified place of Alessandria. The
level of Marengo is perhaps the only one in Italy where cavalry could be
brought to act with the fullest effect, for the plains of Lombardy are
generally intersected either with watercourses, or with the vines intertwined
with mulberry-trees, which render it difficult to deploy even a single
regiment, while open cornfields and orchards offered no impediment here to the
action of horse, of which the Austrians had with them 7600 in the finest order.
The
expulsion of his advance out of Marengo and across the Bormida on the 13th,
awakened Melas to the necessity of speedy action, and he held a council of war
the same night in Alessandria. It was resolved that the Austrian army should
assume the offensive, —that it should pass the river and force back the army of
the First Consul, so as to be enabled to recover a free access with Mantua. The
plan resolved upon was that General Ott, with 8000 men, should be pushed
forward on the left, to Salo, while the
General-in-Chief, with the divisions of Kaim, Haddick, Morsin and Elsnitz, numbering 20,000 men, should march direct by the high road and
across the bridge on Marengo and San Giuliano, and then bringing up the right
shoulders, should turn the enemy’s left, and throw him upon Ott’s line of
march. O’Reilly, with 3000 men, was to act at the same time by an independent
movement on La Stortiglione, covering the extreme
right flank of the army. A considerable detachment, composed principally of cavalry,
was posted behind the fortress, on the road to Arqui,
to catch any symptoms of the arrival of Suchet’s corps, who was expected to come up from that quarter.
BATTLE
OF MARENGO
On
the 14th of June, at break of day, the Imperial army crossed the Bormida by
three bridges, under the fire of twenty guns, when O’Reilly and Haddick easily
overcame the resistance offered by Gardanne and Victor, who fell rapidly back
on Marengo. Haddick and Kaim deployed behind O’Reilly, and Ott marched away to
his left as arranged. Bonaparte was quite taken by surprise at this attack, and
it has been thought that his order of battle was ill prepared for it. He had
echeloned his troops left in front, which was well suited for a retreat or for
marching forward to an attack, but not for receiving an assailant. Dessaix was
forthwith hastened to the front, and the First Consul was immediately on the
spot. A little quaggy rivulet called Fontanone ran here, of which such
considerable advantage was taken, that Victor withstood the efforts of Kaim and
Haddick with heroic resolution, until Lannes, at ten o’clock, came up and
restored the combat. Haddick moved resolutely forward, but at this moment
received his mortal wound, which discouraged his men so that they fell back,
and Frimont took the command of his division, which Kaim supported and rallied.
At this moment Melas received intelligence that Suchet was in full march in his
rear, and had reached Acqui; but in truth it was only
a detachment of light troops belonging to his corps that had got up, and
therefore the Austrian General-in-Chief troubled himself and weakened his
attack unnecessarily, when he detached from the field General Nimptsch, with
2200 cavalry, to keep in check this force approaching out of the Apennines.
Melas, however, directed Kaim to push forward the attack, and O’Reilly at the same
moment succeeded in passing the brigade of Pilati across the ravine, when Kellermann arrived with three regiments of cavalry
across the head of the Austrian column, and drove them from La Stortiglione into the Fontanone.
In
the meanwhile Ott, who had the greatest extent of ground to go over, had come
up with the enemy’s right at Castel Ceriolo, and had fallen on the flank of
Lannes, who sent against the Austrian attack the cavalry brigade of Champeaux; but, notwithstanding two brilliant charges, the
Austrian column persisted in its advance, and scattered the French cavalry,
whose general here received a mortal wound. Melas now ordered a third attack
upon the village of Marengo, and the Austrian grenadiers, under Lattermann, entered the ravine and stormed the opposite
bank of Fontanone, notwithstanding all the efforts of General Rivaud, who was wounded and taken prisoner. O’Reilly
likewise overcame the obstacle, and outflanked the division of Chambailhac, who
was almost crushed by the fire of the Austrian batteries, directed by General Lamarsaille. Lannes had therefore upon his hands Ott on the
one side and Kaim on the other, and a boundless plain behind him, across which
he withdrew steadily, in the face of a numerous cavalry and 200 guns.
It
was not eleven o’clock when Bonaparte, escorted by the consular guard, arrived
on the field of battle, followed by Mourner’s division. It was a most critical
moment. Gardanne and Chambailhac, outflanked and crushed by the Austrian guns,
were giving way. The First Consul immediately sent the brigade of Carra St Cyr
from Mourner's division into Castel Ceriolo. This drew away Ott from the attack
on Lannes, who was almost overwhelmed with his assault, and sent the grenadiers
of the guard to restrain the Austrian cavalry. The consular guard formed square
against the assaults of the dragoons of Lobkowitz, but
it was overwhelmed and broken by Gottesheim, and the remnant reached the hamlet
of Gli Poggi with difficulty. Ott sent Vogelsang
against Mourner, and the French General was forced to abandon Castel Ceriolo
and fall back on Villanova. But while Bonaparte had thus directed the division
of Carra St Cyr to the relief of his right wing, his left had become a scene of
the most frightful disorder. The Austrian General, Briez,
had penetrated almost to San Giuliano, and if the Imperial cavalry had been now
at hand, the plain must have been utterly scoured of the retiring columns; but Nimptsch
had been sent with one portion to look after Suchet, Pilati had perished with another in the marshes of Fontanone, and the brigade of
Nobili was therefore the only one left upon the field. The First Consul was in
consequence of the state of affairs obliged to order a retreat; but with
characteristic imperturbability Lannes, Victor, Gardanne, Chambailhac, and
Kellermann moved slowly and firmly across the plain, maintaining a good
countenance as they successively yielded Castel Ceriolo, Villanova, and Cameria Grassa to the enemy, and
occupying two hours to pass over three quarters of a league of ground. Melas
had had two horses killed under him, and had been slightly wounded; he was
exhausted also with the heat of the weather, and now, thinking the victory
sure, he retired to Alessandria to send off the news of his victory to the
Aulic Council, while he committed the charge of the pursuit to his chief of the
staff, De Zach. The First Consul had often cast a wistful eye for the column of
Dessaix, of whom he had as yet received no report Dessaix, however, had heard
the firing, and having detached Savary to Novi, where he could learn nothing of
the enemy, had resolved to return with all haste towards Marengo. It was now
about four o’clock, when aide-de-camp after aide-de-camp from Bonaparte reached
Dessaix himself, and he at length debouched from San Giuliano and galloped upon
the field. Bonaparte doubted a moment whether he should halt his army and renew
the fight or employ his first division to cover his retreat. He consulted Dessaix,
who replied: “ If the battle be lost, it is only four o’clock, so that there is
time enough to gain another.” The advice was genial to the wishes of Bonaparte.
The determination to try another hit was forthwith taken, and the troops
received orders to halt The First Consul then, surrounded by his staff, rode
down the line, and in one of his energetic speeches cried out, “Soldats! c’est assez reculer pour aujourd’hui. Vous savez que je couche toujours sur le champ de bataille.”
General
Zach, at the head of the Imperial advance, was thinking only of his triumph,
when a battery of twelve guns opened on the head of his column charged with
grape, and he saw the whole French army advancing in an oblique line, extending
from Castel Ceriolo to San Giuliano. Dessaix forming the left of the line, next
to him Victor, and next to him Lannes, while Kellermann moved forward with the
cavalry on the right. The Austrian column was utterly taken aback and
confounded when the leading regiment, headed by Dessaix himself, fell upon
them. He had just despatched his aide-de-camp Savary to the First Consul with
this verbal report: “ Allez avertir le General que je charge, et que j’ai besoin d’etre appuyé par la cavalerie,” when he
was struck by a ball in the breast, and fell from his horse. The First Consul
ordered Savary to carry orders to Kellermann to charge. A vineyard whose
festoons of vines, extending from tree to tree, concealed the advance from the
sight of the Austrians, enabled the French General to approach the Austrians
unperceived, as they moved in open column. Zach’s grenadiers, pierced by this
sudden inroad, broke and fled. The cavalry, under St Julien, thinking they had
fallen into an ambuscade, turned round, and threw themselves into the midst of
the brigade of Lattermann, who maintained his ground
until Lichtenstein fled before Kellermann, and put the whole division of Kaim
into disorder. The French troops, eager to avenge the death of their general,
now rushed forward impetuously on the enemy, under Bondet, who had taken charge
of Dessaix’s division.
The
Austrian army, without a general or chief of the staff, and vigorously attacked
by the French divisions on every side, emulous of the success of Bondet, now
made the best of their way to gain the bridge over the Bormida. Kaim
endeavoured to stay the flight of his troops, but Kellermann’s horse, with none to oppose them, carried all before them. The brigade of
Weidenfeld alone held its ground for a short time at Spinetta, and then retired
in order upon Marenge. O’Reilly at length united
himself to Weidenfeld, and thus succeeded in checking Bondet and Kellermann in
their advance. More than 2000 Austrians, pressed on every side, surrendered,
and the unfortunate De Zach, carried away in the stream, was overridden, and
obliged to yield his sword to his captor.
The
report of this sudden change of affairs was naturally carried with all speed to
Alessandria, where General Melas was occupied in drawing up the report of the
victory that he thought he had gained, and for a long time he would not permit
this pleasant delusion to be destroyed, until the report of firing came nearer
and nearer to his ears. He then mounted his horse and crossing by the bridge
hastened to the scene of action, where he succeeded in rallying and reforming
the first leaders of the flight at Marengo. By this time Carra St. Cyr had
again reached Castel Ceriolo, and Villanova, Gli Poggi, and Spinetta had been reoccupied and passed by the French columns. It
was seven o’clock when the First Consul sent up Bondet, Lannes, and Victor to
the attack of the Imperialists, who had reformed in Marengo; but the position
they held at this village was the reverse of that held by Victor in the
morning. The ravine of Fontanone, instead of being in front, was in rear of the
Austrians, and Melas accordingly withdrew them back towards Padrebona.
Ott’s division had been directed forward by the road that led to La Ghilina, at the same time that Zach and Kaim had advanced
to San Giuliano. Some of the fugitive cavalry brought the General word of what
had happened to this latter column, and accordingly he halted but eventually
fell back on Castel Ceriolo. Here, to his astonishment, he found a French
detachment, under that same Carra St. Cyr who had defended it against him in
the morning. There was but one course to pursue, which was without the loss of
a moment to force the way through the village, and Vogelsang, leading the
assault, cut his way through and joined Weidenfeld and O’Reilly, though the
former General was severely wounded in the conflict. These were again attacked
by Gardanne, supported by Kellermann and the regiment of Guides under Eugene Beauharnois. Marengo was now passed; but the confusion that
reigned on the single road leading thence to the one outwork that covered the
three bridges may be well imagined. Officers and men, foot and horse, guns and
tumbrils, all got huddled in a heap, and many threw themselves into the
Bormida; but the Austrians nevertheless offered a stout resistance, until by
about ten o’clock all had crossed the river, when they destroyed the bridges,
and both armies passed the night occupying the exact relative positions that
they had done in the morning.
But
very different indeed was the condition of the contending forces. The
Imperialists had lost 3000 prisoners and 25 guns, besides some 7000 men hors
de combat, including Generals Haddick, Vogelsang, Lattermann,
Belleville, Lamassaille, and Gottesheim. But the
French had lost as many killed and wounded, and amongst the former the brave
Dessaix, a general immensely esteemed by the army, and whose loss was greatly
regretted by all his countrymen. It is said that when the news of his death was
brought to Bonaparte he exclaimed: “Ah! que ne puis-je pleurer!”. His body was
for some time lost in a heap of killed and wounded, friends and enemies, but
was at length discovered by the flowing locks which it was his fancy to wear,
and it was borne with pious state to the headquarters, whence it was afterwards
carried to the convent of the St. Bernard, where a monument is erected to his
memory. The Baron De Melas, as soon as he had collected the remains of his army
around him, saw the embarrassment of his situation,— accustomed to rely for
counsel on his Chief of the Staff, De Zach, he found at this moment of severest
trial no general on whom he could repose his anxieties or seek comfort. The
whole Austrian camp was in the utmost consternation: no one was willing to take
on himself the responsibility of advice; but they said, “Let those who have got
us into the scrape get us out of it.” Of course, however, the generals were
called together, and with them Colonels Radetski and Stukerheim, who were on De Zach’s staff. It is said that
one of them proposed to cut their way to Valenza, and
so reach Milan; but it was replied, “If we succeed in cutting our way through,
we must sacrifice the garrison of Genoa and other places in Piedmont. We had
better, at all events, save these 20,000 men.” The night was far spent in these
discussions; but before daybreak it was essential to come to some decision.
There was no earthly necessity for the Austrian General to throw his arms in
the air, and say I am ruined. He might have quitted Alessandria in the dawn of
morning with all his lightest troops, and, falling à l’improviste upon Suchet, surprised and dispersed the French General in the Apennines, and
forced his own way to Genoa, where he knew a fresh division of 12,000 British
troops were ready to join him; but in fact the constant vice of employing old
men in the command of armies, fatal enough in England, but ten times worse in
Austria, prevented any resolution of vigour in a matter of difficulty. While
Bonaparte and Dessaix, after fighting and marching the entire day, had manly
fire left to fight a new battle at four o’clock in the afternoon, the
sexagenarian Melas was overcome with the heat of the day, and had withdrawn to
rest in his quarters. The experience of the Seven Years’ War ill compensated
for the exhausted energies of sixty years of age; and nations will at length
understand that to reward distinguished young officers with sedentary home
employments, and to send the old and failing to the field, is a most unwise and
extravagant expenditure of the military strength at their command. Melas,
however, was utterly prostrated by fatigue and despondency, and therefore
resolved to send Colonel Neuperg, with a flag of
truce, to desire the release of General De Zach, with a view of arranging a
cessation of arms. Accordingly De Zach was forthwith sent into Alessandria, and
was accompanied by Berthier. After some hours’ discussion, it was at length
agreed, subject to the approval of the Emperor, that the Austrian army should
retire behind the Mincio, retaining Tuscany, Ferrara, and Bologna, south of the
Po, and that to the north of it the space included between the Chiesa and the
Mincio should be neutral ground between the armies; but that Genoa,
Alessandria, and all the smaller fortresses in Piedmont, should be delivered up
to the conquerors, with their artillery and stores, between the 16th and 24th
of June.
Such
was the famous battle of Marengo, and although the results of it were immense
for the First Consul, for it eventually gave him the empire, yet the personal
fame accruing to him as the victor and director of the contest has been greatly
exaggerated. The battle was clearly lost at four o’clock, and had the Austrian
General been where he ought to have been, there was nothing in the renewed
combinations of Bonaparte which could have recovered the day; but when the
Austrians were surprised, and at one blow deprived both of Melas and De Zach,
so slight an event as a successful charge of cavalry was enough to change
completely the state of affairs, and to convert defeat into victory. Melas, who
had so shortly before had Piedmont at his feet, now took his way, humbled and
disgraced, into Germany, and was never again intrusted with the command of an
army in the field. He is only heard of subsequently as presiding at the court
of inquiry into the conduct of Mack, in 1806, and he died in 1807.
No
time was lost by the French in recovering possession of Genoa. This place had
in fact been formally made over to the British Admiral, Lord Keith, when an
insufficient garrison was all that the Imperialist Commander-in-Chief could
spare for its protection. It was nominally in the hands of the Count De
Hohenzollern, who thought himself under the obligation of honour to surrender
the place as it was on the 24th of June, resisting all his Lordship’s orders to
remove the guns and magazines. So rapidly, indeed, was Genoa restored to
Suchet, that the British flag-ship “Minotaur” found difficulty in saving
herself from capture by the French by warping beyond the mole in time. The next
day General Abercrombie, with 8000 British troops, arrived off the harbour of
Genoa, whither he had hastened in obedience to the urgent requisition addressed
to him at Minorca by General Melas. The British Admiral, Lord Keith, had been
blamed for preventing the earlier arrival of this reinforcement; but it is not
very clear what were the instructions with which General Abercrombie arrived
from England, or whether at that time the object of the expedition was not
rather the reduction of Malta and the expulsion of the French out of Egypt,
than participation in the Italian campaign; an object which may not have been
within the scope of British policy, or, judging after the event, have been of
the slightest advantage to a campaign already marked for disaster.
Bonaparte
repaired to Milan to enjoy his triumph, and appointed Jourdain regent in the
dominions of the King of Sardinia.
On
the 25th, Massena again returned to Genoa, and the First Consul now remitted to
him the Command-in-Chief of the army of Italy, and took his departure for
France. He arrived at Paris in the middle of the night of the 2nd and 3rd July,
accompanied only by General Duroc and M. de Bourrienne. The next morning the
whole city was in a stir to do honour to the conqueror of Italy. The cannon of
the Tuileries and Montmartre announced his return. At night, Paris was
spontaneously illuminated, and epigrams, laurel crowns, and crowds of people were
forced upon him on every side. The greatest men have, however, some
ill-wishers, and there are some who will not lose their joke, either for their
friend or hero. Some of the latter proposed to give the First Consul the
surname of Maringouin, which means a little stinging
gnat or mosquito.
WAR
IN EGPT
Bonaparte’s
meeting with Dessaix would naturally have brought Egypt to his memory, where a
French army yet remained in considerable peril. Kleber, with whom the command
now rested, had proved himself a man of great ability. Conscious that the end
and object of the French expedition to the Nile were gained, he was naturally
desirous of getting it away with honour. On the last days of the previous year,
Commissioners had assembled on board Sir Sidney Smith’s ship of war, which had
been obliged by the weather to quit her anchorage, and go to sea. When the wind
permitted the “Tigre” to return to port, the negotiators, tired of their place
of council, landed, and repaired to carry on their conferences in the newly
captured fort of El-Arisch, where, on the 24th of
January, a convention was agreed to and signed, for the evacuation of Egypt by
the French army. Before ratifying it, the French General called into council
the generals of division, Regnier and Friant, with
the brigadiers and chiefs of the engineers and artillery of his army, and it
was decided unanimously,—"Qu’il serait plus avantageux d’evacuer Egypte par un traité que de tenter le sort des armes,” and accordingly General Kleber signed the treaty.
To this document, however, Sir Sidney Smith declined to affix his name.
Nevertheless, on the strength of its efficacy, Generals Dessaix and Davoust had quitted the French army, and sailed away for France,
and, as we have seen, the former assisted and fell at the battle of Marengo.
Kleber, deeming the matter concluded, made immediate arrangements for removing
his army according to the treaty. It is almost impossible, however, but that
rumours must have reached him very early in the transaction, that the British authorities
would not permit this easy escape of the French, to carry a reinforcement to
their armies on the European continent, when not only had they the command of
the sea, but a considerable land force was actually on its way to enforce their
surrender. A letter from the British Admiral, Lord Keith, dated on the 8th of
January, at Minorca, must have reached the hands of the French General, in
which he was warned that any vessels having on board French troops returning to
Europe, by virtue of any capitulation, other than an unconditional surrender,
would be made prisoners of war, if captured. On what day this letter did
actually reach Kleber does not appear, but on the 20th of February Sir Sidney
addressed to him a letter dated from the Isle of Cyprus, informing him that he
had received orders which opposed the execution of the treaty of El-Arisch. General Kleber professed to be greatly indignant at
this repudiation of the treaty, and, with Lord Keith’s letter printed at the
head of the paper, he addressed the following animated proclamation to his
army:—“Soldats! on ne répond à de telles insolences que par la victoire:
prepares vous à combattre.”
BATTLE
OF HELIOPOLIS
The
French General instantly required the Grand-Vizier to return with his army to
the position occupied by him before the convention, and on his refusal, he
marched his army, 12,000 strong, on the 20th of March, against the Turks, who
were reckoned to be 50,000 men, encamped in the vicinity of El-Hanjah. Kleber, always affecting Eastern magnificence,
marched out of Cairo at daylight on the morning of the 20th, clad in a splendid
dress, and upon a horse apparelled with Turkish trappings; and caracoling in
front of his troops, he flattered their self-love and alarmed their security,
by announcing to them that they held no territory in Egypt but the soil under
their feet, and that for the possession of that they must stand firm. On the
march the Janissaries fell on the French advance, commanded by Generals Belliard and Dargelot, who
immediately formed square, and repulsed their charge with loss. General Friant
now advanced on Matarieh, built upon the ruins of the
ancient Heliopolis, which was defended by some slight entrenchments which he
carried after very severe fighting, when the Turkish troops under Nassyf-Pacha fled, and, without minding the rest of the
army, marched off direct to Cairo. The GrandVizier no sooner saw his advance dispersed than he moved up his whole army to avenge
their loss, and after five days’ fighting in the plains of the province of Chasquieh, during which Asiatic valour as usual strove
vainly against European discipline, the Ottoman camp was carried, and the
French gained an entire victory, the Turkish army flying to the desert. Nassyf-Pacha had in the meantime reached Cairo, and had
there succeeded in raising the inhabitants against the French garrison, who were
ruthlessly put to the sword. Kleber, on the 21st, followed after the
Grand-Vizier to Belbeys and Salayeh.
Here, on the 23rd, he saw not only the Turkish army in full retreat, but the
Grand-Vizier himself, accompanied by some 500 followers, in the most
disgraceful flight. Kleber now, leaving Regnier to
watch any reassemblement of the Turkish army, marched
back to Cairo with a part of his force, and, on the 27th, reached the capital.
He found the fanaticism of the Beys assembled there so exalted, that the force
he had brought back with him under Friant was insufficient to reduce them, and
it was necessary to call in all Regnier’s troops to
recover possession of the capital. It was, however, the 18th of April, before
he was enabled to carry the city by assault, and even then the General thought
it prudent to grant terms to Nassyf-Pacha, who was
permitted to retire into Syria. Suez still remained in the hands of the English,
but they also were expelled from it on the 27th, and within a month after the
battle of Heliopolis, Kleber was again master of the whole of Egypt.
No
sooner had it been made known to the British minister, Mr. Pitt, that the
treaty of El-Arisch had been concluded with the
French General on the faith of a British officer, than he sent out orders to
renew the treaty which had been suspended, and this communication reached the
hands of General Kleber at Cairo in May; but before he could act upon it, he
had, on the 14th of June, fallen a victim to the dagger of Suleyman, a
miscreant employed by Nassyf-Pacha and the
Grand-Vizier, who could not endure the humiliation of his defeat at Heliopolis.
The fanaticism of a Moslem against a Christian is so implanted in his character
that it is scarcely necessary to seek for any special motives for this diabolical
act, but it was so deeply rooted in Suleyman’s nature, that he had waited a
whole month in Cairo watching his victim, until he at length availed himself of
his opportunity so well, that the General fell dead without a struggle. When
arrested, the assassin confessed the fact, and was immediately brought before a
military commission presided over by General Regnier,
by which he was sentenced (together with three other sheiks his accomplices) to
have his right hand burned off, to be impaled alive in the presence of the
army, and there to remain till devoured by birds of prey! This sentence was
carried out; but in consequence of the death of the General-in- Chief, the negotiations
were never reopened, and General Menou (the next in
command) succeeded to the direction of French affairs in Egypt, but with far
inferior abilities, and without apparently regarding the dangers that soon
began to accumulate around him.
Military
Character of General Kleber.
Kleber
was born at Strasburg, the son of a tradesman in the household of the Prince of
Rohan. He was apprenticed, when a boy, to an architect; circumstances, however,
brought him to the military school at Munich, where he attracted the notice of
General Kaunitz, son of the Imperial Prime Minister,
who gave him a sous-lieutenancy in his regiment in 1776. He made his first essai-d’armes in the Austrian army against the
Turks, and remained in that service till 1783. He afterwards returned to
Alsace, where he resumed his early calling, and obtained the appointment of
Inspector of Public Buildings at Béfort, which he held till 1792, when he entered
as a volunteer in the battalion of the Upper Rhine, and subsequently became
adjutant-major to General Custine, under whom he served at Mayence.
He went to Paris with that General, when he was denounced and tried, but had
the courage to speak in his favour at his trial, a matter that, in those days,
required stronger nerves than to attack a battery. While at Paris he got
appointed Brigadier in the army of La Vendée, where he obtained great credit at
Cholet and Mans, and remained to the conclusion of that war with the rout at Savenay. After a period of non-employment, owing to the
frankness of his speech, which in those difficult times often brought a man
into trouble, and prevented promotion, he was called to the command of a
division in the army of the north, under Dumouriez, in which he bore a
prominent part in the battle of Fleurus. He subsequently
commanded the left wing of Jourdain’s army, and directed the passage of the
Rhine at Dusseldorf in 1795. In the following year he fought at Altenkirchen and Friedberg, and for a time commanded that
army in chief, but was superseded by Hoche in 1797, and retired in disgust to Paris.
Here Bonaparte found him when going to Egypt, and soon formed so high an
estimate of his abilities, that, although he never loved him, he reposed so
much confidence in his talents and character, he placed him in the chief
command of the army when he quitted the country.
Kleber
negotiated with great skill and judgment. The convention of El-Arisch, with Sir Sidney Smith, was shrewdly carried into
effect upon a just appreciation of the circumstances that were favourable to
the French at the time; and he showed a very gallant spirit when the terms
obtained by him were afterwards disallowed by Admiral Lord Keith. Perhaps a
great deal of bloodshed might have been spared if the British government had
acted more consistently on this occasion; for, after all that afterwards
occurred, the expulsion of the French was not effected on any better terms than
those accorded to Kleber. The sad end of Kleber by the hand of an assassin was
a subject of very deep regret to both friends and enemies. He was of a lofty
character, and without question one of the very ablest of the generals who
arose out of the French revolution. He united with great bravery much sang froid, and to a firm and commanding look, so gracious a
manner and voice, that it often checked mutiny and sedition in his soldiers. He
was exceedingly frank in his manner, though essentially a proud man, and he had
a soul above all desire of ill*gotten wealth, for he could not conceal his
disgust at acts of rapine and brigandage. He had conceived the idea of rendering
Egypt a military colony of France, by a distribution of lands under a species
of feudal tenure; but it is extremely doubtful whether it could have been
possible to have effected this at the time, even if Algeria should be rendered
hereafter a prosperous addition to the French empire on the same system, for
the genius of that people has never proved itself adapted for colonisation. The
remains of Kleber were carried in great state, with the army, down the Nile,
when it quitted Egypt, and were deposited in France.
WAR
IN GERMANY
The
fortress of Ulm had been selected by the judgment and forethought of the
Archduke Charles, as the best strategic point for the Imperial army to adopt
for the defence of Germany. Accordingly the entrenchments that had already been
thrown up round a camp there in 1796 had been strengthened very considerably on
the heights of St. Michelsberg and Ziegelhauteberg, and on both banks of the Danube. Here
therefore De Kray had now collected his forces, which consisted of 56,000
Austrians, of whom 13,000 were cavalry and 4000 artillery; 11,000 Bavarians and
9000 Suabians, comprising altogether 76,000 fighting
men, including the corps of Sztarray. The corps of Prince Reuss, 25,000 strong,
was still on the side of the Tyrol; and Baron d’Albini had a small division on the Mayne. In this central position General de Kray
prevented all advance of the enemy on either side of the Danube, and he was
placed on the great roads leading from the Neckar, and watching the principal
communications of Germany with the Grisons and the Tyrol. He also directly
opposed his adversary’s advance from Strasburg, and flanked that from
Schaffhausen towards Augsburg and Munich. His camp was garnished with 144
pieces of artillery, and was supplied for a long occupation with every material
of war. It was accordingly resolved by the Aulic Council that the main army
should rest here on the defensive, but that the two corps of Kienmayer and
Sztarray should take the field, in order to check any advance that General
Moreau might make across the Iller.
The
French General, although not yet apprised of the victory at Marengo, had the
knowledge of the safe passage of Bonaparte across the Alps, which assured his
rear, and left him free to concert a forward movement; accordingly he
reconnoitred the camp at Ulm on the 18th of May, but saw clearly it was beyond
the power of any direct assault, and therefore he resolved to avail himself of
all the resources of art to draw some of the divisions out of the camp into the
open country. A genius like Bonaparte might possibly have passed the Austrian
army in its fastness, and have marched rapidly by Munich upon Vienna; but under
the circumstances of the moment this would have been rash, and moreover it was
beyond the boldness of character possessed by Moreau. No alternative presented
itself to his mind but that of carrying the entrenched camp by assault, or, by
marching down the valley of the Danube, to make De Kray apprehensive for his
communications. In the meanwhile he detached Molitor to look after the Prince
of Reuss in the Tyrol, whom he encountered at Bregenz on the 22nd, and drove back without difficulty to Ragatz. It was now imperative
on Moreau to advance into the interior, because it had become a serious
difficulty how to maintain his army in the province of Suabia;
and under these several considerations he sent Lecourbe with the right wing,
across the Lech, who advanced on the 28th without opposition to Augsburg. St
Cyr, with the left wing, took post between the Iller and the Danube. De Kray,
taking time to assure himself of the position of his adversary, who he now
satisfied himself exposed his left flank to his attacks, quitted Ulm on the
night of the 5th of June with 30,000 men, while 26,000 formed with its right on
the Iller, and its left on the Kamlach, to show front
to Richepanse, who, in command of the divisions of St Suzanne and Sorham, was placed in observation upon Ulm.
Moreau
saw the sortie of Kray with pleasure, and hastened to withdraw Lecourbe from
Augsburg in order to move to the assistance of Richepanse, whose position was
somewhat too much extended. Ney was despatched with this object, and marching
off with his usual activity, he came up with the Austrians at Kirchberg, whom he fell upon with vigour, and forced to
retreat on Roth. His success emboldened Richepanse to assume the offensive; at Beurent and Guttenzell he had a
warm encounter with the centre of the Austrians, in which General Sponck was taken prisoner. These successes of Ney at Kirchberg and Richepanse at Guttenzell satisfied De Kray that he could do nothing against the French at this time, and
he withdrew all his troops back into Ulm, having lost 2000 men in these several
engagements.
Moreau
now resolved on a grand manoeuvre towards the Lower Danube, which should
seriously alarm De Kray for his communications and draw him out of Ulm. On the
10th Lecourbe was marched again towards the Lech: General Meerfeld,
not strong enough to oppose his march, gave way before him to Aicha. He found the bridge at Landeberg destroyed, but he repaired it, crossed the river, and reached Augsburg on the
12th. The centre and left of the Republican army advanced at the same time, the
former to Krumbach, and the latter to Weissenhorn, driving Sztarray before
them. Richepanse had a more serious engagement with the corps of Prince
Ferdinand, whom, however, he obliged to cross the Danube. De Kray seemed
indifferent to these marches, and withdrew his troops to the left of the river;
but the advanced guards of Nauendorf and Kienmayer
were driven into the valleys of the Rott and the
Iller by Ney, who entered Weissenhorn pêle-mêle with
the Austrians. As soon as these advances had been made, Lecourbe, at the head
of the divisions of Gudin and Montrichard, doubled
back upon Zusmerschausen and Wertingen.
De Kray was embarrassed by these movements, and could not determine which
alternative that was open to him he should adopt, either to cross the Danube
and crush Richepanse, or to march by the left bank on Donauwerth to alarm
Lecourbe. Instead of doing either he merely withdrew Sztarray and Giulay to the left bank of the river, and also into Ulm, so
that only eight battalions and five squadrons remained outside the camp and
fortress to protect the passages of the Danube. Lecourbe arrived on its bank on
the 16th, and tried ineffectually to cross on the 18th at Dillingen, but the
Austrians had cut all the bridges between Ulm and Donauwerth. On the 1th
however, at five in the morning, under cover of a battery, the division of Gudin passed at Gremsheim, while
General Devaux, with five battalions and three
squadrons, arrived promptly from Donauwerth at Schweningen;
Lecourbe immediately advanced against the enemy with eight squadrons, and took
prisoners a Würtemberg battalion, all the rest being attacked and dispersed.
Sztarray now assembled in all haste 3000 or 4000 men at Hochstett,
but Lecourbe, collecting Gudin and Montrichard’s divisions, with Hautpoult’s reserve of cavalry, drove him readily back to Dillingen, which they could only
attack with difficulty. De Kray sent out some cavalry under General Klinglin, from Ulm, to support them, but Moreau opportunely
arrived on the spot at the head of his reserves, and these were obliged to
cross the Brenz. Moreau, now seeing that he should
have to do battle with the whole of De Kray’s army, sent orders to General
Grenier to join him by the bridge of Gunzburg next
morning (20th), and to Ney to observe Ulm and to keep up the communication with
Richepanse. De Kray had seen the danger that surrounded him, but he did not
dare to march against the French and give them battle in the position they had
now assumed, directly between him and Vienna, with their left on the Danube. He
therefore resolved to march past their right flank. Leaving then 10,000 men
with which to garrison Ulm, under the orders of Petrasch,
he assembled all the rest of his army at Elchingen, Albech, and Langenau on the 20th.
He sent off his heavy artillery the same day to Aalen, and followed it on the
21st, on which day he reached Heydenheim, and on the
22nd Neresheim, whence, on the 23rd, he continued his
march on Nordlingen. Lecourbe followed him with his corps d’armée, but the
Imperialists retired with a firm countenance, checking every insult; Moreau, however,
was not prepared for the sudden abandonment of the entrenched camp. De Kray
rested on the 24th at Nordlingen, and on the 26th suddenly changed the
direction of his march, and returned to the Danube at Neuburg. Finding,
however, that the Austrian army had gained some marches upon him, Moreau resolved
to change the direction of his movements also, and occupy Bavaria, as well to
cut off De Kray from the Prince of Reuss, as to have a rich province to lay
under contribution.
Moreau
received at this period a communication from the Austrian General to the effect
that an armistice bad been concluded by Bonaparte at Alessandria, although not
a word was suffered to transpire of the victory of Marengo; and the French
General had as yet heard nothing of it. He therefore thought it preferable to
continue the march of 10,000 men under General Decaen to Munich, which city
that General entered without opposition on the 28th of June, and gave orders to
Lecourbe to follow after Kray, who, on the 27th, came up with the Austrians at Neuburg
on the right bank of the Danube, where he was at once attacked by De Kray, who
also kept the field, and perceiving that he was in greater force than the
troops that followed him, fell on Montrichard, whom he damaged considerably;
but the French reserve, moving up under Lecourbe, again drove back the Imperial
cavalry, though with the loss of Latour d’Auvergne,
called by Bonaparte le prémier grénadier de France, who fell pierced through the body by a lance. In the night De
Kray crossed to the left of the Danube, and marched on the 28th along its left
bank to Ingoldstadt. The Austrian General here heard of the capitulation of
Munich, and saw that he was now thus cut off from reaching the army in the
Tyrol. He therefore threw a garrison into Ingoldstadt, and quitted it on the
30th, and on the 1st of July he took up a position at Landshut behind the Iser. Leaving there the Archduke Ferdinand, he again
marched away on the 3rd, and attained the camp at Ampfing on the 7th July.
There he was joined by the corps of Meerfeldt, who
had returned from Munich, and there he posted his army, holding the têtes-du-pont, to
guard the passages across the Inn at Wasserbourg and Muhldorf. The Archduke, completely cut off from the main
army at Landshut, was attacked there by General Leclerc, and owed his escape
entirely to his own vigilance, though he lost 300 or 400 prisoners, but he
succeeded in rejoining De Kray behind the Inn. Both parties
at this period received the intelligence from Italy, and as the proposition was
again made by De Kray for a suspension of arms, Moreau signed it on the 15th at Parsdorf near Munich, on terms somewhat similar to
those of the convention of Alessandria; but finding himself at liberty,
notwithstanding, to continue the campaign, marched off to see what he could do
against the Prince of Reuss in the Voralsberg.
NAVAL
WAR
CAPTURE
OF VALETTA BY THE BRITISH
The
citadel of Valetta, in the island of Malta, notwithstanding a close blockade
both by sea and land, was still held by General Vaubois, and a garrison of
about 4000 French troops. This garrison had been closely shut up in Valetta
after the insurrection of the inhabitants in September 1798, and would have
been sadly straitened for supplies during the long interval, but for the
opportune arrival of a French frigate, which had eluded the vigilance of the
blockading squadron. In order to alleviate the restrictions to which the
garrison was in consequence reduced, the French governor from time to time
drove the inhabitants out of the city, who were, in consequence, in great
distress. The ejected united with the nude population of the island in adding
to the blockade of the fortress from the land side. Admiral Lord Nelson had
from time to time commanded the blockading force by sea, and in November he
sent in a summons to General Vaubois to surrender the place to him, who replied
“Jaloux de mériter l’estime de votre nation, comme vous recherchez celle de la notre, nous sommes résolus de défendre cette fortresse jusqu’à l’extremité”.
On
the 15th of February Lord Keith in the “Queen Charlotte”, 100, joined Lord
Nelson off Malta, whose blockading squadron consisted of “Audacious”, 74,
“Northumberland”, 74, “Alexander”, 74, and “Lion,” 64. The Admiral now received
information that the French Rear-Admiral Perrée in “Le Genéreux,”
74, with “Badien,” 28, and 3000 troops in transports,
had quitted Toulon with the intention of forcing the blockade and relieving the
garrison at Malta. On the 18th at daylight the “Alexander” fell in with Admiral Perrée’s squadron, with which he was unable to come
up; but having apprised Lord Nelson, the “Foudroyant,” 80, Captain Sir Edward
Berry, got near enough to the French squadron to discharge some shots upon it,
whereupon the “Genéreux,” 74, finding it impossible
to escape from her pursuers, struck her colours. In this slight action, (which
indeed was the principal cause of its very short duration,) Admiral Perrée
received a severe splinter wound in the left eye; and had scarcely turned round
when a round shot took off his right thigh. This brave and much regretted
officer died of these wounds a few minutes afterwards, which so damped the
spirits of his shipmates that they lost heart for the fight. On the failure of
this relief, Governor Vaubois determined to despatch Rear-Admiral Decrès in the
“ Guillaume Tell,” 74, which was still in the harbour of Valetta, to announce
to the First Consul that the place could not hold out much longer. On the 30th
of March, the Admiral, taking advantage of dark nights and a favourable wind,
weighed and put to sea; but the “Penelope,” 36, Captain Henry Blackwood, having
discovered the “Guillaume Tell” under a press of sail, despatched the intelligence
of her departure to the Commodore, and ran up alongside, and gave her a
broadside. The “Penelope” continued through the night to accompany the
“Guillaume Tell ” in her course, but her rate of sailing so exceeded that of
her adversary, and Captain Blackwood, her captain, was so able and practised a
seaman, that he was enabled, notwithstanding her disparity of size, to pour in
from time to time such raking broadsides as brought down the main and mizen
topmasts and the mainyard of the 74. With the daylight the “Lion,” 64, Captain Manby Dixon, came up in the chase, but in half an hour she
got so damaged from the adversary, that she was obliged to drop astern. Soon
afterwards the “Foudroyant,” 74, Captain Sir Edward Berry, arrived at the scene
of action, and, summoning the “Guillaume Tell” to strike, poured in upon her a
treble-shotted broadside. This was replied to in a dauntless manner, and with
such effect, that masts and yards of the British ship were brought down, and
the sails cut to tatters. The “Guillaume Tell,” however, had now lost her main
and mizen masts, and was rolling an unmanageable hulk on the water, so that,
with her three shattered antagonists close around her, she hauled down her
colours. Of the three antagonists the frigate “Penelope” was the only one in a
fit state to take possession of the French ship, and she took her in tow and
carried her into the port of Syracuse. The British loss was about 120 killed
and wounded, and the French upwards of 200. A more heroic defence than that of
Admiral Decrès in the “Guillaume Tell” is not to be found among the records of
naval actions, and his defeat is regarded as having done him more honour than
many victories more loudly celebrated. General Vaubois was now again summoned
but still replied, “Je suis trop jaloux de bien servir mon pays pour écouter vos propositions”. Nevertheless, as the summer
proceeded, nourishment, firewood, and even water began to fail the besieged;
but the Governor had still in harbour two fine frigates, and convinced that he
must soon capitulate, which would throw them into the possession of the enemy,
he was determined to give them a chance of escape. Accordingly, on a dark
night, on the 24th of August, the “Diane,” 40, and “La Justice,” 40, put to sea
from Valetta harbour. They were seen by the “Success,” 32, Captain Shuldham Peard, who immediately
followed the “Diane,” and after a running fight made her haul down her colours;
but the “La Justice,” which, under cover of the darkness, was not seen by any
other British ship, effected her escape, and reached
Toulon in safety.
On
the return of the ill-fated expedition from the Helder to England, the attention of the British government had been directed to the
isolated condition of the French troops in Malta and Egypt, and it was resolved
to send a force into the Mediterranean to secure them. With this object two
battalions of the 35th and the 40th regiment, with two battalions of the 5th,
under General Pigot, quitted England on the 28th of
March, but did not rendezvous at Minorca till the 12th of May, whither from
time to time other battalions followed, and on the 22nd of June, Sir Ralph Abercrombie
arrived in that island, and assumed the command of the army. The following day
he despatched General Pigot to Malta, who landed and
took the command of the whole allied force on shore on that island. On the 3rd
of September, General Vaubois, who had so stoutly declined every proposition to
capitulate, held a council of war, which unanimously concurred in recommending
him to treat for the surrender of the fortress. On the 5th the Major- General
and the Commodore on the part of the British, and General Vaubois and
Rear-Admiral Villeneuve on the part of the French, settled terms of
capitulation which were honourable alike to both parties, and on the same day
the fortress of Valetta and its dependencies were yielded up.
It
is due to truth to record that it was mainly owing to the resolution of the
inhabitants that the French were thus driven out of Malta. For the long period
of sixteen months the Maltese had continued the land blockade of Valetta with
no other support from England than some 1500 muskets. Whenever the French
troops attempted a sortie they drove them back with loss and disgrace, so that
General Vaubois himself bore them this testimony, that “no trace of the former
docile character of the islanders remained, they fought like enraged lions.”
The
loss of Malta was especially felt by the First Consul. The French expedition
under his command had in 1798, by a most unjustifiable aggression, seized upon
the island, abolished the Order of St. John, and annexed it to France; now it
would appear that the only result of this most accidental acquisition had been
to place Great Britain in possession of one of the best ports of the Mediterranean,
of immense importance to their command of the “French lake,” and singularly
adapted to the prosperity of their commerce with the Levant.
Seeing
the absolute necessity of its surrender to the British, a singular idea
presented itself to the mind of Bonaparte. The Czar Paul had taken the Order of
St. John under his especial protection, and declared himself its Grand-Master.
The eccentric monarch had held several chapters of the Order at St. Petersburg,
and had given the decoration to several sovereigns and princes. Bonaparte now
adroitly offered him a gift of the island of Malta. He forthwith nominated an
old Swedish officer in his service, M. Sprengporter,
to be Governor of Malta and the Order, and some 6000 Russian soldiers, who were
prisoners in France, having been at the same time released, were ordered to go
with him and take possession of the island. But the British authorities, of
course, absolutely refused to receive them, and his Imperial Majesty,
disappointed and indignant at having been so treated in this transaction, and
being moved by other causes to be displeased with the Allies, while he had
become enthusiastic with the generous attention and with the heroism of
Bonaparte, he now at once altered his European policy, abandoned their cause, and
even endeavoured to blow up a storm against England by forming against her an
armed neutrality of the Northern Powers in the Baltic.
While
France thus progressed in the dominion of Europe, Great Britain gradually and
consistently acquired the empire of the seas. The first action this year in
point of date was, however, one between the United States frigate “Constellation,”
36, Captain T. Truxton, and the French frigate “Vengeance,” 40, Captain
Sebastien Pichot, near Guadaloupe.
The action may be said to have lasted from half-past seven in the morning till
past midnight, when the battle ended with a loss of 36 killed and wounded on
the American side, and 150 on that of the French; but although it was stated
that the flag of the “Vengeance” came down three times during the contest, yet
the “Constellation” lost her mainmast and got with difficulty to Jamaica, and
the “Vengeance” reached Curaçoa in a very shattered condition, so that after
all it was a drawn battle.
On
the 4th of February a French frigate, “Pallas,” 38, Captain Eprou,
chased the “Seaflower,” 14, Lieutenant Murray, in the
British Channel. The sloop of war fortunately escaped, but on receiving
information of the occurrence, two other sloops of war, the “Fairy,” 16,
Captain Horton, and “Harpy,” 18, Captain Bayley, set sail from Jersey to
reconnoitre the port of St. Malo, where they discovered the “Pallas” running
down close alongshore; they readily induced the frigate to chase them to an
offing, but after some broadsides had been exchanged, the French frigate ceased
firing, and made all sail away. Captain Horton, however, immediately signalled
an enemy to three sail whom he saw ahead, which proved to be the British
frigate “Loire,” 38, Captain Newman, “Danae,” 20, Captain Lord Proby, with the sloop “Railleur,”
16, Captain Turgaud, all of whom immediately gave
chase, and a spirited action ensued. The broadsides from these several vessels
were repeated with such destructive effect upon the French frigate, that
someone on board cried out Ne tirez pas encore, messieurs, nous sommes à vous.” Captain Newman accordingly lowered a boat,
though no flag had been struck, and brought Captain Eprou with his sword to the British captain. The British ships had nine killed and
thirty- six wounded, but the loss on board the French frigate is not stated. On
the 1st of March, off the Penmarck, the British
frigate “Néréide,” 36, Captain Watkins, discovered to windward fire ships and a
schooner, and immediately hauled his wind to receive them, but just as they arrived
within gunshot they all made sail on different courses. The “Néréide” followed
one, which proved to be a privateer out of Bordeaux, called “La Vengeance,”
which she soon captured, but the others got away. On the 5th the British
frigate “Phoebe,” 36, Captain R. Barlow, was borne down upon and fired at by
the French ship-privateer “Heureux,” 22, who mistook
the frigate for an Indiaman, and, when she found out her mistake, would have effected her escape, but the fire of the “Phoebe ” was so
prompt, that the “Heureux ” was captured.
On
the 20th the British frigate “Mermaid,” 32, Captain Oliver, and sloop of war
“Petrel,” 16, Captain Austen, when cruising in the Bay of Marseilles, descried
and chased some vessels of a convoy of fifty sail of merchantmen, and, although
some escaped, they captured the French brig-corvette “Ligurienne,”
14, Lieutenant Petebond, who was killed. On the 5th
of April a British squadron, composed of “Leviathan,” 74, Captain Carpenter,
bearing the flag of Rear-Admiral Duckworth, with the “Swiftsure,”
74, Captain Benj. Hallack, and frigate “Emerald,” 36,
Captain Walker, cruising in the neighbourhood of Cadiz, discovered twelve sail
in the offing from the masthead. Chase was given, and on the 6th a Spanish ship
of 10 guns was captured by the “Emerald,” and another of 14 guns was taken by
Lieutenant Gregory with the boats of the “Leviathan ” and “Emerald,” and at
daybreak on the 7th the 74 and the frigate bore down on two other ships of the
squadron, which proved to be the Spanish frigates “Carmen” and “Florestina,” who, after firing a few straggling and
ineffectual shots, hauled down their colours; but in proof that they had made
an honourable resistance, the first had eleven men killed and sixteen wounded,
and the other, twelve killed and twelve wounded. Each frigate was laden with
quicksilver, a very valuable commodity for prize money.
It
is hardly necessary to detail the conflicts with privateers, which were often,
nevertheless, very bloody, and requiring great bravery, but the boat attacks
now begin to assume more prominence in naval war. Mr. Buckley, master of the “Calypso,”
16, in a six-oared cutter, properly armed and provided, then cruising about the
shore near Cape Tiberon, perceived, on the 13th of April, a schooner becalmed
under the land: he forthwith advanced on her, and notwithstanding a heavy fire
of musketry from her crew, boarded and carried the “Diligente,”
with the loss of only one man wounded. On the 25th, Lieutenant Wilson, of the
“Lark,” 14, and in the face of a smart fire of musketry from the troops on
shore, boarded the “Impregnable,” but could not carry her off until he landed
and drove them from the sand-hills, behind which some had taken shelter; after
effecting which he returned and brought her away. On the 10th of June,
Rear-Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren, cruising off
the Penmarck, detached the boats of the “Renown,” 74,
“Defence,” 74, and “Fisguard ” and “Unicorn ”
frigates, to cut out or destroy a convoy of brigs and chasse-marées, lying at
St. Croix. The boats were eight in number, and commanded by Lieutenants H.
Burke, Deane, Gerrard, Stamp, and Price, of the marines. The freshness of the
wind prevented the little squadron from reaching the enemy’s anchorage till
after daylight on the 11th, when they captured some, and drove all the
remainder upon the rocks, with a loss of only four men wounded. On the night of
the 23rd, the boats of the same squadron, under the direction of Captain Byam Martin of the “Fisguard,”
proceeded to attack a corvette and other craft in the Quimper, who escaped an
unattainable distance up the river; but Lieutenant Yarker landed, and stormed, carried, and destroyed a battery and two other forts
without a single casualty. On the 1st of July the Admiral detached the boats of
his squadron, under the same Lieutenant Burke, against some armed vessels
moored within the island of Noirmoutier, who boarded
and carried them all after much resistance; but finding it impossible to bring
off his prizes, he caused them to be destroyed, with a quantity of provisions
and stores for the fleet at Brest In getting back, however, some of the British
boats took the ground, and could not be got off, so that the enemy returned
upon them, and took them, when ninety-two officers, seamen, and marines were
made prisoners; but the remainder not only got away safe, but in their course
captured some other craft, which they were enabled to bring back to the
squadron. On the 7th of July the British frigates “Andromeda,” 32, Captain
Inman, and “Nemesis”, 28, Captain T. Baker, with four other armed vessels and
eleven ships, besides gun-brigs, cutters, and luggers, assembled off Dunkerque,
to attempt the destruction of four French frigates, which had long become
blockaded in that port One of the ship-sloops, the “Dart,” 30, Captain Patrick
Campbell, ran in and ranged alongside the “Desirée,” 38, and boarded her; when
Lieutenant Pearce, in command of the boats, immediately cut the frigate’s
cables, got up her sails, and steered her safely over the banks. In this
dashing enterprise one lieutenant and ten men were wounded, and one seaman
killed. The fire-ships sent in against the other ships were well conducted, but
the three frigates contrived to evade them by running out of the road and
escaped. On the 26th Lieutenant J. Coghlan, in a ten-oared cutter, with a dozen
volunteers, and two other boats, proceeded to board a French gun-brig in the
harbour of Port Louis, within pistol-shot of three batteries, and not a mile
from a French 74 and two frigates. In the very teeth of these obstacles,
however, Lieutenant Coghlan and his gallant comrades carried the “Cerbère,” with only the loss of one man killed and eight
wounded, in which number were himself in two places, and a young midshipman,
Mr. Padda, wounded in six; but they succeeded in towing out their prize under a
heavy but ineffectual fire from the batteries. On the 25th a British squadron
of three frigates fell in with the Danish frigate, “Freya,” 40, Captain Krabbe, having under her convoy six sail. Captain Thomas
Baker of the “Nemesis,” the officer in command, hailed the “Freya,” to say he
would send his boat on board the convoy. The Danish captain replied, that if
such an attempt were made he would fire into the boats, and he added, that the
vessels under his charge had nothing contraband of war on board them. The
threats of both sides were put into execution, and an action ensued, when the
“Freya” hauled down her flag after a short contest, in which there were two men
killed and five wounded. This unfortunate collision complicated the
negotiations for an armed neutrality, and Lord Whitworth was sent specially to
Copenhagen to explain the occurrence, and to undertake that the frigate and
convoy should be repaired at the expense of the British Government, and the
question of the right of search adjourned for future consideration. On the 4th
of September a Swedish galliot, “Hoffnung,” Captain Rudbart, was boarded in the port of Barcelona, and made to
show his papers, which roused the ill-will both of the Spaniards and Swedes
against the British pretensions of right of search, and two months afterwards
the “ Triton/’ a Prussian ship, was searched and seized by a British man-of-war
in the Texel. This produced a spirited proclamation from the government of
Hamburg, declaring the rights of a free commerce; all which events were
rendered available by France to excite a feeling of hostility, in every nation,
against what was deemed the rapacity of Great Britain.
British
conjunct Expeditions.
The
spirit of insurrection in La Vendée, though restrained by the energy of the
Consular government, still smouldered under the activity of the Bourbon agents,
who continually blew up the flame. Lemercier had
organized a rise among the Chounas with Georges
Cadoudal and others, to act in concert with a descent of the English navy upon
the shore. The British Commodore, Sir Edward Pellew,
with seven 74s, five frigates, and five troop-ships, having 5000 soldiers on
board, under Major-General Maitland, anchored in the Morbihan, on the 1st of
June. The frigate “Thames,” 32, Captain Larkin, and some small craft, were
immediately sent in, who soon silenced the forts which disputed their entrance,
and which were afterwards destroyed by a detachment of troops under Major
Ramsay. On the 6th 300 of the Queen’s regiment, covered and sustained by some
gun-launches manned by sailors under Lieutenant Peifold,
brought away the shipping in the port, and blew up the powder magazine; but the
descent on Belleisle, which was in contemplation, was
found impracticable in face of a force of 7000 men which had been collected on
the island by the French General, and the expedition re-embarked and proceeded
to the Mediterranean, satisfied that La Vendée was no longer in a state to
justify the interference of a British force. On the 25th of August Rear-Admiral
Sir J. Borlase Warren, commanding a squadron that
consisted of the “London,” 98, and “Renown, “ Impetuous,” “Conveyance,” and “
Captain,” 74s, with four or five frigates, and a fleet of transports containing
a large body of troops under Lieutenant-General Sir James Pulteney, made an
attempt upon the harbour of Ferrol, in which were six of the largest Spanish
men-of-war. The British ships having silenced the forts, the troops were
disembarked on the shores of the bay, with sixteen field-pieces. The seamen
dragged up the guns to the heights with their accustomed alacrity, and the
troops advanced against Fort St. Philip on the heights of Brion,
when, after a sharp contest between the rifles under Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart
and a detachment of the enemy, the latter were driven back that evening, and at
daybreak on the 26th Major-General Lord Cavan repulsed a considerable body of
them. After these preliminary advantages, however, the Lieutenant-General
appears to have become alarmed at the insight he had obtained from the heights
of the strength of the Spanish defences, and from the information he also received
of the preparations of the enemy; he accordingly requested the British Admiral
to re-embark the troops and the cannon; all which was done the same evening
without any loss, and the expedition then proceeded under secret instructions
to Gibraltar to join Admiral Lord Keith.
On
the 2nd of October a conjunct expedition of very considerable magnitude had
been organized under his Lordship’s command. A fleet, consisting of twenty-two
ships of the line, thirty-seven frigates and sloops, and eighty transports
having on board 18,000 men under Sir Ralph Abercrombie, sailed from Gibraltar,
and on the 5th came to anchor in the Bay of Cadiz. The town was forthwith
summoned to surrender, with a view of getting possession of the Spanish
squadron at anchor in the harbour. The Spanish Captain-general, Motia, immediately despatched a flag of truce, with a
touching appeal to the two British commanders-in-chief, acquainting them that
the plague was raging in the town and amongst the fleet, carrying off several
hundreds of persons daily, and therefore appealing to their humanity under such
circumstances to stay their hostile intentions. Lord Keith and Sir Ralph in
reply demanded the fleet, which the Spaniard stoutly refused to yield up to
them. Some preparations were made to land at San Lucar,
but it was in the end resolved that the ulterior objects of the expedition
might be frustrated by the effects of the contagion, and accordingly the troops
were re-embarked, and the expedition stood out to sea and returned to
Gibraltar. The science of applying the resources of war to results that were in
any degree proportionate to the extent of the preparations was not at this
period understood by the British government. Conjunct expeditions of 20,000 men
and sixty ships of war, with the power of ubiquity afforded by the sea, is a
tremendous engine against an enemy, if wisely wielded; but the aphorism of
Wellington should be always remembered, that Great Britain should never make
a little war. Merely to summon Ferrol and Cadiz became despicable in an
army, especially when accompanied by arrogance one day and flight the next
morning.
WAR
IN GERMANY
NEGOTIATIONS
BETWEEN AUSTRIA AND FRANCE
When
General Melas concluded a cessation of arms with General Bonaparte at
Alessandria, it was provided that the terms of a truce should be referred to
Vienna and Paris. Accordingly General Count de St. Julien was sent by the
Emperor to the French capital, and arrived there on the 21st of July.
Preliminaries of peace were speedily settled between that negotiator and Talleyrand;
but M. de St. Julien had gone beyond his powers, so that when these
preliminaries were referred back to Vienna they were rejected. The British
ambassador, Lord Minto, doubtless influenced this determination of the Emperor,
for he had entered upon his duties just at the time that the battle of Marengo
took place, having concluded a new treaty by which Austria was to receive a
fresh subsidy of two millions sterling from Great Britain. At the same time the
British ambassador signified the readiness of his government to unite with that
of the Emperor in opening negotiations with France for the termination of the
war, and suggested that plenipotentiaries should meet for that purpose at Lunéville.
A great Consul endeavoured to force upon Great Britain an armistice by sea,
during which Malta and Egypt might be revictualled and reinforced. This the
British government refused to admit, and when Count Cobentzel and Joseph Bonaparte repaired to Lunéville, Mr. Thomas Grenville demanded
passports to be present there as British Ambassador, but the First Consul
declared he would only negotiate with Great Britain and Austria separately. M.
Otto, happening to be in London on the subject of an exchange of prisoners at
the time, was therefore put into communication with the British Secretary of
State, and after several months had been thus consumed in fruitless
negotiations, that came to nothing on every side, Bonaparte denounced the
termination of the armistice for the 8th of October, being impatient to force
the Emperor to treat before the winter. The Aulic Council was not inactive in
advancing preparations during the conferences. The British subsidy was expended
in raising new levies in Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary, Styria, and Carinthia. Têtes-du-pont were thrown up to cover
every approach to the Inn. A change also took place in the commanding General.
De Kray and De Melas were disgraced, and the young Archduke John placed at the
head of the war office. It was soon perceived that time was wanted to mature
these preparations, and M. de Lehrbach was sent to
the head-quarters of General Moreau, where a military convention was entered
into on the 20th of September at Hohenlinden between Generals Lauer and Lahorie, by which Ulm, Ingoldstadt, and Philipsburg were to
be ceded to the French, and the armistice prolonged for forty-five days, with
fifteen days’ notice of its termination. A similar armistice was at the same
time agreed upon at Castiglione for the armies of the two belligerents in
Italy.
Both
nations made use of the interval to strengthen their forces. The Emperor
Francis put himself at the head of his army on the Inn. The Archduke-Palatine
raised the spirit of Hungary and obtained new levies; but an unaccountable
jealousy of the Archduke Charles still kept that best of Austrian generals in
the government of Bohemia, where however he exerted himself in his vocation to
send up reinforcements.. The First Consul, as usual, gave all his attention to
the collection of soldiers. The army from Holland was marched up to the Rhine,
in order to allow the forces there to be added to the troops on the Danube and
in Italy. General Brune succeeded Massena in the
command of the army of Italy, who had been so completely exhausted by the
fatigues of the campaign in the Alps, that he solicited some repose. Macdonald
was given a command of 15,000 in the Grisons, to act with Moreau or with Brune, according to circumstances; and Murat was despatched
to bring up a considerable force that had been assembled at Amiens against the
designs of England, and which had now become available for the army of Italy.
General Dupont was likewise sent to the command of Tuscany, on the shores of
which some descents had been threatened by England.
In
the first days of November the armistice was by consent to be concluded, and at
this period the Imperial army was thus situated. The entire force upon the
banks of the Inn and Danube counted from 110,000 to 120,000 men. Its right was
at Ratisbon, consisting of 27,000 men under Kienmayer, while Klenau was in
front on the Altmühl and Rednitz; and further a-field, Simbschen observed the
army of Augereau. The left, with 18,000 men under General Hiller, was in the
Tyrol. The main body, counting about 60,000 to 65,000 combatants, were behind
the Inn, arming têtes-du-pont at Wasserburg, Mühldorf, Braunau,
and Rosenheim. The Inn is a rapid river, equal to the Rhine in force and volume,
and, passing through rocky banks, presents an almost impassable boundary, and a
position of force that, strengthened by the forts of Braunau Kufstein, rests its flanks on the great Tyrolean and
Bohemian woody mountains. The Isar runs nearly parallel to the Inn, at the distance
of ten or twelve leagues from the position of the French army, which had its
head-quarters at Augsburg, though, its General-in-Chief Moreau having gone to
Paris to be married, it was temporarily under the command of General Dessolles,
his distinguished chief of the staff. It was divided into four great corps d’armée.
The right, under General Lecomte, with the divisions of Gudin and Montrichard, observed the Tyrol, and had its headquarters at Feldkirch on the Isar. The corps at Munich, with the
divisions of Decaen, Richepanse, and Grouchy, was to be under the direct orders
of the Commander-in-Chief. General Grenier, with the third, consisting of the
divisions Ney, Hardi, and Legrand, was at
Hohenlinden, observing the road by Mühldorf; and General Suzanne, with the
fourth corps, flanked by Souham and Collaud, occupied the neighbourhood of Ratisbon and the
Danube, keeping up a communication with Augereau, who commanded a detached
force, coming up into line from the direction of Franconia. The force expected
to arrive from Holland consisted of 16,000 or 18,000 Dutch and French, under the
immediate command of Dumonceau, and was marching on Wurzburg.
General
Moreau returned to his army before the resumption of hostilities, and
immediately approached the enemy, with whom his troops exchanged shots on the
28th and 29th. But the Archduke John, ambitious to signalise his command by an
offensive movement, sent forward General Kienmayer on the 30th to Landshut. The
French General on this brought forward his left wing, consisting of 26,000 men
under General Grenier, upon the high road leading from Munich to Ampfing and Mühldorf,
while with his centre he marched on Wasserburg, leaving Lecourbe with 26,000 to
form his right wing at Rosenheim. The Archduke on this passed the Inn at Mühldorf,
and on the 1st December deployed his troops on the plain of Ampfing, while he
threw forward his right wing on Isen and with his
left crossed the Inn at Kratzburg. Moreau checked his
advance by the divisions which nevertheless retired before them; but, finding
Klenau moving up by Eckmühl, and Landshut already in the possession of the
Austrians, that astute general resolved to attract the enemy into the great
forest of Ebersberg, through which the chaussée from Mühldorf leads to
Munich, and there to fall upon him under cover of the snows and fogs of the season,
when involved in the bogs and quagmires of the by-roads that cross the forest,
which are only available in the fine season to draw out the timber. On the 2nd
the Archduke rested his troops, who had been much fatigued by the state of the
roads and condition of the weather, and prepared for the battle he proposed to
fight the following day.
BATTLE
OF HOHELINDEN
Moreau
took the opportunity of the 2nd to concentrate his forces in a little open
plain that surrounds the village of Hohenlinden. A practicable road on the
other side of the forest leads from Wasserburg through Ebersberg, and here the
divisions of Richepanse and Decaen were placed, to outflank the Austrian
advance; for Moreau learned his ground well beforehand, and became aware that
the strength of it consisted in this, that the attacking columns must advance
through a thick forest, isolated the one from the other. Richepanse accordingly
received orders to march to meet the Austrians, and if he did not meet them, to
throw himself on their flank at St Christophe. When the morning of the 8th
broke, the snow succeeded to the rain of the previous days, and the horizon was
so obscured that it was impossible to distinguish objects many paces distant.
The Austrians advanced boldly to the attack upon the great hard road leading to
Hohenlinden, in unusual confidence, after their success on the 1st. Kienmayer
dashed into the forest on the road from Isen to Buch, Baillet on that from Burgoner to Preissendorf, while General Rietsch, who had
commanded the 12,000 men that had crossed the Inn at Kratzburg,
endeavoured to make his way through the forest by passing up the course of the
rivulet that flows to Altaching from St Christophe. Kolowrath, leading the
principal column with all the artillery by the hard road, found much better
facilities for marching than file three other columns, who moved by the by-ways,
in which the men at every step sunk to their knees, so that his column first
came up with the enemy in the open between eight and nine o’clock, where they
were received with a heavy fire of French artillery. The divisions of Grouchy
and Ney were seen deployed in the plain in front of Hohenlinden. The Austrians
at once attacked the brigade of Grandjean, whom they
found most in advance. These gave way before the vigour of the assault, and the
Archduke deployed his troops as fast as they came up, and marched eight
battalions along the edge of the forest to turn the French right wing.
Richepanse
had marched at early morning on St Christophe, and, finding no enemy in his
path, pushed on by the by-way through the forest to Mattengroth upon the great
chaussée and in rear of Kolowrath’s column. Rietsch’s column, advancing from Altaching, had been
delayed by the badness of the ways, so that Richepanse had already passed with
two brigades of his column when the rear brigade of Drouet found itself
attacked by that Austrian column. Richepanse saw himself on the point of being
surrounded, but nevertheless, in full reliance upon the General-in-Chief’s
calculations, and conscious of the importance attached to his movement, he immediately
sent orders to Drouet to resist à l’outrance,
and to the division Decaen following in the rear of the brigade to come up with
the greatest expedition to Drouet’s assistance. With
uncommon resolution he then dashed into the forest to reach the high road, and
found himself at Mattengroth, in the midst of the cavalry of Lichtenstein, and
the great park of Austrian artillery, who were resting at their ease at the
entrance of the forest defile, assured that they were protected on their flank
by Rietsch and in front by their own advancing column under Kolowrath.
Richepanse, however, at once boldly attacked them and forced them back to Strassmaier. Ha then placed himself at the head of a
battalion and some squadrons and dashed boldly along the high road after the
principal column, carrying alarm and disorder into the midst of it. It may well
be conceived what effect such an apparition as a hostile column in the rear
must have created in the midst of the close engagement going on near the
keeper’s lodge on the borders of the forest, where the Archduke had succeeded
in organising a new attack, and the column of Baillet.
Latour had also come into action on the right with the division Bastoul.
Moreau, with the sagacity of an old campaigner, understood the confusion that
was seen reigning in Kokovrath’s column, and, turning
to Ney, said, “C’est le moment de charger; Richepanse
et Decaen doivent être sur
les derrières des Autrichiens.” Grouchy, Ney, and Grandjean instantly dashed forward and fell upon Kolowrath,
and, in conjunction with Richepanse, carried all before them. The Austrians,
assailed on every side, broke their ranks, and fled in disorder into the
forest, leaving 7000 or 8000 prisoners and 10 pieces of artillery in the hands
of the Republicans.
On
the other flank Kienmayer as well as Baillet had
debouched from the woods, and were in full conflict with the divisions of
Legrand and Bastoul. Various fortune attended the combatants. Grenier had the
ground against him, for, after quitting the forest, the hills command the
hamlet of Harthop, into which the division Legrand
withdrew; General Bastoul was here severely wounded; Baillet had obtained possession of the heights of Datting when the Archduke’s orders arrived for a general retreat, and the whole of the
Imperialists retired with the greatest haste, abandoning 97 guns and 7000 or
8000 prisoners; for the Austrians had still more difficulty in struggling back
through the forest than they had in entering it, for with the exception of the
one chaussée, the ways had become one sea of mud.
In
the meanwhile Decaen had arrived to Drouet’s assistance, and had turned the tables on Rietsch, who, instead of being able to
assist Kolowrath, fell back rapidly on Attaching, and left the road open to
Decaen, who marched boldly on Mattengroth and joined in the attack of the
unhappy column retreating from Hohenlinden, who, unable to deploy and make a
stand, was soon obliged to surrender. The Archduke made the best of his way out
of the forest to Haunau, and immediately set to work to rally his army. In the
course of the night he got together some 12,000 or 15,000 men, who secured
themselves behind the Inn at Wasserburg, while Kienmayer and Baillet made good their retreat to Mühldorf. The French
army bivouacked outside the forest, having in truth gained a most complete and
decisive victory without the assistance of either their right or left wing; for
General Lecourbe, at Steinberg, had taken no part in the engagement, having
been pushed forward on the road to Wasserburg, and Collaud had not been able to get up in time from Treysing. On the 4th the whole army
were in pursuit of their discomfited enemy, and Moreau moved it by its right,
so as to cut off, if possible, the Imperialist corps of General Hiller, on the
side of the Tyrol. Accordingly Lecourbe, with the right wing of the French
army, marched on the 5th to Rosenheim, where the bridge had been broken, while
every artifice was employed to induce the Austrians to believe that Moreau was
coming by his left on Mühldorf. On the 9th he had established a pontoon bridge
at New Peura, and passed some troops, but the
Austrians collected 4000 or 5000 men at Stephanskirchen, and checked the French
advance, though they were in the end obliged to retreat Moreau, by means of a
pontoon bridge and one of boats, had re-established at Rosenheim a passage
across the Inn, by which he reached one of the most difficult of the military
roads which kept him from the Imperial capital, and this without the loss of a
man. The Archduke was in consequence obliged to yield the line of the impregnable
Inn, and withdrew his forces behind the Algar.
Fortune,
which has so great an influence on all military affairs, was not less
conspicuous at Hohenlinden than it had been at Marengo; but although no one
could have foreseen a victory that was attended by results so important, yet
the young Archduke fell headlong into the trap of his wary antagonist when he
carried his army by a single road into a dense pine forest, amidst the storms
and gloom of the shortest days of the year. It might have been readily
predicted that four columns could not have been simultaneously moved with
success through such an obstacle; but certainly the activity and vigour of
Richepanse, when he found that he had anticipated the left flanking column of
the Austrians, and the boldness with which he drove away the rear of the main
column and then charged the front, caused an unforeseen disaster to the enemy
which it was impossible to repair in the midst of a thick forest, with scarcely
any remaining daylight to guide them through the dense pine trees and the
falling snow. The result was obtained almost without an effort of the General,
or any very great bravery of his troops.
It
is perhaps superfluous to reflect upon the “airy nothings” of the poet in any
work written principally to please the ear and engage the feelings; but the
magnificent ode of Campbell on the battle of Hohenlinden is so completely at
variance with the reality of the history, that it is calculated altogether to
mislead the reader, or to make him suppose that it alludes to some great
conflict of the same name other than the one here recorded. It will he seen
that the “black Iser”, the “bannered Munich”, and the
“night scene” have been altogether imagined, and that nothing can be called
true but the beautiful stanza that concludes the ode:
“Few,
few shall part where many meet,
The
snow shall be their winding-sheet,
And
every turf beneath their feet
Shall be a soldier’s sepulchre.”
AUSTRIANS
RETIRE BEHIND THE SALTZACH
After
crossing the Alga, which is one of the tributaries of the Inn, Frauenstein was passed without stopping, in order to hasten
across the Salza. The town of Salzburg, situated on
that river, affords a strong position at the confluence of the two rivers Saal
and Salza, and here on the 13th the Archduke imagined
that he could concentrate his troops and give battle, in order to check the
French pursuit. Moreau, observing that the Austrians were concentrating towards
Salzburg, determined at once to force the Saltzach,
which is the name given to the region where these streams take the mountain
sources, and he sent forward accordingly General Decaen on the 13th to make a strong
reconnaissance upon the defile. On arriving at Lauffen he found three arches of
a bridge broken, and the Austrians in force opposite; but some chasseurs,
observing a barge fastened to the shore, swam the river and brought it across.
General Dusatte immediately took advantage of this
means to pass over 400 men, while General Decaen opened a heavy cannonade on
the enemy from the bridge. The sight of the French across the river at once
induced the Imperialists to quit Lauffen; when Moreau, on hearing of this
success, ordered it to be occupied in force. General Lecourbe, immediately
after the battle of Hohenlinden, had been ordered to turn all these streams of
the mountains, and had on the 9th safely passed the division Montrichard across
the Inn, and drove the Austrians from Rosenheim to Stephanskirchen. Pursuing
his success Lecourbe forded the Saal, and on the 14th advanced to the plain of Wais, with the whole of the cavalry and artillery, in the
middle of a thick fog. When this cleared up he found himself in presence of a
strong force of Imperial cavalry, with thirty guns, which covered the approach
on Salzburg. The French immediately attacked them, but after sacrificing 800
men, and having General Schinnen badly wounded, were
obliged to retire.
Decaen,
however, had come up and passed the Saltzach on the
14th of December, continuing his advance from Lauffen upon the road to Pergham,
where he took up a position two leagues from Salzburg. Richepanse and Grouchy
followed by the same route, and Moreau bringing up the divisions of Legrand and
Bastoul, now threw another bridge across the river at Lauffen, to be in
communication with the cavalry under De Hautpoult, who were placed at Teissendorf. Lecourbe’s column
arrived most propitiously at the same moment that Decaen deployed, and the
Archduke then made haste to withdraw his army sending forward the Prince of
Lichtenstein to cover his retreat with the cavalry, who made several successful
charges against Decaen as he advanced between Lauffen and Pergham, which
enabled the Imperial army to reach Neumark, where they arrived in the morning
of the 15th; and the Archduke next day continued his march on Lambach and Linz. On the same day the French Generals
Decaen and Lecourbe entered the town of Salzburg simultaneously as soon as it
was abandoned by the enemy; and thus, as a triumphant result of the battle of
Hohenlinden, the conquerors had in twelve days crossed the two great barriers
to the Imperial capital, the Inn and the Saltzach;
and Ratisbon and Passau were successively occupied by Suzanne, driving the
corps of Klenau before him. To Suzanne Moreau now intrusted the reduction of Braunau.
The
retreat of the Imperialists had become an absolute flight. On the 16th Baillet was defeated at Steindorf by Richepanse; Kienmayer was alike overthrown on the 17th; and both again by
Grouchy and Decaen at Schwanstadt on the 18th. After
these successive disasters the troops would stand no longer, and fled in hot
haste to get across the Traun at Lambach.
Here they were pursued by the indefatigable Richepanse on the 19th, and again
defeated, with the loss of some thousands and a great number of equipages and
guns; and 1200 men, with General Meezeri and the
Prince of Lichtenstein, were taken prisoners. At this moment some hope and
encouragement were given to the retreating soldiers by the arrival of their
favourite prince and commander, the Archduke Charles, whom the Emperor had at
length sent to assume the command of his army; but he came alone, without
reinforcements, and soon saw that all he could hope to do under the general
rout was to endeavour to rally the fugitives behind the Ems. The Emperor had,
on the first news of Hohenlinden, repaired to Vienna, where he was able to
organise some Hungarians whom General Sztarray had brought up to the capital,
and these were sent down to Linz on the 20th. The French headquarters were the
same day at Weis; Richepanse and Grouchy were at Kremsmunster,
Decaen at Neuhoffen, and Grenier at Ebersberg, all
across the Ems, upon which the Archduke ordered a farther retreat on Steyer.
His troops, exalted for a moment by the hopes of better fortune under their
attached leader, were in despair at this still continued retreat, and a
universal insubordination soon broke forth, in which even the officers
participated. The Archduke accordingly despatched M. de Meerfeld from Steyer on the 31st with a flag of truce demanding an armistice. Moreau
would only consent to a cessation of arms for forty-eight hours, during which
the Imperialists continued their retreat.
All
this time Augereau was besieging Wurzburg, where the Austrian corps of
Simbschen remained in observation upon him. The Archduke Charles, as soon as he
took the command, despatched an order to General Klenau to march to join
Simbschen, in order to make a diversion in Franconia to favour the grand army. Accordingly
on the 15th both these divisions were in motion to effect the desired junction.
On hearing this Augereau converted the siege of the citadel of Wurzburg into a
blockade, and sent orders to the Generals Duhesme and Barbou to march quickly and take post at Nuremberg.
Klenau, with 4000 infantry and 2000 cavalry, encountered on the 18th the
advanced guard of Barbou, under General Walthiez, on the road to Feucht, and succeeded in checking
its progress on Nuremberg. General Barbou, hearing
the firing, immediately sent off assistance to his lieutenant, and sending
Brigadier Fugier to the right of the road, and
Brigadier Pacthod with a couple of guns to the left,
tried to get to the relief of his advanced guard. But Walthiez was able to effect his own release. He formed his men into close column,
flanking it by the carabineers under Captain Dittelin on the right and the chasseurs on the left, and in this way he made his way
through the troops that barred his passage the north of Nuremberg between the
Rednitz and the Pignitz, when he encountered
Simbschen, who drove him back to the heights of Eschenau;
and General Dufour at Grafenberg was forced to fall
back on the road to Forchheim. In the meanwhile
General Augereau returning to his head-quarters at Herzogen-Aurach,
found himself engaged with a greater force than he expected, and withdrew his
troops altogether out of Nuremberg, recalling Barbou to the banks of the Rednitz, and Duhesme to Neukirchen. Here the latter was again attacked by Simbschen
on the 21st, and fell back to Forchheim. General
Suzanne, however, continuing his march down the Danube, found Klenau at
Ratisbon with a feeble detachment, which he drove out of the city, and back to
the Nab, when Augereau again reoccupied Nuremberg.
In
the interval the suspension of arms concluded between Moreau and the Archduke
Charles had ripened into a preliminary armistice, which was concluded between
General the Count de Grune and General Lahoire at Steyer on the 25th; by the terms of which the
Emperor bound himself to negotiate a separate treaty without his allies, and
not to despatch any reinforcements to his army in Italy, until the two armies
in that country should have also concluded an armistice. The results of this
wonderful campaign, which only lasted fifteen days, gave the French 20,000
prisoners and 150 guns, besides tumbrils and equipages, and in this short
period Moreau had marched ninety leagues, crossed three considerable rivers,
and had arrived within twenty leagues of the gates of Vienna, which capital, in
truth, lay now open to his generosity. He had shown in the various events of
the campaign the greatest ability, and those talents which have justly elevated
him to almost the highest rank of the Generals of the period. He was ably
seconded by bis chief of the staff General Dessolles, whom Moreau himself
placed in the first rank of Generals.
WAR
IN ITALY
MACDONALD
CROSSES THE SPLÜGEN
It
would seem as if Bonaparte retained a special interest in the campaign of what
may be termed the cradle of his glory; and that while he left to his able
lieutenant Moreau to prosecute the war in Germany upon his own plan, he
sketched himself that which he desired should be pursued in Italy, and even
planned it upon the intention of taking the principal command of the army
himself. The First Consul did, however, see the necessity of varying his own
plan, according as Moreau’s campaign developed itself; and Macdonald was
commanded, in the last days of October, to cross the Splügen, and to descend
into the Valteline, there to act in concert with the army of Italy. This order
distressed that General very much, for, although he had been promised 40,000
men, he had only received 15,000, and he knew how much superior in force were
the Austrian divisions of Hiller and Wukassovitch, to which he should be
opposed in the mountains. Accordingly he sent off his chief of the staff,
General M. Dumas, to represent to the First Consul the danger of exposing the
corps under his command to such disparity of numbers, in a district beset by
such natural difficulties, in the severest season of the year. Bonaparte, after
having patiently listened to his representations, replied that he could not
change the orders he had given; that he was about to terminate the armistice,
and was resolved to get possession of the Tyrol in order to act upon the flank
and rear of Bellegarde’s army; that the expected severity of the season was no impediment,—“qu’une armée passe toujours en toute saison partout où deux hommes peuvent poser le
pied;” that seasons of frost are better for mountain warfare, than the mild
seasons that melt the snow; that he would take care to supply the force
requisite for the task to be performed, for that “ce n’est pas sur la force numérique d’une armée, mais bien sur le but
et l’importance de l’opération que je mésure celle du commandement”
It
was towards the end of November at Coire that this positive order reached
General Macdonald, and in obedience to it he prepared to convey his entire
force across the Splügen. He therefore left behind Morbot’s division with orders to protect the debouches into the valley of the Engadine, which would likewise cover the march of the rest
of his army up the Via Mala. Macdonald then divided his corps into four small
divisions. The first, consisting of cavalry under Laboissière, opened the
march, followed by the advanced guard conducted by Vandamme, by the division of
Pally, and by the reserve under Bey. The division of Baraguay d’Hilliers, which had been passed across the Splügen a month before, now
received orders to be on the alert against any movements of the enemy from the
Italian side. The endeavours to widen the roads by means of pioneers near Tusis having been found too tedious, the artillery was dismounted
and placed on bullock cars, and every soldier was required to carry on his
shoulders eight or ten pounds’ weight of ammunition, besides provisions for
five days, for not only was there no hope of provisions in the mountains at
this season, but the resources of the country had been exhausted by successive
previous campaigns in it. The defile of the Via Mala is extended up the higher
valley of the Rhine, where its rocky channel is closed in to the breadth of
eight or ten yards by stupendous cliffs from 2000 to 3000 feet high. The road
that is carried along its banks is rendered more gloomy by conspire to render
this pass more extraordinary and sublime than any other scene in the Alps, and
a fearful defile for an army to penetrate. The weather had become very severe
by the 26th, when the army reached the village of Splügen; and, in the act of
crossing the pass, an avalanche fell, which carried with it into unfathomable
depths thirty dragoons in their order of march. A new advance was forthwith
formed, but the tornado of snow that for three days afterwards prevailed
brought down avalanche on avalanche, which destroyed all traces of the road,
and the sappers and cattle were obliged to be employed, under the direction of
the Generals themselves, to open a new passage through the walls of snow, and
were obliged to feel their way by sounding, as they would do at sea. At length
they reached the hospice, but the descent was, in this, as in all mountain
passes, more frightful than the ascent had been, where steep descents of hard
ice led to the brink of the most fearful ravines. It was the 6th of December
before the Splügen was passed, and in the interval hundreds had perished in the
snows, or been frozen to death, or carried down precipices; but now, at length,
the sunny plain of Chiavenna burst in all its glory
on the sight of the famished and footsore soldiers. Headquarters were
immediately established on the shores of the Lago di Como, and the army was now
permitted some repose to recover their effectiveness and discipline. No enemy
had disputed a single inch of the passage. As soon, therefore, as the guns had
been remounted and the troops had somewhat recovered their fatigue, Macdonald
prepared to carry his army by the Col d’ Abriga into
the valley of the Adige, and to march upon Trent to unite himself with the army
of Brune. On the 22nd of December he reached the
Monte Tonal, and immediately sent forward Van damme to assault the double
entrenchments which had been thrown up to guard that passage. The brigade of
Vaux carried the first line, but did not succeed at the second, which was
bravely defended by some 500 or 600 men of the corps of Wukassovitch. Macdonald
therefore descended the valley of the Oglio, and on
the 31st of December established his headquarters at Breno.
BATTLE
OF POZZOLO AND MOZAMBANO
The
position of the Imperialists was at this time exceedingly strong. Wukassovitch,
having under him the divisions of Loudon and Dedovitch, protected all the
approaches to the Tyrol from Glarus to Riva on the Lago di Garda, covered
Trent, and formed the right wing of the army commanded by Bellegarde. On the
lake was a flotilla of twenty-seven gun-boats, protected by the batteries of
the harbour of Sermione, at once impeding all communications
of the enemy by water, and intercepting their advance on Peschiera from the side of Desenzano. The whole course of the
Mincio was defended with redoubts and entrenchments; and, as the left bank for
almost its whole course commanded the right, there were the greatest facilities
to oppose the passage of it; but the bridges at Borghetto and Vallegio were also guarded by têtes-du-pont, and Mantua covered the left wing of the army,
which extended to the fortified post of Goito. Oto
the other side of the Po the corps of Schustek was at
Cento, and that of Sommariva at Imola, to be in
connexion with a Neapolitan army under Count Roger-Dumas, which was marching up
to take the extreme left of the allied line in Tuscany, and who had already
reached Sienna. The whole Imperial forces thus assembled were counted at 80,000
men, under the command of the Marshal Bellegarde.
The
Republican army between the Chiese and Oglio rested their left on the Lake Idro and their right on the Po, and consisted of 55,000 bayonets and 8000 sabres,
without counting Macdonald’s corps d’armée, or the troops detached to
various places in Tuscany and the Bolognese. The whole was under the superior
command of General Brune. Delmas commanded the
advanced guard of the army, Dupont the right wing, Suchet the centre, and Moncey the left wing, and about 4000 cavalry were placed in
reserve under Kellerman.
The
renewal of hostilities was fixed for the 5th, but neither army availed itself
of its termination to move, until Bellegarde made a strong reconnaissance on
the 17th of December along the whole French line. Brune,
who was now informed of the brilliant victory at Hohenlinden, at once put himself
in motion; and, having surveyed the enemy’s line from Desenzano to Borgoforte, he ordered an advance on the 20th.
General Delmas accordingly marched on Pozzolengo, Moncey on Mozambano, Sachet to Volta, and Dupont to Goito and Castelluchio. The
reserves moved up to Castiglione. These first movements were intended to clear
the ground in front of the Mincio, which had been occupied by the Austrians in
defiance of the line of demarcation fixed by the convention of Castiglione, but
in truth neither party had adhered very rigidly to the stipulations of that
armistice. Count de Hohenzollern, however, defended himself bravely against the
French advance, but could not contend against numbers, and gave way before
them.
Brune now considered how to force the passage of the Mincio, and feeling that it
would be dangerous to attempt it near Mantua, he drew in his right upon his
centre, and determined to send Dupont to make a false attack on Pozzolo, while he passed the great body of his army, under
a heavy fire of artillery, at Mozambano. Dupont succeeded in throwing a bridge
over the river at Molino della Volta, and on the 25th
in establishing a battery of twenty guns to sweep the bend of the river near
that place, and he passed the divisions Watrin and
Monnier, who drove off the unequal force opposed to them, and threw up a slight épaulement to protect the bridge; but
Bellegarde sent down the divisions of Kaim and Vogelsang upon the village of Pozzolo, in which Monnier had established himself, and
notwithstanding all his endeavours to keep the village, and the exertions of Watrin to keep back the Imperialists, the Hungarians drove
the French at crossed bayonets completely out of Pozzolo.
All this time Brune remained utterly inactive at
Mozambano, leaving Dupont to contend with the whole Austrian army, and Suchet,
seeing the disadvantage under which he was placed, resolved to go to his assistance.
He accordingly sent forward the brigade of Clausel to
support Monnier; but the movement was still unsuccessful, until the artillery,
pouring in grape from the other side of the stream, gained the ascendency of
fire and reestablished the combat. Upon this Watrin, being reinforced by the division Gazar, whom Suchet sent across the river, again advanced
right and left on the Austrians, who were now driven back with the loss of 700
or 800 prisoners and five guns, and Monnier again recovered the possession of Pozzolo. But Bellegarde nevertheless sent up fresh troops,
the village was taken and retaken several times, and for six hours a mortal
fight ensued, in which the Austrian General Kaim fell mortally wounded. By nine
o’clock the village was at length in the hands of the French; but under the
light of the moon the Imperialists still contested their advance, and attacked
the épaulement that covered the bivouac of the
division of Watrin, nor did the fire cease till the
Republicans obtained full possession of the field of battle, after a severe
loss on both sides.
Brune had prepared his troops for the passage of the Mincio at Mozambano, regarding
as altogether secondary the passage at Pozzolo, of
which he was not informed till late on the evening of the 25th. At 5 in the
morning of the 26th, the troops under his immediate command were therefore in
motion to the banks of the river, on which he had established a heavy battery
of forty guns to protect the passage. Under this formidable fire, and under the
disadvantage of a thick fog, the troops placed to oppose the passage of the
river at this point by General Bellegarde made little opposition, and a bridge
was constructed by nine o’clock, when General Delmas passed with the advanced
guard, and the army immediately set forward on the march in four columns, under
Generals Cassagnet, Bisson, Lapisse,
and Beaumont. The Austrian General Rousseau, on hearing the cannon, approached
to meet the advance of Delmas, under cover of a heavy fire of artillery from
the entrenched height of Salienzo; and Bellegarde, as
soon as he learned that the passage at Mozambano had been made good, ordered
the Count of Hohenzollern in support, but he only arrived in time to cover the
Austrian retreat, which could now no longer be delayed, and was continued as
far as Verona; and the castle of Borghetto scarcely permitted its General to
march past before it surrendered, without any defence. The loss of the
Austrians in these various affairs has been set down at 7000 or 8000 men and
forty pieces of cannon.
The
Imperialist army now concentrated itself in the entrenched camp of Verona, its
headquarters being at San Michele, and strong garrisons were placed to defend Peschiera and Mantua. These garrisons reduced the active
force of General Bellegarde in the field to 40,000 men, and the French army of Brune had about the same numbers. The Republicans,
nevertheless, determined to avail themselves of the moral force with which
their successes had endowed them, to force the passage of the Adige as they had
now forced the Mincio; but time was required to bring up their pontoons, so
that on the 30th December the former river divided the combatants.
NAVAL
WAR
SIR
RALPH ABERCROMBIE SAILS FOR EGYPT.
In
consequence of negotiations carried on with the Porte by the British minister
Lord Elgin, a strong combined attack was resolved to be made upon the remains
of the French expedition that still continued in Egypt, and which the Turks
were clearly unequal to expel by their own military force or skill.
Accordingly, a British expedition, which had been silently preparing all the
year, and which had arrived a day too late at Genoa, now quitted Minorca, on
the 2nd October, and united with 200 sail that had rendezvoused in the Bay of
Gibraltar. These weighed again from the Rock on the 4th November, and on the
15th were assembled at Malta. Here they again received reinforcements, and on
the 20th the conjunct expedition sailed away for Marmorice harbour on the coast of Caramania, in which they cast
anchor on the 29th December. The force thus united consisted of 17,489 British
soldiers, under the command of General Sir Ralph Abercrombie, who expected to
be joined by 6000 more men under General Baird, who was to arrive in Egypt from
India by way of the Red Sea. A considerable Turkish force was also collecting
in the neighbourhood of Jaffa under the orders of the Grand Vizier, who were
intended to cooperate with the British in their descent upon Egypt. Bonaparte
beheld with real anxiety this great and extensive project which, combining the
British resources from the east and west of the world, was destined to envelope
the isolated French army in Egypt, and sweep away the ill-digested and insane
ambition that hoped to render that classic land a military colony of France.
All the ports of France, Spain, Italy, and Holland were accordingly now
rendered busy by the vast preparations contemplated for the protection of the
distant forces, but these were all dissipated by the winds or the British
cruisers, so that it remained to Great Britain “to assemble at the foot of the
Pyramids the forces of Europe, Asia, and Africa, in one combined enterprise,
more vast and extensive than had ever been previously undertaken by any nation,
ancient or modern.”
On
the 4th of August, when off the coast of Brazil, the British ship “Belliqueux”, 64, Captain R. Bulteel,
with a fleet of outward-bound Indiamen in convoy, discovered four sail to
leeward. The “Belliqueux” immediately steered for the
largest, which proved to be the French frigate “Concorde”, 40, Commodore Landolphe. She came up with her after about five hours’
chase, when, after a partial firing of ten minutes’ duration, in which not a
man was hurt on either side, the French commodore hauled down his colours. At
the same time that the “Belliqueux” gave chase, two
of the Indiamen, the “Exeter”, Captain Meriton, and “Bombay Castle”, Captain
Hamilton, followed after the French frigate “Medée”,
36, Captain J. D. Coudin. These China ships were painted
with two tiers of ports, and had a very warlike appearance. The chase was long,
so that it was midnight before Captain Meriton leading ran alongside the enemy.
His consort being still very far astern, the position was critical for a
captain of an Indiaman. Nevertheless, Meriton boldly summoned his opponent to
surrender, who, supposing himself under the guns of a ship of the line,
admitted an officer on board, and gave up his sword. On the “Bombay Castle”
coming up, the crew, consisting of 315 men, was divided and sent on board the
two ships. By this time the French captain began to doubt the character of his
adversary, and asked anxiously to what ships he had surrendered. Meriton drily
answered, “To a merchant ship,” on which the poor French captain was in such
despair at his folly that he destroyed himself. The other two Indiamen under
convoy, the “Coutts,” Captain Torin, and “Neptune,”
Captain Spens, had followed after another French
frigate, “Franchise,” 36, Captain P. Josieu, but this
vessel, by throwing overboard her guns and anchors, escaped in the night; and
the fourth sail, an American armed schooner which had been captured by the
French frigates, also escaped.
On
the 20th August, when in the West Indies, the British frigate “Seine”, 38, Captain
D. Milne, sighted, when on the starboard tack, the French frigate “Vengeance”,
40, Captain Pichot, who, it will be remembered, had
had a severe contest with the American frigate “Constellation” in the early
part of this year. A running fight was soon commenced and kept up the whole
day, in which the “Seine” got so damaged in her rigging and sails that she
dropped astern during the night, but on the 27th, in the morning, she again got
alongside of the “Vengeance”, when an action recommenced that continued with
unabated fury for two hours and a half, when an officer hailed the “Seine” from
the end of the bowsprit of the “Vengeance” to say that she surrendered. The
British vessel lost one lieutenant and twelve men killed, and three superiors
and twenty-six wounded, and it was said the French had thirty-five killed and
seventy or eighty wounded.
On
the 10th of September, a privateer brig of Nova Scotia, called the “Rover”,
Captain Godfrey, cruising near Cape Blanco, came up with the Spanish schooner “Santa Ritta”, which, with two gun-boats in company, had
been equipped by the Governor of Puerto Caballo to capture the “Rover”. Captain
Godfrey suffered the Spaniards to advance until they got within about fifteen
yards of him. He then manned oars on one side and pulled round the schooner, on
whose decks he saw the men assembled ready for boarding. He at the same time
ordered a whole broadside of round and grape to be poured into her, and then,
with great activity, pulled round to the opposite side of the Spanish ship,
where he raked the two gunboats in the same manner. The “Rover” then commenced
a close action with the “Santa Ritta”, and soon with
scarcely a show of opposition carried her; and the two gun-boats, seeing the
fate of their consort, sheered off. The “Rover” had
not a single man hurt of her crew, while on board the “Santa Ritta” every officer except the commander was killed. This
was an achievement that did honour to the hardy tars of British America.
On
the 8th of October the “Gipsy”, 10, Lieutenant Boyer, tender to Admiral
Duckworth’s flag-ship (when off Guadaloupe), chased
and captured an armed sloop of eight guns, called the “Quid-pro-quo”, M. Touspie, and after an action of two hours and a half
compelled her to strike her colours.
On
the 9th, the Indiaman “Kent”, 26, Captain Rivington (off the Sandheads), on her way from England to Bengal, fell in with
the French privateer “Confiance”, 20, M. Suscouff, which, after a couple of hours’ action, succeeded
in boarding the Indiaman, Captain Rivington, who had been shot through the
head, after a most gallant defence, and the disheartened crew gave in.
On
the 12th, off the shores of the United States, the “Boston”, 32, Captain
Little, fell in with the French corvette “Berceau”,
22, Lieutenant Senes, which, after a spirited action
of two hours, struck her colours to her. The “Boston” had twelve killed and
eight wounded, and the “Berceau” lost her fore and
main masts, and had a considerable number of killed and wounded.
On
the 13th of November, the British schooner “Millbrook”, 16, Lieutenant Matthew
Smith, lying becalmed off Oporto, descried a strange sail that she took for a
French frigate. Having several merchantmen under his protection, Lieutenant
Smith got out his sweeps, and pulled towards the enemy. He was received with a
broadside from the French ship, which he now discovered to be the well-known
privateer “Bellone”, of Bordeaux. The “Millbrook”
had her guns mounted on a particular principle, which admitted great activity
of firing, so that when she returned her broadside, she repeated it eleven
times before the French ship had fired her third. In a couple of hours,
therefore, the “Bellone’s” colours came down; but
Lieutenant Smith had no boat to launch and could not take possession, so that
after a pause the privateer took advantage of a light breeze and got away. The
Lieutenant received great praise, with promotion for his ready gallantry and
seamanlike conduct; and the English factory at Oporto presented him with their
thanks and a piece of plate, for this spirited defence of their trade.
On
the 7th of November, off the rock of Lisbon, Lieutenant Bond, commanding the “Netley”, 16, received information that the Newfoundland
convoy, having dispersed, might be daily expected to run into the Tagus; and,
being consequently on the look-out, he discovered the Spanish privateer “L’Alerta”, 9, with a brig prize
at anchor. The “Netley” at once gallantly ran on
board of and captured the privateer and brig without the discharge of a shot or
the loss of a man, and brought them both next day into the Tagus.
On
the 7th of December, off Quiberon Bay, the “Nile” and “Lurcher”, cutters,
discovered a convoy of fifteen or sixteen vessels coming round the point of Croisie, and notwithstanding the fire of the batteries of
Notre Dame and Pointe St Jacques, they captured nine of them with little Joss,
showing how much may be done even by such small vessels when commanded by
active and intelligent officers. On the 10th, the armed brig “Admiral Pasley”, 16, Lieutenant Nevin, with despatches, on her way
from England to Gibraltar, was attacked in a calm by two Spanish gun-vessels,
and after an engagement of an hour and a half, the British brig was obliged to
haul down her colours, having previously thrown overboard her despatches.
Boat
Attacks.
Several
boat actions of an enterprising and dashing character remain to be recorded
among the naval annals of this year. On the 29th of August, as Sir John Borlase Warren, with his squadron, was proceeding along the
coast of Spain, a large ship was seen to take shelter from such superior force
by running into Vigo, under the protection of the batteries of Redondela. In the evening, therefore, a division of boats,
twenty in number, under Lieutenant Burke of the flag-ship, taken from “Renown”,
74, “Courageux”, 74, “Defence”, 74, and “Fisguard” and “Unicorn” frigates, proceeded to attack her,
and at a little after midnight got alongside of the ship. The British so
resolutely boarded that in fifteen minutes they carried the vessel, with the
loss of four killed and twenty wounded. She proved to be the French privateer “Guepe”, 18, Captain Dupau; and so
obstinately was she defended, that her loss was twenty-five killed and forty
wounded, including among the former her brave commander. Lieutenant Burke and
about twenty of the boats’ crews were wounded. On the 3rd of September, when
off the Mediterranean shores of Spain, eight boats, taken from the “Minotaur”,
74, Captain Louis, and frigate “Niger”, 32, Capt. Hillyer, under the orders of
the latter officer, proceeded to cut out or destroy two Spanish armed ships at
anchor in Barcelona roads. Having approached within a mile of the nearest
battery, one of the two, named “L’Esmeralda”,
discharged her broadside at the boats, but without effect, the shot falling
short. Captain Hillyer, therefore, and his party pulled away with accustomed
alacrity, and were soon alongside the ship, before she could reload her guns;
and in a few minutes, but not without a sharp struggle, they boarded and
carried the Spaniard. The cheers that announced this victory was a signal for
all the batteries and gun-boats to open fire upon the boats, and for the other
ship to endeavour to get under their protection; but the British being alert in
their movements, the other ship “Paz” soon shared the fate of her consort, and
both prizes were brought off in safety, in spite of the firing of all the
batteries, with the loss of only three killed and five wounded. On the 27th of
October, near Malaga, the boats of the British frigate “Phaeton”, 38, under
Lieutenant F. Beaufort, proceeded to attack the polacre “San Josef”, lying
moored under the fortress of Fuengirola. As they proceeded on their course, they
were unexpectedly fired at by a French privateer, which had entered the harbour
unseen by them, and had placed herself in a position to flank the advance of
the boats. Nevertheless, though Lieutenant Beaufort and the other officers were
all wounded under her fire, the boats went forward; and in six or eight hours,
notwithstanding an obstinate resistance, they boarded, carried, and brought off
the polacre. On the 17th of November, off Porto Navallo,
in the Morblhan, Sir Richard Strachan’s squadron
discovered a French corvette endeavouring to get away to the protection of the
batteries. The “Captain”, 74, the frigate “Magicienne”,
82, and the “Nile” lugger, immediately despatched boats, under Lieutenants Skottowe and Rodney, to endeavour to board and bring away
the vessel, which, however, ran so far into port that the boats were signaled to return. Lieutenant Rodney, nevertheless, in his
way back, captured, with the division of boats under his command, one merchant
vessel from under the batteries. Sir Richard was now determined not to be
foiled in the destruction or capture of the corvette, and therefore sent off
another division of boats belonging to his squadron, under Lieutenant Hennah, to attempt this service. The enterprise was
conducted by that officer with 30 much judgment and gallantry, that, notwithstanding
a heavy fire from the shore on every side, the corvette “Reolaise”
was boarded and destroyed, with the loss of only one seaman killed and seven
wounded.
On
the 11th of September, as the British frigate “Néréide”, 36, Captain T.
Watkins, was cruising off the island of Curaçoa, the schooner “Active”, tender
to the flag-ship, commanded by Lieutenant Fitton, who had been for some time watching
the mouth of the harbour of Amsterdam, obtained full view of five or six French
privateers moored close to the walls. Taking advantage of some negligence that
he had observed of their watch, Lieutenant Fitton dashed in unnoticed, and,
bringing the broadside of the “Active” to bear, opened it with great effect
into the sterns of this cluster of pirates; and then, before the fort could get
its guns to bear, crowded sail and got clear off: but as it was evident that
the “Néréide” was a dangerous neighbour, and might make some further attempts
on them with her boats, the French pirates took advantage of night sailed away
from the harbour with all the plunder they had collected. As soon as they were
gone, the Dutch inhabitants, tired of the tyranny of such masters, sent off a
deputation to Captain Watkins, and on the 13th signed a capitulation for the
surrender of the island to His Britannic Majesty. Forty-four vessels that were
in the harbour surrendered at the same time.
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