CHAPTER X.

DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH AND INCREASE OF THE STATES OF THE CHURCH. — DEATH OF LEO X.

 

WHILE the alliance between the Pope and the Emperor was being carefully kept secret, hostilities had already begun. Francis I did not hesitate to profit by the difficulties in which Charles V was placed by the insurrection of the Spanish towns on the one side, and by the Lutheran movement on the other, and seized the opportunity to wrest Navarre from him. At the same time he favoured the attempt made in the Netherlands by Robert de la Marck. While fighting was going on in the Pyrenees and Luxemburg, the war began in Italy, and at first with unfavourable results for the Pope and Emperor.

Leo’s former anger with Alfonso of Ferrara broke out afresh when he defied the spiritual authority of the Holy See by favouring a monk named Andrea da Ferrara, who was suspected of disseminating Lutheran doctrines. However, the first attempts of the Papal force against Ferrara failed. So also did an attack made on Genoa by the Imperial and Papal ships in combination with the Adorni party. No better success attended the attempt of those who had been banished from Milan to stir up an insur­rection in Lombardy, where the people were possessed of a wild hatred of the harsh government of the French. Venice betrayed the danger which was threatening France, and measures were taken to frustrate the plot. But the French soon learned that the versatile and intriguing Vice-Chancellor of Maximilian Sforza, Girolamo Morone, had left Trent for Reggio, richly provided with money, and had gathered round him a large number of Milanese who had unjustly been driven out of Milan by the French. Thomas de Lescun, brother of the Governor Lautrec, tried to put a check on Morone’s far-reaching plans by a bold invasion of the territories of the Holy See. In the night between the 23rd and 24th of June, Lescun appeared before Reggio with an armed force, and demanded the delivery to him of the Milanese exiles. His intention, though its success was very doubtful, was to take possession of the town. However, the watchfulness of the Governor of Reggio, the historian Francesco Guicciardini, saved this important place.

This attack on Papal territory by the French gave Leo X the desired opportunity of declaring himself openly against France. The few diplomatists in whom the Pope confided, became aware, on the 22nd of June, that he was waiting for only one thing before he declared war. In a postscript to his report of the 25th of June, Castiglione was able to tell his master of the decision which had been till then so carefully kept secret ; but it was not until the 27th that he was able to speak of the influence which the attack on Reggio had had on the Pope's decision.

In a Consistory held on the 27th of June, the Pope complained of the violation of the borders of the States of the Church, and declared to the Cardinals that for the sake of self-protection he wished to ally himself with the Emperor, who had recently stood up at the Diet of Worms as the defender of the Church. The treaty of May, which had been so successfully kept secret, was now to all appearances concluded for the first time, and communicated to England and Switzerland. “The Pope has dropped his mask and allied himself to Charles V”, wrote the disconcerted Venetian Ambassador, Gradenigo, on the 29th of June. On the same day, without any concealment, Leo accepted the white palfrey from the Emperor's representative, in token of the investiture of Charles V with the crown of Naples. In the presence of all the Ambassadors, Leo X complained of the behaviour of Francis I, who had kept no agreement, and had supported the Dukes of Ferrara and Urbino against him. He now openly declared himself the enemy of the French.

With feverish haste, and in spite of the warnings of Rucellai, who was still in France, Rome made preparations for the accomplishment of her great object, the expulsion of the French from Italy. The Pope hoped to effect this before long. To raise money he pledged his silver plate, and spoke of obtaining funds later by a great nomination of Cardinals. The opposition of many members of the Sacred College to the Imperial and anti-French policy was not heeded by Leo: Cardinal Medici was the only one with whom he took counsel.

The plan of war was discussed with the German Ambassador. Prospero Colonna was sent for to Rome and given the supreme command of the allied forces. The Marquis Federigo Gonzaga had been named Captain-General of the Church in April. This appointment had been kept secret, and was made known only at the beginning of July. Francesco Guicciardini was confirmed as Commissary-General of the army, and was appointed to accompany the Marquis, armed with extensive powers ; Ferrante d'Avalos, Marquis of Pescara, the husband of Vittoria Colonna, so famed as a poetess, received the command of the Imperial infantry ; while Giovanni de' Medici, who later made for himself a formidable name as leader of the Black Companies, was to command the Papal cavalry. The whole force of the allies was put at six hundred Papal and Florentine heavy cavalry and as many Imperialists, together with six thousand Spanish, six thousand Italian, and six thousand Swiss infantry.

As soon as he learned about the alliance between the Pope and the Emperor, Francis made several attempts to win back the former, and thus allay the tempest which threatened him ; when he failed he foamed with rage. On the 13th of July he published a manifesto to his subjects in Italy in which he complained of the ingratitude of Leo, for whom he had done so much. He expressed his confidence that the Pope would reap neither honour nor benefit from his alliance with the Catholic King : it was thus that he styled Charles, for he would not give the title of Emperor to his rival. Soon after, he issued a man date forbidding, under severe penalties, the transfer to Rome of the incomes of any French bishopric or abbey. At the beginning of August he declared in his boastful way that “he would ere long enter Rome and impose laws on the Pope”. His army was by no means equal in strength to that of his opponents, but he trusted to the assistance of the Venetians as well as to that of the warlike Duke of Ferrara. He also counted on the co-operation of the Swiss.

Meanwhile Leo X had been overjoyed by the news of the repulse of the attack of the French on Navarre. By a Bull of the 27th of July, he threatened Thomas de Lescun and his fellow-culprits with excommunication and interdict, if they did not within twelve days make satisfaction for the attack on Reggio, their encroachment on matters of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and their violation of the agreement about the purchase of salt.  Charles did not think that the Pope went far enough in this, and, through his Ambassador, urged Leo to pronounce excommunication on the person of the French King. But the Pope would not proceed to such severe measures. In fact, among the many anxieties which at that time gave him sleepless nights, was the dread of being left in the lurch by the Emperor and given over to the vengeance of France. Charles heard that this was the case, and sent an autograph letter to the Pope in which he promised expressly to come to no understanding with France without a previous agreement with Leo. Baldassare Castiglione saw this important letter on the 2nd of August, 15214 In return for this the Pope published without further delay the nomination as Cardinal of Eberhard de la Mark, this having been resolved on in a Consistory held on the 9th of August. As to how the consent of Leo was gained, is shown by a report sent by Clerk to Wolsey. In consequence of the tidings that the Turks were maltreating the Hungarians, the Pope was very much depressed ; though he did not allow this to affect his anti-French policy. Indeed he did not shrink from saying that he would not undertake anything against the Turks until he had reduced France to such a condition that she was not able to move. The Pope said that he would pledge his tiara rather than not drive the French out of Italy. The Emperor encouraged Leo in this frame of mind by the assurance that he was determined to exercise his whole strength against France. In a second autograph letter the Emperor informed Leo of the first move he had made against France, and of his determination to carry on the war with all his might.

Leo X, who had asked the assistance of the King of Portugal and his fleet, indulged in hopes which were increased by the likelihood, as he thought, of England’s turning against France. He treated the boasting of the latter with contempt, and by calculating the strength of both sides, he believed that he might count on swift and certain victory.

There were, however, moments when Leo did not feel sure of the Emperor. The mediation of England and the suggestions of France both shook his confidence. In consequence of this mistrust—which was quite unfounded —he hesitated to pronounce excommunication on Francis I. But at last, on the 4th of September, he made up his mind, and threatened the French King and his generals with greater excommunication and interdict if they did not, within fifteen days, lay down their arms and deliver over Parma and Piacenza to the Holy See. The reasons alleged by the Pope were that Francis had carried on war with Charles by use of the money granted to him by the tithe for the Crusade, that he had violated the Concordat and ecclesiastical liberty, attacked Reggio, seized the revenues of the Church, arrested Florentine merchants in Lyons, and, finally, kept unjust possession of Parma and Piacenza.

Meanwhile the news which came from the theatre of war in Northern Italy was far from reassuring. At the end of August the Pope daily expected tidings of the taking of Parma: instead, there came, on the 10th of September, the intelligence that the siege of the city had been raised. The Curia had taken matters so lightly, that Castiglione wrote on the 4th of September that he had every day to argue with those who did not understand in the slightest degree what war was, and who thought that soldiers could fly. All the greater and more painful was the disillusionment. The cause of the check was the conduct of the Swiss, on whom till now Leo had set all his hopes, as well as the want of agreement among the generals of the allied force.

The Nuncio, Pucci, who had been sent to Switzerland as Legate a latere in July, 1521, together with Filonardi and Cardinal Schinner, were employed by the Emperor for the raising of troops in the cantons. They met with great difficulties, because all the cantons, with the exception of Zurich, had formed a treaty with France at the beginning of May, 1521, one of the clauses of which was directed against this very recruiting by a foreign power. In spite of all Filonardi’s representations, the twelve cantons remained obstinate in their refusal to send troops to the Pope. Zurich granted two thousand men, but only on condition that they were to be employed solely in the defence of Papal territory.

Under these circumstances the allies did not feel themselves strong enough to take Parma, although they had been joined by about six thousand German landsknechte. But they were insufficiently prepared, and there was want of unity in the army ; and when, added to this, they learned that the Duke of Ferrara was advancing against them, the leaders of the allied troops considered it prudent to abandon the siege. They fell back, about three thousand strong, on San Lazzaro, in the direction of Reggio. The mercenaries murmured loudly from discontent with their pay, and it was feared that they might go over to the French. Had the enemy taken the offensive at that moment, no doubt they would have come off victorious.

The position of the allies was all the more critical because of the mutual distrust which hampered their actions. The Papal generals inclined to the view that the Imperialists had abandoned the siege of Parma at the approach of an inferior force, solely because they did not wish to take the town for the Pope. On the other hand, Prospero Colonna suspected that Leo X would withdraw from the war as soon as Parma and Piacenza had been regained. When the news arrived that the French had been joined by more Swiss troops at Cremona, the allies retreated on Reggio. They would, no doubt, have retreated further, had not the agents of the Pope and Emperor combined to hinder them.

Meanwhile, a change had taken place in Switzerland which was to be of the utmost importance. Filonardi, and still more the impetuous Schinner, succeeded at last in getting together a considerable body of Swiss mercenaries. In order to effect a junction with these, Prospero Colonna crossed the Po at Casalmaggiore, on the 1st of October. Here he was joined by Cardinal Medici, who, at the end of September, had been appointed Legate to the army, to arrange the differences between Colonna and Pescara. He took large sums of money with him. The allies now advanced to the Oglio, and it seemed as if the fortune of war was going to turn in their favour. It was of the greatest advantage to them that, just at that juncture, Lautrec lost a good opportunity of combining with the Venetians and attacking the enemy at Robecco. Instead of doing this he retired to a fortified position behind the Adda. Nearly at the same time the Duke of Ferrara suffered a severe defeat at Modena, which compelled him to fall back on his capital. A manifesto which he sent to the Emperor was full of the most violent accusations against the Pope, and did not improve his position.

The Swiss, recruited by Schinner, had meanwhile advanced from Chiavenna into the territory of Bergamo, although they had not yet decided whether they would act directly against the French. In spite of all the arguments of Cardinals Schinner and Schonberg, the men of Zurich were resolute in maintaining that they had been engaged solely for the protection of the States of the Church. On this understanding they consented to march on Reggio, with the ulterior object of reconquering Parma and Piacenza for the Pope. For a long time the remaining six thousand Swiss refused to come to any decision ; but at last, at the end of October, Schinner persuaded them to join Gambara with the Papal-Spanish force. He hoped that from this they would go on with him and make a descent on Milan ; in this was he not mistaken. Cardinals Medici and Schinner were with this force, to what was, according to Guicciardini, the abuse of religion ; for there were the Cardinals, with their legatine crosses, mixed up with the whole crew of plundering, blaspheming murderers. The union of the Papal and Spanish troops with the Swiss, which Lautrec and his Venetian allies had been unable to prevent, had given the allies an undoubted superiority.

Soon fortune turned her back on the French. The Swiss serving in their army, who had for some time been affronted by Lautrec’s insolence and attitude of suspicion, now clamoured for their pay. As, in spite of all promises, and as a result of bad organization, this grievance was not satisfied, the mercenaries deserted in numbers. The discontent of the Swiss was, moreover, fomented by agents from their own cantons, who urged them on no account to fight against their fellow-countrymen. Lautrec was so weakened by these defections that he could not prevent the enemy from crossing the Adda, and soon found himself compelled to retire on Milan with his discontented and discouraged army. In the capital itself everything was against the French, and late in the afternoon of the 19th of November, in the midst of pouring rain, the allied force appeared before the walls. The German landsknechte formed the vanguard, then followed the bulk of the Papal and Spanish troops, and last came the Swiss.

An immediate attack was resolved on, as news came from the city that the population was ready to rise against the French, and that the defences were inadequate. Cardinals Medici and Schinner, with Pescara and the Marquis of Mantua, pointed out certain suburbs as a good object for attack. Pescara, with Spanish marksmen, attacked the Porta Romana ; Prospero Colonna, with Spaniards and German mercenaries, attacked the Porta Ticinese. Contrary to all expectation, the suburbs were speedily occupied, and soon after the gates were forced. Lautrec had thought such a rapid approach of the enemy an impossibility, as the roads had, he considered, been made impassable by the rain. He was completely taken by surprise, and, without any serious attempt at resistance, retreated from Milan by the gate leading to Como ; while the populace, to cries such as : Empire! Duke! Church! Palle! rose as one man and welcomed the enemy. In the night Maximilian Sforza was proclaimed Duke of Milan. Both victors and vanquished were equally surprised by the quick and easy conquest of the capital of Lombardy.

The fate of Milan decided that of the whole of Lombardy. Piacenza, Pavia, Novara, Tortona, Alessandria, Asti, Cremona, and Lodi willingly threw open their gates to the allies. The French, it is true, succeeded in retaking Cremona, but had at the same time to evacuate Parma, and they also lost Como. Altogether the star of France seemed to be on the wane. On the 24th of November the English Chancellor concluded a defensive and offensive alliance with the Pope and Emperor against Francis I. The prudent Venetians meditated a breach of their alliance with France, on the plea that quite unexpected events had completely altered the situation.

For three months Leo X had watched the progress of the war in Northern Italy with indescribable excitement. The pause when the war had scarcely been begun, then the raising of the siege of Parma, had put him into despair. We can learn from the famous letters of Baldassare Castiglione how anxiously the Pope awaited news of the progress of the war, and how he despaired one day and hoped the next. His Holiness, Castiglione reports on the 15th of October, 1521, is filled with great anxiety; were it possible, he would like to know every hour how things are going in Lombardy. When better news arrived on the 17th of October, Leo, with arms upraised, prayed to God that it might be true. His joy was all the greater because this was the first time that Cardinal Medici had sent favourable tidings. “The state of expectancy which reigns here has reached its highest point”, wrote Castiglione; “never before have such various rumours floated about Rome”. But all the time Leo was tormented by the fear that Francesco Maria della Rovere would try to regain possession of Urbino.

To the Pope the position was all the more critical because he had to bear nearly all the expense of the war ; for Charles was heavily burdened by the expense incident on the insurrection of the Spanish towns, and the maintenance of his army in the Netherlands, and was able to send money to Italy only at uncertain intervals. But it was not only his financial difficulties which exercised the Pope. The vacillations of the Swiss, on whom the final settlement of the war seemed to depend, caused him acute anxiety. There were times when Leo, though quite in the secret of his heart, began to give ear to the suggestions of the French. But these were only passing fits of weakness such as cannot cause surprise in one of his timid nature. When he faced the actual state of affairs he knew very well that he must stand firm. In order to cut from under his feet the possibility of any change of purpose, and to remove from the Imperialists all excuse for doubting his steadfastness, he sent Cardinal Medici as Legate to the army in the last week of September. Medici was very unwilling to leave Rome, and hesitated for some time to obey, though the Pope wrote to him with his own hand commanding him to undertake the work. The appointment of this man, who, although he often resided in Florence, was nevertheless called into consultation on all important occasions, meant as much as if the Pope himself had been present with the army.

Leo X, who had been seriously ill in the last week of August, but had now recovered as quickly, was again taken ill in the night between the 25th and 26th of October. This time it was not owing to a chill or to his old fistula trouble, but to his chronic state of excitement. However, by the 5th of November he was again convalescent ; and on the 15th he held a Consistory. At this, for a consideration of 10,000 ducats, he gave the Duke Giovanni Maria da Varano of Camerino the title of Admiral of the Papal fleet. Next day, contrary to precedent, the Pope was present at the obsequies of a Cardinal ; he wished to prove that he had quite recovered his health. After this he went to his hunting villa at Magliana. Ambassadors who had any news to communicate, visited him there in numbers, and were received without ceremony. On the 23rd of November Castiglione, the Ambassador of the Marquis of Mantua, had a long conversation with him at Magliana, about the events of the war and the chances of taking Milan.

On the afternoon of the 24th of November the secretary of Cardinal Medici arrived in Rome with the intelligence that the capital of Lombardy had been taken. He at once went on to Magliana, accompanied by Giberti. They found the Pope saying Lauds, having just reached the passage in the Benedictus : “that being delivered from the hand of our enemies, we may serve him without fear” (Luke 1. 74). Leo’s joy at the news brought was intense, although he realized that the war was as yet only half over. He had all the details related to him, and put many questions as to the condition of the army, the position of the French, Cardinal Medici's state of health, and the dispositions of the Milanese. Messenger after messenger was despatched to Rome with orders to celebrate the event in a fitting manner. Cannon from St. Angelo proclaimed the victory to the inhabitants of the Eternal City ; the joy caused by the news was altogether in describable.

At Magliana those in the immediate entourage of the Pope were intoxicated with joy, especially the Swiss, who looked on the capture of Milan as an avenging of Marignano. Fireworks were sent off throughout the night, to the accompaniment of music and volleys of guns. This commotion, added to his excitement, kept the Pope awake all night. It was reported that he passed it sitting at the open window, sunk in thought, and watching the doings of the Swiss, till he became so chilled that he had to return to the stove to warm. By this imprudence he caught a severe chill, and symptoms of fever soon set in. In the afternoon of the 25th of November the Pope returned to Rome. It was one of those glorious winter days such as are perhaps known only in Rome, with the sun shining with almost too much warmth ; in spite of this the Pope shivered and walked part of the distance on foot ; this did not improve matters, for, owing to his corpulence, he broke into a profuse perspiration. However, he paid scarcely any attention to this, so occupied was he by the thought of the great reception which was awaiting him in Rome, which was to remind him of the ovation at the beginning of his Pontificate, when he took possession of the Lateran. The crowds greeted him with joy, and the Cardinals received him with reverence. Everywhere the air echoed with joyous cries and salvos of cannon. He beamed with joy, and said to the Imperial Ambassador that he rejoiced more over the conquest of Milan than he had rejoiced at his election to the Papal chair. These words show with a terrible clearness how far the secularization of the supreme dignity of the Church had advanced since it was commenced by Sixtus IV.

Leo X talked with his Master of Ceremonies about the arrangements for a solemn service of thanksgiving for the victory. Paris de Grassis remarked in his dry way that public thanksgivings should not be offered up for a victory gained over a Christian power, unless there had been at stake some special advantage for the Church. Full of glee, the Pope replied, smiling, that the greatest advantage for the Church was at stake, and that on Wednesday he would make all arrangements in a Consistory. Rome held high festival till late into the night. As was their way, the Romans indulged in the wildest of surmises, and many believed, without a shadow of proof, that the Duchy of Milan was destined for Cardinal Medici.

In the evening the Pope dined in the best of spirits, and that night slept well. But next morning (November 26), while he was giving audience to Cardinal Trivulzio and  one of his relatives, he was taken with a shivering fit and had to break off the interview and return to bed. Though restless in the night, he felt fairly well on Wednesday the 27th, though rather weak, so that the Consistory was postponed. The physicians declared that his ailment was a case of simple intermittent fever, the consequence of the chill he had caught in the night at Magliana. Towards evening and during the following days they gave the usual remedies for cold and intermittent fever, and had no doubt that the Pope would be quite well in a few days. But in the evening of the 29th of November he had such a severe fainting fit that the doctors became alarmed. Already arrangements were being made in several quarters for the possibility of a vacancy in the Holy See. Nor did the Pope conceal from himself the gravity of his state, and made a general confession with great devotion. However, on Saturday he again felt so well that he sent off some Briefs and enjoyed some music. He went so far as to declare that in eight days, on the Feast of St. Ambrose, he wished to visit the church of that saint, and also S. Maria del Popolo. But in the evening violent fever suddenly returned and he lost consciousness for a time; those about him were much alarmed, and three messengers were sent to Cardinal Medici.

In the night he was very ill, and in the morning of the 1st of December he complained of great interior heat, and it was with difficulty that he allowed himself to be persuaded to take some nourishment. Then once again he was better and the fever left him. He was in great spirits and talked a great deal, and the doctors again entertained hopes of a speedy recovery. He had already heard of the conquest of Piacenza, and now on this day he learned that Parma had been taken. To win back these two cities had been his chief motive for beginning the war ; and he had declared at the time to Cardinal Medici that he would gladly purchase their recovery with his life. It seemed now that his hope of securing the independence of the Holy See, by an increase of the States of the Church, was about to be realized.

The improvement in the Pope's condition continued all day. Feeling quite easy about him, the few persons who had been admitted to the sick-room went away. These were the doctor, Cardinal Pucci, Bishop Ponzetti, the Pope’s two nephews Salviati and Ridolfi, and his sister Lucrezia, wife of Jacopo Salviati. However, at eleven o'clock a more violent shivering fit than any before seized on him. Leo X knew that his hour had come, and at once asked for Extreme Unction. Viaticum was deferred, presumably because of his extreme weakness. He repeatedly kissed the crucifix, and called on the name of Jesus : it was his last word. When Cardinal Pucci, who had been summoned in haste, entered the room, he found the Pope unconscious. He died at midnight.

Early in the morning of the 2nd of December the totally unexpected news of the death of the Supreme Pontiff was spread throughout the city, where all the shops were shut. The consternation of the friends and adherents of the Medici Pope was very great. Their glory had departed : and even in the night they carried off from the Vatican everything that they could lay hands on. In the morning the Cardinals could be seen hurrying to the Vatican for a preliminary consultation. The Palace was closed, and the Swiss mounted fifty pieces of ordnance on it, while everywhere men armed themselves. Everything, however, remained quiet, so good were the precautionary measures taken by the Sacred College.

The sudden death of this Pope, at the early age of forty-six, at the very moment when messenger after messenger was arriving with news of fresh victories, has something tragic about it. “Just eight days ago”, wrote Castiglione of the 2nd of December, “His Holiness returned from Magliana in triumphal procession, such as had not been seen since the first days of his Pontificate. This evening there will take place a very different kind of solemnity, his interment in St. Peter’s. Thus changeable is human fortune! The Lord God overthrows our plans as He pleases.”

It may be said that the proverbial good-fortune of Leo X accompanied him to his death; for had he lived, he would have had to carry on the war with an exhausted ex­chequer and under the greatest difficulties. He knew only of the triumph of his arms, what was to follow was hidden from him.

As in all cases of sudden death, there was much talk of poison connected with that of Leo X. The discoloration and swelling of the body after death were taken by many as a sure sign that his decease was the result of a crime. But the physician Severino, who had been present at the post-mortem examination, declared that there was no question of any such thing, though he admitted that he could not persuade his colleagues of it. Suspicion fell at once on the Pope's cup-bearer, Bernabo Malaspina, who belonged to the French party ; his behaviour excited suspicion, and he was arrested. However, his examination brought nothing to light on which his accusers could lay hands; Cardinal Medici had him set at liberty, presumably so as not to make an irreconcilable enemy of Francis I, should he be found to be mixed up in the case. Both Francesco Maria della Rovere and the Duke of Ferrara were mentioned as instigators of the crime. The latter gave an excuse for this suspicion by the scandalous signs of joy in which he indulged when he heard of his enemy’s decease. He rewarded with generosity those who brought the news, and vilified the memory of the dead Pontiff in every possible way.

Francesco Vettori, the great friend of the Medici, has declared himself, in his History of Italy, adverse to the idea of poison. In a letter to the Englishman, Clerk, he attributes the Pope’s death entirely to the chill he caught in the night at Magliana ; and says that anyone who knew Leo’s constitution, his corpulency, his bloated countenance, and almost chronic catarrh, as well as his manner of living, with frequent fasts and heavy meals, would be surprised that he had lived so long.

Two of the most celebrated contemporary historians, Guicciardini and Giovio, are firmly convinced that he was poisoned, as is also Baldassare Castiglione. Nevertheless, the result of the post-mortem, as far as it is known, as well as the form taken by the Pope's illness of intermittent fever with intervals of complete convalescence, offered no sanction for the idea of death by violence. Everything points rather to the idea that Leo X, like Alexander VI, was the victim of a virulent attack of malaria.

The number of enemies possessed by Leo was revealed by the extravagant attacks which were showered on his memory after his death. Verses of bitterest scorn and senseless rage poured in. The favourites of the Medici, whose hopes were now destroyed, were ridiculed by satirical pictures and medals with biting inscriptions. Every manner of accusation was levelled against the late Pope. This immoderate abuse was only equalled by the immoderate flattery which had been showered on him when newly elected. In other ways also his end was in striking contrast with the brilliant beginning of his Pontificate. In consequence of the financial need his funeral obsequies, though not as mean as had been some, were by no means brilliant. His funeral oration, delivered by Antonio da Spello, was very short. There could have been nothing noteworthy in it, or it would not have passed without mention. The Pope of the Renaissance, so devoted to magnificence, was buried very poorly ; a simple tomb in St. Peter's covered his mortal remains. It was only in the Pontificate of Paul III that a great tomb in white marble was erected for him in the choir behind the high altar at S. Maria sopra Minerva. Its execution was given to the Florentine, Baccio Bandinelli, and the work of designing it entrusted to Antonio di Sangallo. Four Corinthian columns support an arch surmounted by the Medici arms and subjects in relief; that in the middle depicts the meeting of Leo X with Francis I at Bologna ; in the principal niche sits the Medici Pope, holding the keys in his left hand, while he raises the right in blessing. The figures of the Princes of the Apostles, by Baccio Bandinelli, the needy rival of Michael Angelo, which stand in the two side niches, are quite as commonplace as the central figure of the Pope executed by Raffaello da Montelupo. The whole thing is a cold and insipid piece of work, unworthy of the patron of Raphael. As is most unusual, there is no inscription on the tomb. Yet never was there a Pope who was the subject of more inscriptions in his lifetime than Leo X.

 

 

CHAPTER XI.

Personality and Manner of Life of Leo X. —HIS Finances and Court.