BOOK VIII . INNOCENT VIII. A.D. 1484-1492.

1. Disturbances in Rome during the Vacancy of the Holy See.— Election of Innocent VIII and First Years of his Pontificate. 2. Quarrels between the Pope and Ferrante oF Naples (1484-1487).—The Cibo and Medici families allied by MARRIAGE. 3. Troubles in the Romagna.—Disputes and Final Reconciliation between Rome and Naples. 4. The Eastern Question. The Turkish Prince.—Prince Dschem in Rome. The Fall of Granada.—Death of the Pope. 5. Innocent VIII as Patron of Art and Scholarship. 6. INNOCENT VIII AND THE DEFENCE OF the Liberties and Doctrines of the Church. The Bull on Witchcraft of 1484. 

CHAPTER I.

Disturbances in Rome during the Vacancy of the Holy See.— Election of Innocent VIII and First Years of his Pontificate.

The news of the death of Sixtus IV which had taken place on the 12th August, 1484, set all Rome in commotion, and the most violent disturbances among the troops with which the city was scantily garrisoned, were the immediate result. A strong movement in favour of the Colonna and in opposition to the chief favourite of the late Pope, Girolamo Riario, soon made itself felt. With wild shouts of “Colonna, Colonna,” the infuriated populace invaded the palace of Girolamo on the 13th August, and devastated it so completely that nothing but the bare walls remained; the rabble vented their rage even on the trees and shrubs of the adjacent garden.

The compatriots and partisans of the Ligurian Pope fared no better than the nephew; on the very same day the granaries in Trastevere as well as two ships laden with wine which belonged to Genoese, were seized by the infuriated mob. No Ligurian property in Rome was now safe; even the Genoese hospital was destroyed. The provisions which Caterina, the wife of Girolamo had stored up in Castel Giubileo shared the same fate; they were either destroyed or carried off. Caterina herself, full of courage, hastened to the Castle of S. Angelo, deposed the Lieutenant-Governor, and declared that she would give up the stronghold to no one except the newly-elected Pope. The Cardinals, a number of whom assembled in the Palace of the Camerlengo Raffaele Riario, did their utmost to re-establish order in the city, but for the present they were powerless before the prevailing excitement.

Girolamo Riario on hearing the sad news of the death of Sixtus IV, had immediately raised the siege of Paliano, and his retreat was so hurried as to bear all the appearances of a precipitate flight. Artillery, ammunition, tents and horses were left behind. On the Eve of the Assumption, Girolamo arrived with his troops before Rome, and by order of the cardinals encamped at Ponte Molle, where he intended to remain until the election was over. It was feared that the Pope’s nephew would use force to ensure the nomination of a Pontiff of his own choice, and indeed the courage of the Count by no means failed him; he trusted in his army, in the power of the Orsini and the possession of the Castle of S. Angelo, Riario also expected to be supported by some members of the College of Cardinals. However, after two days, he deemed it advisable to retreat to Isola Farnese; the old castle, which was situated in the vicinity of the ancient Veii, belonged to Virginio Orsini. This change of tactics must be ascribed to the fact that the fortunes of his enemies were improving from day to day. The inhabitants of Cavi, Capranica and Marino had recalled the Colonna; in Rome Cardinal Giovanni was received with enthusiasm. Prospero and Fabrizio Colonna also returned there with a powerful army. In a short time the city, to which all the armed vassals of both parties flocked in crowds, had become an open camp. Civil war threatened to break out every moment. All shops were closed; no one could venture into the streets without endangering his life. The palaces of the Cardinals were changed into small fortresses; according to the account of one of the ambassadors, the owners seemed to be prepared for an immediate attack. The Cardinals Giuliano della Rovere and Rodrigo Borgia especially had filled their houses with troops, had erected outworks and provided themselves with artillery. In Trastevere bridges and gates were closed, so that all traffic was stopped. The Orsini had entrenched themselves in Monte Giordano, for they expected every moment to be attacked. The whole town was in arms and uproar.

Such was the state of Rome when the obsequies of Sixtus IV began on the 17th August, 1484. Only a few of the Cardinals were present. Giuliano della Rovere did not leave his strongly fortified palace on the heights of S. Pietro in Vincoli. The Cardinals Colonna and Savelli likewise refused to go either to S. Peter’s or to the conclave in the Vatican, as long as the Castle of S. Angelo was in the hands of the energetic wife of Girolamo Riario. Not content with the number of their adherents who had flocked to Rome, they sent for troops from Aquila, Terni, Amelia, and other Ghibelline cities. The majority of the Cardinals, especially Cardinal Cibó, shared the opinion of the former, that it was absolutely necessary to secure a safe place for the Papal election. In the meanwhile, the excitement and confusion increased from day to day. A double election and an impending schism were already talked of, when, owing to the energetic interference of Cardinal Marco Barbo, affairs assumed a more promising aspect. This prudent and universally esteemed prelate possessed the confidence of all, even of Giuliano della Rovere. He began by bringing about an agreement with Girolamo Riario. In return for the payment of 8000 ducats and other concessions, he obtained the surrender of the Castle of S. Angelo, which was entrusted to the Bishop of Todi, in the name of the Sacred College. It was further stipulated that Girolamo should repair to his own States, and Virginio Orsini with his adherents to Viterbo, whilst the Colonna were to evacuate the city, and Giacomo Conti was to give up the guard of the Palace; a truce was also concluded which was to begin on the Coronation-day of the new Pope and to last for a month.

When order had thus, to a certain extent, been re­established, it was possible to think seriously of making preparations for the Conclave in the Vatican. On the 25th August the obsequies of Sixtus IV. were finished, and on the day following, the 25 Cardinals present in Rome went into Conclave.

For many years the number of the electors had not been so considerable; at the Conclave of Nicholas V, Pius II and Sixtus IV, only 18 Cardinals had been present; at that of Calixtus III only 15; at the election of Paul II, 20. With regard to the different nationalities, the proportion was about the same as in 1471; the Italian Cardinals had a complete majority over the 4 foreigners,—2 Spaniards, Borgia and Moles; 1 Portuguese, Giorgio da Costa, and 1 Frenchman, Philibert Hugonet.

We have sewn in our account of the Pontificate of Sixtus IV the disastrous effects of his having augmented the number of the worldly-minded Cardinals. The Conclaves of 1484 and 1492 are among the most deplorable in the annals of Church History.

The first step taken by the Cardinals in Conclave was to draw up an election capitulation; in doing so, they openly disregarded the prohibitions of Innocent VI. This capitulation, which was signed by all the Cardinals on the 28th August, shows a notable increase in their demands; the monarchical constitution of the Church was to be changed into an aristocratic one, and the personal interests of the electors were the primary consideration. The first clause in the document provided that each Cardinal should receive every month 100 ducats from the Apostolic Treasury, unless he had a yearly income of 4000 ducats from his own benefices. The next regulation, a new one, secured a complete indemnification for such Cardinals as might be punished by secular Princes for their vote, with the confiscation of their revenues. Not till these matters have been settled do the really salutary measures affecting the public welfare appear, such as the vigorous prosecution of the war with the Turks, the reform of the Church, the convocation of a Council, the suppression of nepotism. “It does not seem to have occurred to the Cardinals that the good election of a worthy Pope would have been a much more efficacious remedy against abuses than the most detailed election capitulation.”

There existed a great divergency of opinion as to who would be raised to the Pontifical dignity. The Mantuan Envoy reported on Aug. 15th that Cardinal Stefano Nardini had the best chance, because he was popular with the people of Rome, and favoured by a great number of the Cardinals. “Others mention the old Cardinal Conti who belongs to the party of the Orsini, a worthy man whose clever brother is held in high esteem. Cardinal Moles’ Spanish descent is objected to, but as he is a good and venerable old man, and a stranger to all the intrigues carried on at Rome, many think that he stands a good chance of being elected. Marco Barbo is also spoken of as a candidate; he would make an excellent Pope, because of his noble character, his ability, and the general esteem in which he is held, “but,” the Envoy adds, “he is a Venetian”. We have already mentioned the valuable services rendered by Barbo in the time of confusion after the death of Sixtus IV; his election would no doubt have proved a blessing for the Church. Other contemporaries are of the same opinion. “All the courtiers,” writes the Sienese Envoy, Aug. 22nd, “and those who are not blinded by passion, are anxious for the election of Barbo or Piccolomini in the interests of the Church. Piccolomini is supported by Naples, Barbo by Milan; Cardinal Borgia is zealously canvassing for himself.” The party of the Orsini, leagued with Count Girolamo, had exerted all their influence in favour of Borgia and eventually of Conti, ever since the death of Sixtus IV.

Italian diplomacy was of course not idle. All the States which had been in alliance before and through the peace of Bagnolo, joined hands to procure the Tiara for a friend of the Italian League, or at least for one who would be neutral. Venetians, Genoese and Ultramontanes (non-Italians), were to be excluded; but with regard to individual candidates, there was a great divergency of opinion among the allies. The personal ambition of the Cardinals also played an important part in the contest. Arlotti, the Envoy of Ferrara, says in a despatch of Aug. 26th: “The competition may possibly become so hot, that in the end a neutral candidate like Moles, Costa, or Piccolomini—all worthy men—may be elected.” Alfonso, duke of Calabria and Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Bari, Vice-regent of Milan, tried to influence the electors more directly by a letter sent to their ambassadors at Rome, August 26th. It contained express orders to request Girolamo Riario and Virginio Orsini to use all their influence to oppose the election of Cardinals Costa, Cibò, Savelli and Barbo, without, however, having recourse to violence. In this document, six other Cardinals are recommended; unfortunately, however, their names are not mentioned. On the same day a corresponding despatch was sent to the Cardinals Giovanni d’ Aragona and Ascanio Maria Sforza, to be handed at the Consistory to all the Cardinals, and to be read there in public. If this document had arrived in time, we should have the first instance of a formal interference, both exclusive and inclusive, by a Government in the Papal election.

The real leader of the Cardinals who sided with the league, was the Vice-chancellor Rodrigo Borgia. All the reports agree in stating that this ambitious prelate was trying his utmost to obtain the Tiara. As early as August 18th, 1484, the Florentine Envoy reports that Borgia was working hard for his own election, and that he had promised the post of Vice-chancellor and his own palace to Cardinal Giovanni d’ Aragona, and 25,000 ducats and the Abbey of Subiaco to Cardinal Colonna, and that he had held out similar bribes to Cardinal Savelli. “Rodrigo Borgia certainly is one of the most active competitors,” says the Envoy from Ferrara, three days later; “however, it is impossible to give a decided opinion as yet, as to what his chances are.” The Envoy then recalls the Roman proverb, which is here perhaps mentioned for the first time in writing. “He who enters the Conclave a Pope, leaves it a Cardinal.” Giovanni d’ Aragona, the son of Ferrante of Naples, Ascanio Sforza and the Camerlengo Raffaele Riario were entirely on the side of Borgia; the latter counted with such certainty on success, that he had made all necessary preparations for protecting his magnificent palace against the pillage which generally followed the election. However in spite of all his promises of money, lands and benefices he was unable to obtain the decided majority. “Borgia has the reputation of being so false and proud,” the Florentine Envoy writes, August 21st, “that there is no danger of his being elected.” He had given them a specimen of his faithlessness immediately after the death of Sixtus IV. Hitherto he had always sided with the Colonna, he now went over to the Orsini through whose help he hoped to secure his election; but at last he recognised the impossibility of attaining his object; he therefore began to promote that of his countryman Moles, whose age and infirm health would probably soon entail a fresh Conclave. The head of the opposition party, Giuliano della Rovere, found him­self in a similar position. He could only count with certainty on the Cardinals Savelli, Colonna, Cibò and the two La Rovere. The weakness of both parties became apparent in the first scrutiny on the morning of the 8th August: Cardinal Barbo obtained ten, or according to other accounts eleven or twelve votes. Jakob Burchard, the master of ceremonies reports that for fear of Barbo obtaining the necessary seventeen votes it was resolved that in the first scrutiny there should be no accessit.

Giuliano now began to bestir himself in earnest. His candidate was a man who owed everything to him: Giovanni Battista Cibò, Cardinal of S. Cecilia and Bishop of Molfetta. He threw himself into the contest with all the unscrupulous energy of his nature and did not hesitate to have recourse to bribery in order to attain his object. The worldly-minded Cardinals were all the easier now to win over, because they were afraid that he might ally himself with the Venetians, in which case Barbo, whose principles in morals were very strict, would have ascended the chair of S. Peter. Giuliano succeeded first in gaining the Cardinals Orsini, Raffaele Riario, then Ascanio Sforza. Sforza was followed by Borgia, and the latter persuaded Giovanni d’Aragona to join their party. Jakob Burchard, who took part in the Conclave, relates that Cardinal Cibò won the votes of his future electors by signing petitions for favours which they presented to him during the night in his cell. The negotiations had lasted through the whole night: by the morning of 29th August, 1484, Giuliano della Rovere had secured eighteen votes for Cibò. The opposition party now gave up all resistance as useless. At 9 o’clock a.m. Cardinal Piccolomini was able to announce to the crowd assembled outside the Vatican, that Cardinal Cibò had been elected and had assumed the name of INNOCENT VIII. The people burst forth into acclamations, the bells of the palace of S. Peter’s began to ring, and the thunder of cannons resounded from the Castle of S. Angelo.

The newly-elected Pontiff, who, for the first time, again assumed a name borne by a Pope during the Schism, was 52 years old. He was above middle size, strongly built, and his face was full, his complexion strikingly fair, and his eyes weak. He was descended from a Genoese family of good position, who were related to the wealthy Doria. In the accounts of his genealogy there is much that is legendary, and it remains uncertain whether the Cibò are of Asiatic origin, or whether they are connected with the Tomacelli, the family of Innocent VII; but Aran Cibò is mentioned in Genoese documents of 1437 as having been made Anziano in that city, and employed for some time both in the government and the administration of justice at Naples, and also as having been a Roman senator in 1455. He married Teodorina de’ Mari, a Genoese lady of patrician birth; Giovanni Battista Cibò, born in 1432, was the issue of this marriage. He studied at Padua and at Rome, and in his youth had no intention of taking Orders, and his life at the licentious court of Aragon was no better than that of many others in his position. He had two illegitimate children, a daughter, Teodorina, and a son, Franceschetto. It is characteristic of Cardinal Giuliano, that he did not scruple to help in promoting a man of such antecedents to the supreme dignity. However, it is certain that from the moment Giovanni Battista entered the ecclesiastical state, all the accusations against the purity of his private life cease. The fact also that the irreproachable Cardinal Calandrini took him into his service seems to indicate a reform in his morals. In April 1469, Paul II bestowed on him the bishopric of Savona, which he exchanged under Sixtus IV for that of Molfetta (situated near Bari on the Adriatic). Cibò formed a close intimacy with Giuliano, the nephew of Sixtus IV, and to him especially he owed his speedy promotion. The Pope liked the Bishop of Molfetta because of his gentle amiable character; he made him his Datary, and gave him the Red Hat on the 7th May, 1473. Cibò was generally called Molfetta from the name of his bishopric.

In the exercise of his ecclesiastical ministry, Cibò gained great popularity. “Nobody left him without being consoled,” says a contemporary, “he received all with truly fatherly kindness and gentleness; he was the friend of high and low, of rich and poor.” Sixtus IV thought so highly of him, that at his departure from Rome in June 1476, he left him behind as Legate. Cibò filled this post, an extremely thorny one in the state of affairs at that time, to the complete satisfaction of the Pope.

All accounts agree in praising the kindness, the benevo­lent and amiable disposition of the newly-elected Pope, but they are equally unanimous in condemning his want of independence and weakness. “He gives the impression of a man who is guided rather by the advice of others than by his own lights,” says the Florentine Ambassador of him, as early as Aug. 29th, 1484, and he also speaks of him as wanting in solid education and experience in political affairs. It is not surprising that Giuliano della Rovere, to whom Cibò owed his promotion to the dignities both of Cardinal and Pope, obtained an unbounded ascendency over a character of this kind. “While with his uncle he had not the slightest influence, he now obtains whatever he likes from the new Pope,” remarks the Envoy from Ferrara, Sept. 13th, 1484. “Send a good letter to the Cardinal of S. Peter,” the Florentine Envoy writes to Lorenzo de’ Medici, “for he is Pope and more than Pope”. The practical result of these relations was that Cardinal della Rovere came to reside in the Vatican, while his brother Giovanni, already Prefect of Rome, was named Captain-general of the Church, in December.

Immediately after his election, Innocent VIII. had pledged his word to the magistrates to bestow all civic offices and benefices on Roman citizens only. It was his failure in keeping this promise, which so incensed Infessura, the secretary of the Roman Senate, that he composed a series of caustic epigrams against him. In judging this matter we must consider, however, that it was very hard for the Pope “to keep his promise in the face of the claims of the greedy prelates”. The electors and their adherents had to be rewarded, personal relations and friends to be considered; but the just complaints against this unpromising beginning of his Pontificate were kept in the background for the time being, by the brilliant festivities of the Coronation and the possesso.

On Sept. 11th, all the preparations for the Coronation, in which artists like Perugino and Antoniasso Romano were engaged, were completed. The ceremony itself took place on the following day. In the morning the Pope went to S. Peter’s, celebrated High Mass there, and gave his benediction to the people. Then Cardinal Piccolomini crowned him outside the Basilica. After a short interval, he went in solemn procession to take possession (possesso) of the Lateran Palace. The homage of the Jews usual on such occasion took place in the interior of the Castle of S. Angelo; the object of this arrangement was to protect them against ill-usage from the populace. Burchard gives a minute description of the magnificent procession to the Lateran, and there exist several other accounts of it in Italian, and one in German, so that we possess ample information in regard to all its details. An immense crowd of people thronged the streets, which were decorated with green boughs and gorgeous hangings and carpets. Sixteen noblemen carried “the canopy, under which the Pope rode on a white horse richly caparisoned in white and gold. He had on his head a golden crown, and over his shoulders the pallium; and wore round his neck a costly amice, and a cross of gold on his breast, and blessed the people as he passed.”

Innocent VIII, whose affability is highly praised by the Envoy from Ferrara, had all the more cause for being satisfied in so far that the day and all the ceremonies had passed over without any hitch or disturbance worth mentioning. On the same day the solemn Bulls were drawn up which acquainted all Christian Princes and States with the accession of the new Pope, and asked their prayers for a prosperous Pontificate.

Prayers were certainly greatly needed, for Innocent VIII entered upon the government of the Church and the Pontifical States under circumstances of great difficulty, aggravated by the deplorable state of the finances of the Holy See. It cannot be denied that the newly-elected Pontiff was full of good intentions. Three things, he repeated on his Coronation-day, he was resolved to pursue with the greatest zeal : peace, justice, and the welfare of the city. Accordingly, he provided for a stricter surveillance and administration of justice in Rome, and commissioned some of the Cardinals to endeavour to bring about an accommodation between the Colonna and Orsini. Even beyond the boundaries of his own territory, Innocent was anxious to extend the blessings of peace. He was especially desirous of putting an end to the prolonged dispute about Sarzana. On the 17th Sept. he had entered into negotiations on this subject with the Envoys of Naples, Florence and Milan. In accordance with the recent understanding, the Pope said on this occasion, he considered it a supreme duty of his Apostolic office to bring about this peace, so that all Italian States might enjoy its happy results, and might recover from the heavy expenses which had left the Holy See burdened with a debt of more than 250,000 ducats. The dispute about Sarzana, complicated by the attack of the Florentines on Pietrasanta, caused him great anxiety, because of the character of the Genoese, who would not hesitate to set the world on fire, and who had already brought foreigners to Italy on other occasions. Genoa had applied to him to settle the affair by a judicial pronouncement. He knew that his predecessor had failed in his attempt to do this, but, being a Genoese himself and in a more favourable position than Pope Sixtus, he hoped to attain his object, especially as he felt sure that the Signoria of Florence would do their utmost to smooth the way.

A few days later, 22nd September, the names of the new Cardinal-Legates were published. Nardini was to go to Avignon, Moles to the Campagna, Savelli to Bologna, Orsini to the March of Ancona, and Ascanio Sforza to the Patrimony of S. Peter. Arcimboldi was confirmed as Legate of Perugia. Existing circumstances made it a matter of especial urgency that a Legate should be sent at once to Avignon, however, neither Nardini nor Moles ever entered upon the duties of their office; the former died October 22nd, the latter, November 21st, 1484.

The Pope himself had fallen ill in October 1484. Soon it became evident that in spite of his good resolutions, he had neither energy nor prudence enough to be successful in his mediation between the jealous and quarrelsome States of Italy. His interference in the dispute about Sarzana had no effect. In the Spring of the following year, Innocent again fell sick, and at the same time the feud between the Orsini and Colonna broke out afresh. Sigismondo de’ Conti tells us, that on the 12th March, 1485, the Pope was seized with a violent fever, which kept him in bed for three months; and he was in such a critical state that one day it was rumoured that he was dead. The Protonotary, Obbietto Fieschi, sent word at once to the Orsini that the Pope had expired. They immediately posted troops on the Ponte Molle and all the bridges of the Anio in order to secure free communication with the city; but they had soon to repent of this manoeuvre, for the report of the Pope’s death proved false. The skilful treatment of the famous physicians, Podocatharo and Giacomo da Genesio, had saved the life of Innocent VIII. The Pope, who had always favoured the Colonna, now grew more partial to them than ever. The fortune of war also seemed to smile on them in the beginning; in two days they took Nemi and Genzano, but they were afterwards defeated by the Orsini.

These endless disputes, which Innocent VIII tried in vain to allay, were seriously aggravated by the estrangement between the Pope and the King of Naples, which continued to increase from day to day.

CHAPTER II.

Quarrels between the Pope and Ferrante of Naples (1484-1487).—The Cibò and Medici families allied by marriage

Although King Ferrante of Naples had done his best before the Papal election to exclude Cardinal Cibò, he now made a great show of cordiality, and immediately sent him a letter of congratulation. Innocent lost no time in sending his thanks, and reminding him of his former relations with Naples, assured him that he would do for him all he conscientiously could, but he added, that he hoped Ferrante on his part would show himself a true Catholic Prince.

The first note of discord in the relations between Rome and Naples was struck by the King’s son, Alfonso, Duke of Calabria. He came to Rome on the 20th October, 1484, on his return from Ferrara, and was received by the Pope with all possible marks of honour and friendship; but when the Duke demanded the incorporation of Benevento, Terracina, and Ponte Corvo, with the territory of his father, Innocent VIII refused to accede to his request. It is said that Alfonso replied in a menacing tone, saying, that before long he would make the Pope beg for the annexation, of his own accord. In consequence of this collision, it seemed doubtful whether the Neapolitan Embassy of Obedience would be sent to Rome. To bring this about, the Pope had recourse to a very strange expedient. Bulls were drawn up annexing the cities as demanded, but these, instead of being handed over to the King, were entrusted to the keeping of Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, while Innocent VIII made a declaration before a notary, that the documents were only intended for show, in order to appease the impetuous King for the moment. It was not at all his intention to give up his claim to the cities, and he was resolved, if necessary, to meet force with force. As Alfonso drew up troops on the borders of the Papal States, the Pope also began to collect an army and to look out for allies. Above all, Innocent VIII tried to gain Venice. On February 28th, 1485, the canonical penalties imposed by Sixtus IV upon the Venetians were withdrawn, and the Signoria responded by sending their Embassy of Obedience. Tommaso Catanei, Bishop of Cervia, was sent to Venice, to arrange for the transference of Roberto Sanseveritio, the captain of the mercenary troops, to the Papal service.

The relations between Rome and Naples became more and more strained, owing to the conduct of Ferrante, who not only refused to pay the tribute for his fief, but interfered unjustifiably in purely ecclesiastical matters, despoiled the clergy by arbitrary taxes, and openly sold his bishoprics to utterly unsuitable persons. In the Summer of 1485 the two Courts came to an open rupture. On the feast of SS. Peter and Paul, the Neapolitan Envoy appeared with the customary white horse but without the tribute. It was impossible for the Pope to accept the lame excuse that the King was not able to pay because of his expedition against Otranto, as several years had passed since this event. When Innocent refused to accept the palfrey without the money, Ferrante’s ambassador entered a formal protest.

Nearly at the same moment the Barons’ war broke out at Naples. This, “the most appalling of all the tragic dramas of the 15th Century,” was caused by Alfonso of Calabria. This “overbearing, faithless and cruel” Prince persuaded his father to attempt to put down the discontented nobles by a sudden and treacherous attack. In the Summer of 1485 he found an opportune moment. Count Montorio, who was Governor of the rich town of Aquila, was enticed to come to Chieti, and there taken prisoner; the citadel of Aquila was immediately occupied by Neapolitan troops. The Barons soon saw that the same fate awaited them which Louis XI had prepared for his nobles; they determined not to submit to the tyranny of the house of Aragon, but to take measures to defend themselves. In the autumn of 1485, the inhabitants of Aquila expelled the Neapolitan garrison and planted the banner of the Church on their walls. Their example was followed by several other Neapolitan cities and territories.

Rome in July was visited with an outbreak of the Plague, and at the same time the course of events in the neighbouring kingdom was watched with anxious attention. “Innocent VIII,” the Mantuan Envoy reports, July 18th, 1485, “is entirely taken up with the affairs of the Barons.” They had already laid their complaints against Ferrante before the Pope on a former occasion; now again their messengers appeared in Rome to ask for help. Their language was that of men driven to desperation; they would rather suffer any extremity than submit to the tyranny of Ferrante or Alfonso; if the Pope did not help them, they would put themselves under the protection of some foreign power.

Thus we see that Innocent found himself forced into taking part in the war, and no great efforts were needed on the part of Giuliano, the sworn foe of the Aragonese, to bring him to a point. The danger was all the greater because both contending parties were capable of seeking aid from the Turks. It was evident which side the Pope would take. Ferrante’s conduct in ecclesiastical matters, as well as the experience of former Popes of his violence and treachery, left no room for doubt on this point. At this moment Ferrante tried once more to avert the impending storm by sending his son, Cardinal Giovanni d’ Aragona as mediator to Rome; but the Plague was raging there, the Cardinal was stricken and died on October 17th. Whilst Ferrante’s son was on his death-bed, the Cardinals discussed the affairs of Naples with the Pope. The result was, that the Holy See warmly embraced the interests of the Barons, took Aquila under its protection, and declared war against the King. The Bull drawn up to justify this step is dated October 14th, and was affixed to the door of S. Peter’s ten days later.

The King of Naples soon proved the insincerity of his proposals of peace to Rome, by openly declaring himself the protector of the Orsini who had a short time before rejected the offer of the Pope to act as mediator. Ferrante’s attempt to come to terms with his nobles completely failed, for nobody trusted him; the rebellion soon spread over the whole kingdom.

In order to intimidate the Pope, Ferrante now had recourse to the expedient generally adopted by those who had any quarrel with Rome; he renewed the question of convoking a Council. For this end he put himself in communication with Mathias Corvinus, King of Hungary. The Neapolitan Envoy was instructed to ask Mathias to support his father-in-law by giving him material help, to dissuade Venice from taking the Pope’s side, and to appeal to a Council against the greed and unbearable arrogance of Rome. Mathias Corvinus agreed to these proposals, January 29th, 1486; he declared in a solemn assembly of the Hungarian prelates and magnates, and in presence of the Venetian and Florentine Envoys that he would not forsake the father of his wife. He threatened the Pope with the withdrawal of his allegiance and an appeal to a Council, and the Venetians with war. At the end of March, 800 Hungarian cavalry, and later on 200 cavalry and 700 infantry started for Naples. At the same time Mathias made an alliance with the Turks in virtue of which they were to prevent the Venetians from assisting the Pope.

Milan followed the example of Hungary and declared for the King of Naples. The latter tried to gain Lorenzo de’ Medici also. In order to hinder this, the Pope sent the Florentine Archbishop Rinaldo Orsini to Lorenzo. He explained to the Duke that “Innocent VIII. was determined to resort to arms; that for many months he had warned the King by the late Cardinal d’Aragona and through his brother Don Francesco; but that Ferrante had become more and more overbearing in his conduct, so that at last things must take their course.” The mission of Orsini had no effect; Lorenzo declared for Ferrante.

The Pope now began to look for alliances and succeeded in concluding one with Genoa through the mediation of Lazzaro Doria in November, 1485. He next tried to win the Venetians, as did also the Neapolitan Barons, but neither the Pope nor they could obtain anything from that quarter. The utmost that Venice would concede was permission to Roberto Sanseverino, whose services Innocent VIII was extremely anxious to secure, to depart “if he pleased.”

The Pope was so impatient to see Roberto Sanseverino, that he ordered him to hasten to Rome without his troops, in order to arrange the plan of campaign. Roberto entered the city on horseback, November 10th, 1485, through the Porta del Popolo and was ceremoniously received. On the same day Innocent VIII sent word to Aquila of his arrival, adding that after consultation with Roberto, he would inform them of his plans. During the following days, the Lord of Anguillara, Pierro Giovanni de Savelli, Francesco de Colonna and others were called to Rome, to take part in the Council of War. On November 30th, Roberto swore fealty to the Pope as Standard-bearer of the Church. It was not a moment too soon, for the enemy was already at the gates of Rome.

Alfonso of Calabria had invaded the Papal territory with twelve battalions, and had joined Virginio Orsini at Vicovaro. Florence sent a considerable force, Milan only 100 soldiers. The enemy took possession of the Bridge of Nomentana and carried their raids to the very gates of Rome. The greatest disorder prevailed in the city. Amidst the general alarm and excitement there was one man only who kept his head on his shoulders, and that was Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere. If Rome did not fall into the hands of the enemy, and if their hopes of help from within the city itself were disappointed, it was to the iron energy of that prelate that the Pope’s thanks were due. Day and night he allowed himself no rest. In the cold December nights, he was to be seen with Cardinals Colonna and Savelli making the round of the guards of the gates and walls. The Vatican was turned into a fort, the house of the Neapolitan Ambassador was pillaged, the castle of the Orsini on Monte Giordano was set on fire. Virginio Orsini swore that he would have his revenge; that the head of Giuliano should be carried through the town spiked on a lance.

The courage of the enemy rose from day to day as they discovered how feebly Rome was garrisoned. Roberto Sanseverino and Giovanni della Rovere had as yet no troops; the Colonna with all their men were at Aquila, so that in reality the city was only defended by the guards of the palace and a small force of artillery and cavalry. In this extremity all criminals were allowed to return; this was done in order to reinforce the ranks of the defenders.

It was not surprising therefore that robbery and murder became every day occurrences.

Virginio Orsini carried on the war with Rome with the pen as well as with the sword. He wrote pamphlets calling for the deposition of Cardinal Giuliano, whom he accused of the most horrible vices, and of Innocent VIII. The Romans were urged to rebel against the degrading tyranny of the “Genoese sailor,” who was not even a true Pope. Orsini offered to assist in bringing about the election of a new Pontiff and new Cardinals, and threatened to throw Innocent VIII into the Tiber.

Although the Romans did not respond to this invitation, the position of the Pope was very critical; none of the roads leading to the city were safe, travellers and even envoys of foreign powers were mercilessly plundered. The distress in the city, which in reality was in a state of siege, was becoming intolerable, when at last the troops of Roberto Sanseverino arrived, December 28th, 1485. He at once presented his soldiers to the Pope and the Cardinals, and then marched against the enemy.

The situation now began to change for the better. In December of the same year the bridge of Nomentana was taken by storm, and in January 1486 Mentana was wrested from the Orsini. After this, Cardinal Orsini surrendered Monte Rotondo and repaired to Rome to seek reconciliation with the Pope. The desertion of Cardinal Orsini filled Duke Alfonso with dismay. He left his army and fled to Pitigliano. Paolo Orsini took the command of the troops thus abandoned by their leader and led them to Vicovaro. Innocent VIII, who had been in a precarious state of health for several months of the preceding year, fell ill at this moment. On January 21, a rumour was started that the Pope was dead, and that Virginio Orsini had entered the city—which spread like wild-fire. An indescribable panic seized the inhabitants of Rome, for a general pillage was apprehended. The excitement lasted the whole day, and did not abate even when the Pope showed himself in person at the window. In consequence of this false report Mentana rebelled, and Innocent VIII ordered this fortress to be demolished.

After the miserable fashion in which these wars were conducted in Italy at that period, the struggle dragged on through the following months without any definite result. The Papal States suffered severely, and there seemed no prospect of any end to the devastations.

As early as Jan. 30th, 1486, Innocent VIII had despatched an Envoy to the Emperor to explain his position, and ask for help. But more efficacious assistance might be expected from the Spanish royal couple than from Frederick III. This rising power from henceforth began to take a more and more active part in the affairs of Italy. Ferdinand and Isabella tried to negotiate peace, for which service the Pope expressed his thanks, February 10th, 1486. Eight days later, Innocent VIII replied to the Duke of Brittany who had exhorted him to make peace, by a detailed enumeration of all Ferrante’s misdeeds, stating in addition that the tyranny of the King had driven the nobles to such desperation that they were prepared to call in the Turks if the Pope had refused to assist them.

As no assistance could be hoped for from Venice, the Pope, or rather Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, and Cardinal de La Balue, who, from the February of 1485, had been acting as Envoy of Charles VIII, and protector of French interests in Rome, had begun to turn their eyes towards René, Duke of Lorraine. This Prince had inherited from his grandfather, claims on Naples and Sicily, which Innocent VIII now supported. The members of the Sacred College, however, were by no means unanimous on this point. On March 5th, 1486, the discussions in Consistory grew so warm, and La Balue and Ascanio Sforza came to such angry words, that the Pope had to silence them both. In spite of this opposition La Balue and Giuliano managed to persuade Innocent to adhere to his former policy, and to apply to the French for help; on March 23rd, Giuliano embarked at Ostia for Genoa, where he arrived at the beginning of April. To all appearances his mission was to proceed from thence to the Court of Charles VIII of France, in order to induce the King to send assistance. However, the Cardinal remained at Genoa, where he occupied himself in negotiations with René’s Envoy and in superintending the equipment of a fleet by the Genoese.

On May 9th, Innocent VIII addressed a letter of encouragement to the Neapolitan nobles, and assured them that he would do his utmost to continue the struggle. About the same time Alfonso of Calabria defeated Roberto Sanseverino at Montorio. The enemy again marched upon Rome. Not only the city, but nearly the whole of the Papal States were in the greatest danger. For months the Florentines had been secretly inciting Perugia, Città di Castello, Viterbo, Assisi, Foligno, Montefalco, Spoleto, Todi and Orvieto, to rebellion, and although these intrigues were not crowned with success, they had the effect of obliging the Pope to divide his forces. In April 1486, the condottiere Boccolino Guzzoni seized the town of Osimo; at the same time the news reached Rome, that Mathias Corvinus was sending an army to invest the important city of Ancona, and that Turkish ships had been sighted on the coasts of the Adriatic. An exhausted treasury added to the difficulty of the situation; this is mentioned in several of the Papal Briefs.

When Innocent VIII saw how things were going, he began to repent of having taken part in the Neapolitan war trusting to the assistance of the faithless Venetians! Cardinal Giuliano, who might be called the soul of the resistance to Ferrante, had hitherto always succeeded in overcoming the misgivings of the Pope, but he was now far from Rome. On the last day of May, the Envoys of the French King and of Duke René arrived in Rome and entered into negotiations with Innocent about the affairs of Naples; but the Ambassador of Ferdinand of Spain, who was naturally anxious to prevent the French from establishing themselves in Italy, did his utmost to frustrate their efforts and to persuade the Pope to come to terms with Ferrante. The Spanish Envoys were supported by the Cardinals Borgia and Savelli; La Balue and Borgia had a violent altercation on the subject in the Consistory. In Aquila a rebellion against the government of the Church broke out, whilst the army of Duke Alfonso made alarming progress. His victorious troops steadily gained ground; their skirmishers were almost at the gates of Rome. Disaffection was spreading so rapidly amongst the Pope’s own people, that it seemed absolutely necessary to bring the war to a close. Treachery was the order of the day; only a small number of the Castellans could be trusted. A far less irresolute man than Innocent VIII might have made peace under such circumstances. Messages were sent to Cardinal Giuliano and to Duke René to the effect that, as they had delayed so long, it would be better now to postpone their arrival to a still later period, and that the ruin of Rome and of the Papal States could only be averted by a Treaty of Peace.

Cardinal Micheli was entrusted with the negotiation of the conditions of peace. The agreement was concluded without difficulty, as Ferrante made great concessions out of fear of the French; the captain of his forces, Gian Giacomo Trivulzio and the Humanist Pontano, repaired secretly to the Vatican, where, in the night of 9th-10th August, 1486, the preliminaries were signed. The principal clauses of the treaty, which was guaranteed by their Spanish Majesties, Milan, and Florence, were the following: —Ferrante recognised the Papal supremacy, and engaged to pay the customary tribute with arrears; the revolted nobles were to submit to the King, who promised a complete amnesty; Aquila was to take its choice between Rome and Naples; Virginio Orsini was to ask the Pope’s pardon; and Innocent VIII was to have the free disposal of all bishoprics and benefices.

Looking at the conditions that Ferrante accepted, no one would have guessed that his was the victorious side. In this he can hardly have been actuated by the fear of France alone. The clue to his apparent amiability must rather be sought in his subsequent conduct, for his facility in making concessions on paper was more than counter­balanced by the skill with which he evaded the fulfilment of his engagements. The whole compact was as quickly broken as it had been concluded. There can hardly be found in all the annals of history a more scandalous violation of a treaty. Before the end of September Ferrante had expelled the Papal troops from Aquila, murdered the Pope’s representative, and taken possession of the city. Then came his revenge on the nobles. Not only the Barons themselves, but their wives and children also were thrown into prison, and all their property was confiscated, including even monies invested in foreign countries. When the Barons had been thus disposed of, the turn of the Pope came next. The payment of the tribute was refused, and benefices given away as before without any reference to the Holy See. “The hand of the King is heavier on the Church than ever.”

Not content with all this, Ferrante set himself to harass the helpless Pope by stirring up disturbances in the Papal States. To this systematic policy of violence Innocent VIII had nothing to oppose but the most abject irresolution and vacillation. By his feeble policy of groping about for alliances first in one direction and then in another, he had lost the confidence of all parties. In 1486, the Pope had entered into fresh negotiations with Venice, which resulted in a new Veneto-Roman league proclaimed at the end of February 1487; but before another month had elapsed he had swung round again and sided with Florence. A project of a marriage between Lorenzo’s second daughter Maddalena and Franceschetto Cibò was broached; but on account of the youth of the bride its celebration had to be postponed for a while. “In the meantime several events occurred of which Lorenzo might have taken advantage had not other circumstances tended to strengthen his desire of obtaining a footing in Rome, and his hopes of domineering over the feeble Pope.”

In 1487 Lorenzo de’ Medici had already had an oppor­tunity of laying the Pope under an obligation. In Osimo, the condottiere Boccolino Guzzoni had rebelled again and entered into communication with the Sultan Bajazet. It is a fact proved by letters which have been discovered, that this daring rebel was prepared to hand over the Marches to the Turks. As the Sultan did not seem unwilling to accept the proposal, everything depended on prompt action. Innocent VIII lost no time. In March 1487, Giuli­ano della Rovere was sent against Boccolino, but was so crippled by want of funds that he found himself unable to achieve anything; and the Pope appealed to Milan for help. The Milanese in May sent Gian Jacopo Trivulzio, one of the ablest generals of the period, but he too was unable to take Osimo. In July, Giuliano asked to be recalled, and was superseded by Cardinal de La Balue. By the time the latter arrived before Osimo, Trivulzio had reduced the city to such extremity that it was on the point of surrendering.

By skilful management, the Florentine Ambassador succeeded in inducing Boccolino, “on the payment of 8000 ducats, to give up the city and to repair to Florence.” The friendly relations of the Pope with the Medici were advantageous to the Orsini, for Lorenzo’s wife was a sister of Virginio Orsini. To no one was this change more distasteful than to Cardinal Giuliano. On July 19th, 1487, he had returned from Osimo in very ill-humour, and when in August the Pope formally received the Orsini back into favour he left Rome and retired to Bologna; however, he soon made it up again with Innocent.

Whilst the war at Osimo was dragging on without any decided result, Ferrante took advantage of the Pope’s embarrassment to bring his dispute with the Holy See to a climax. In May 1487, Trojano de’ Bottuni was sent to Rome, Florence and Milan, as Extraordinary Ambassador, with instructions coolly to repudiate all the stipulations contained in the treaty of August 11th, 1486. “Towards the end of July 14S7, Innocent VIII. held a Consistory to deliberate on Neapolitan affairs. The whole college of Cardinals agreed with him, that it was incompatible with the honour of the Holy See to remain passive any longer. It was resolved that letters should be sent to Spain, Milan and Florence, the cosignatories of the treaty, to inform them of its violation. A Nuncio was to be sent to Naples to remonstrate, and in case of any fresh breach of faith with the Barons to assist them in obtaining redress through the ordinary means.” These resolutions were embodied in the instruction dated 24th July, 1487, to the Nuncio Pietro Vicentino, Bishop of Cesena. The way in which the Nuncio was treated at Naples, is characteristic of Ferrante. He was denied an audience, whereupon he stopped the King at the gate of the palace when he was going out hunting, and forced him to listen to the demands of the Pope. Ferrante’s reply was a flat refusal expressed in the most scornful terms. He had not forgotten the tribute, but he had spent so much on the Church that he had no money left. With regard to his interference in ecclesiastical affairs, Ferrante remarked that he knew his subjects, whereas the Pope did not; he would therefore continue to confer benefices on those whom he considered worthy, and Innocent VIII must content himself with the right of confirming his nomination. When, finally, Vicentino reproached him with violating the treaty by imprisoning the Barons, the King reminded him of the arrest and subsequent release of the Cardinals Colonna and Savelli by Sixtus IV, and added: I choose to deal in the same way with my traitorous subjects. Then he ordered the bugles to sound, and rode off without even saluting the Nuncio.

In face of Ferrante’s insolence, Innocent VIII seems to have completely lost his head. “Gian Jacopo Trivulzio,” the Envoy from Ferrara writes 6th September 1487, “speaks of the pusillanimity, the helplessness, and incapacity of the Pope in the strongest terms, and adds that, if some spirit and courage cannot be infused into him, the consequences will be very serious.”

Emboldened by the Pope’s weakness, Ferrante’s next step was to publish a solemn appeal to a Council. A few days after the news of this had reached Florence, the Papal secretary Jacopo Gherardi arrived there, with secret instructions to endeavour to bring about a league between Milan and Venice against Naples; as, however, Lorenzo was determined not to fight, and dissuaded the Pope from pronouncing ecclesiastical censures, this came to nothing. In Rome a rumour began to be bruited about in October, that Innocent was preparing a decree of excommunication, interdict, and deposition against Ferrante, but as negotiations with Milan and Florence continued to be kept up, it was inferred that these extreme steps might possibly be avoided and an accommodation arranged. Lorenzo had considerable influence with the Pope at that time, for the marriage of Franceschetto Cibò was just about to take place.

On November 13th, the bride entered Rome, accompanied by her mother. On the 18th, the Pope gave a banquet in honour of the bridal pair, and made them a present of jewels worth 10,000 ducats. At the beginning of his Pontificate, Innocent had refused to allow Franceschetto to reside in Rome; now with almost incredible weakness he celebrated the nuptials in his own palace. The marriage contract was signed on January 20th, 1488. Lorenzo was vexed at finding that Innocent VIII showed no disposition to make an extensive provision for the newly married couple, but his annoyance was still greater at his delay in the bestowal of the Cardinal’s Hat which had been promised to his second son Giovanni.

The marriage of Maddalena with Franceschetto, who was by many years her senior, was not a happy one; though utterly rude and uncultured, Cibò was deeply tainted with the corruption of his time; he cared for nothing but money, in order to squander it in gambling and debauchery; but quite apart from this the alliance between the Cibò and Medici families was a most questionable proceeding. “This was the first time that the son of a Pope had been publicly recognised, and, as it were, introduced on the political stage.” Aegidius of Viterbo justly passed a very severe judgment on Innocent VIII on account of this deplorable aberration.

CHAPTER III.

Troubles in the Romagna.—Disputes and Final Reconciliation between Rome and Naples.

The Spring of the year 1488 witnessed the outbreak of serious disturbances in the Romagna. On the 14th April Girolamo Riario, who was hated for his brutal tyranny and cruelty, was treacherously murdered by three conspirators. The downfall of the Riario family now seemed inevitable; but Caterina, the courageous consort of the assassinated noble, held the citadel of Forli till it was relieved by the Milanese troops, and thus preserved the government for her young son Ottaviano.

The conspirators had immediately applied to Lorenzo de Medici and Innocent VIII for help. The suspicion expressed by Checho Orsi, the real instigator of the conspiracy, that the Pope was implicated in the plot, is without foundation. Apart from the untrustworthiness of the testimony of such a man, Checho refuted himself by asking Lorenzo to act as mediator with the Pope, and to induce him to favour the enterprise.

Part of the population of Forli eagerly desired to be under the immediate rule of the Church, and despatched envoys to Rome with a petition to the Pope to take the town under his protection. Innocent VIII in consequence sent troops under the command of the protonotary Bernardino Savelli, from Cesena to Forli; they were, however, captured by the Milanese. Upon this the Pope gave up all further interference, although he had a perfect right to support the party which had formally offered the town to him. Although Girolamo had been most unfriendly to him during the reign of Sixtus IV, Innocent recommended his infant children to the people of Forli, and gave instruc­tions in the same sense to his Envoy, Cardinal Raffaele Riario.

Innocent VIII had a special reason for abstaining from interference in the troubles in the Romagna, for just at that time the Neapolitan King was straining every nerve to stir up the cities of the Papal States to rebel against their rightful ruler. The revolt of the important city of Ancona, which had been apprehended for the last two years, now actually broke out. In the beginning of April 1488, the Council of Ancona hoisted the Hungarian flag on the belfry of the town hall and on the masts of the ships, as a sign that the city had placed itself under the protection of Ferrante’s son-in-law, Mathias Corvinus. If Innocent was not strong enough to retain his hold on his most important seaport on the Adriatic, how useless would it have been for him to think of taking Forli in hand. The reproaches showered upon him by the impetuous Roman chronicler Infessura on this subject, are quite unjust. If the Pope had responded to the requests of the citizens of Forli, he would have had Florence as well as Milan to contend with. Lorenzo de’ Medici said openly that he would rather see Forli in the power of Milan than under the rule of Rome. The Church, he said to the Envoy from Ferrara, was more to be feared at that moment than Venice itself, and this had decided him to assist King Ferrante against the Pope.

Innocent VIII was once more alarmed by another piece of bad news from the Romagna. On the 31st of May Galeotti Manfredi, lord of Faenza, was killed through the jealousy of his wife. This led to disturbances, and for a time war between Florence and Milan seemed imminent. The Pope, through the Bishop of Rimini, did his best to maintain peace. In Perugia, also at that time sadly torn with party strife, Innocent laboured in the same cause, but without much success. In December 1489 he appointed his own brother, Maurizio Cibò, Governor of that city. This “able and honest” man attempted to bring about a peaceable settlement of these interminable quarrels, but his endeavours were as fruitless as those of Franceschetto Cibò, who was sent to Perugia in July 1488. At the end of October the hereditary feud between the families of Baglione and Oddi broke out afresh, to the great grief of the Pope, and filled the unhappy city with rapine and murder. The conflict terminated in the expulsion of the Oddi, and as the Baglioni were expecting military assist­ance from Ferrante, Innocent VIII thought it advisable to refrain from stringent measures against them. In November 1488 he sent Cardinal Piccolomini to Perugia, who, by his admirable tact and indefatigable perseverance, succeeded in pacifying and winning over the Baglioni, and thus preserving the city, which seemed on the point of being lost to the Holy See.

Cardinal Piccolomini also displayed great skill in adjust­ing the ancient dispute about the boundary line between Foligno and Spello, and thus freed Innocent VIII from one cause of anxiety; but, on the other hand, it must be confessed that Ferrante’s attitude of persistent and insolent hostility kept the Pope in a constant fever of alarm and perplexity. “When, in the Spring of 1489, the Spanish Court attempted a mediation, Ferrante did everything in his power to irritate the Pope by attacks on his person and his family, and seemed bent on bringing about an immediate rupture. His conduct can only be explained on the supposition that he thought he might now with impunity vent all his spite against his enemy, or that he wished to provoke a contest which might lead him with a victorious army to the gates of Rome, regardless of the risk that it might also lead a foreign power into Italy. The events of 1495, so fatal to Ferrante’s dynasty and kingdom, were thus the results of his own conduct six years earlier. It was through no merit of his or of his son, who was worse than himself, nor yet of the Pope, that the catastrophe was delayed for so long. Neither Ferrante nor Innocent had any inkling of what was coming; the one was blinded by his grasping tyranny and pride, the other by his short-sighted weakness. That the impending ruin was averted for the time being, was chiefly due to Lorenzo de’ Medici,—a merit which would suffice to outweigh many shortcomings.”

The King of Naples received considerable support in his defiance of Rome from the Hungarian King, Mathias Corvinus, who at that time was trying to get the Turkish Prince Dschem into his own hands. Failing to obtain this through his Ambassador at Rome, Mathias threatened to bring the Turks into Italy. He felt himself bound in honour, he declared to the Papal Nuncio, not to forsake the King of Naples.

The King of Hungary had not felt it inconsistent with his honour to seize Ancona, neither did it now prevent him from tampering with the vassals of the Pope and with the famous condottiere, Giulio Cesare Varano. He hoped by stirring up a revolt in the Papal States to reduce the Pope to submission. Innocent defended himself as well as he could. In May 1489 he resolved to pronounce the extreme penalties of the Church against Ferrante. On June 27th Niccolò Orsino, Count of Pitigliano was named Captain-general of the Church. Three days later Ferrante was threatened with excommunication if he did not carry out the stipulations contained in the Treaty of Peace within two months. Ferrante showed no greater inclination than before, either to pay the tribute, to release the Barons, or to abstain from interference in ecclesiastical matters; and Innocent VIII thought the time had come to adopt decisive measures. He relied on the assistance of foreign powers, and was encouraged in this hope by Cardinal de La Balue. Charles VIII of France and Maximilian of Austria had just concluded a peace at Frankfort-on-Main (July 1489). “Might not the two reconciled Princes combine together as loyal sons of the Church to restore order in Italy and then begin the crusade against the Turks? Might not one or other of these Princes, on behalf of Genoa or Milan, bring pressure to bear on Lodovico and oblige him to give up his ambiguous attitude towards the Pope and render him hearty and effective support against Naples? Could Ferrante still hold out if he saw the whole of Christendom ranged on the side of the Pope?” Anticipations such as these certainly corresponded very little with the real state of affairs, but were nevertheless cherished in Rome, especially by the sanguine Cardinal de La Balue and by some of the French Envoys. From Spain Innocent VIII also expected assistance.

At the beginning of September 1489, the term assigned to the King of Naples had expired. On the 11th of that month, the Pope held a Consistory, to which all the Ambassadors at Rome were invited. In a lengthy discourse Innocent VIII explained the historical and legal relations between Naples and the Holy See. He set forth in detail the behaviour of the two last Kings towards the Church, and especially Ferrante’s refusal to pay the dues for his fief, and to fulfil his treaty obligations, and he enlarged on the consequences of these acts. Then the notary of the Apostolic Chamber read a document drawn up in the last Secret Consistory, which declared Ferrante to have forfeited his crown, and Naples to have fallen to the Holy See as an escheated fief. The Neapolitan Ambassador, who was present, asked for a copy of this document, and for permission to read a reply in defence of his master, to which the Pope consented. The defence explained the reasons why the King did not hold himself bound to pay the tribute, and stated that he had already appealed to “the Council.” According to him the right of convoking a Council had, on account of the Pope’s opposition, devolved on the Emperor; consequently that of Basle having been illegally dissolved, was still sitting. It was no difficult matter for the Bishop of Alessandria to show the untenability of King Ferrante’s position, whereupon the Neapolitan Ambassador declined all further discussion, and the Pope closed the Consistory.

War between Rome and Naples now seemed inevitable, for the only effect of the Pope’s energetic proceedings was to make Ferrante still more obstinate and defiant. In October 1489 he had written to Charles VIII, who had tried to dissuade him from making war against Rome, that far from having any thought of taking up arms against the Holy See, his sentiments towards it were those of the most filial devotion and submission. His conduct in the follow­ing years showed how much these hypocritical declarations were worth. He tried ineffectually to turn Maximilian against Rome, by sending him a pamphlet in which the life of the Pope and of his Court were depicted in the darkest colours. His language to Innocent VIII himself was invariably scornful and menacing. In January 1490, he announced that he would send the palfrey to Rome, but not a farthing of the tribute money, and that he would not pardon a single one of his nobles. In May a Neapolitan Envoy said at Florence, that his master would no longer put up with the overbearing and discourteous conduct of the Pope; if the latter persisted in his unjustifiable demands, the King would appear in Rome in person, with spur and lance, and answer him in a way which would make his Holiness understand his error. All the great Powers seemed to have abandoned the Head of the Church, and this emboldened Ferrante to treat him in this shameful manner. The aged Emperor Frederick admonished the Neapolitans in March to make peace, but like his son Maximilian, he was too much occupied with his own affairs to take an active interest in those of the Pope. In Italy no one stirred a finger to protect the Holy See against the insults which Ferrante so persistently heaped upon it, and Inno­cent VIII. complained bitterly of this to the Florentine, Pandolfini. “In deference to the representations of the Italian powers,” he said “he had shown great indulgence to Ferrante. The only result had been that the King became more and more insolent, while the Powers stood by and allowed him to insult the Pope as much as he pleased. If the Italians cared so little for his honour he should be driven to look abroad for protection. Never, Pandolfini adds, had he seen the Pope so moved. He did his best to calm him, and represented to him that his patience would be rewarded, and that he might count on the support of Florence, Milan, and Venice. But Innocent would not hear him out. He was perpetually put off with words, he exclaimed. Florence was the only power on whom he could reckon, Sforza’s vacillation made Milan useless, and Venice would never do anything. He was resolved to make an end of this. He would excommunicate the King, denounce him as a heretic, and lay his kingdom under Interdict. He would call upon all the States of the League to bear witness that he had ample justification for what he was doing; and if Ferrante made war upon him, as he had threatened, and no one would help him, he would take refuge abroad, where he would be received with open arms and assisted to get back what belonged to him; and this would bring shame and harm on some people. Unless he could uphold the dignity of the Holy See, it was impossible for him to remain in Italy. If he were to be abandoned by the Italian States, it would be out of the question for him to resist Ferrante, on account both of the insufficiency of the resources of the Church and the disloyalty of the Roman Barons, who would be delighted to see him in trouble. He held himself to be fully justified in leaving Italy, if the dignity of the Holy See could be safeguarded in no other way. Other Popes had done this and had returned with honour.”

Thus a repetition of the exile of Avignon seemed imminent, for France was the country to which Innocent VIII would have turned. The position of the Pope was indeed almost intolerable. Each day brought fresh alarms of hostile action on the part of Ferrante; in July came the news that Naples had induced Benevento to throw off its allegiance. A few months later, accounts arrived that Ferrante was intriguing with the Colonna, in order to win them to his interest. Just at this time Innocent VIII, who had been far from well in August, had an attack of fever, and was so seriously ill that he received the last Sacraments, which he did with great devotion. He rallied a little for a time, but grew worse again, and was given over by his physician. On the 26th September it was reported in Rome that the Pope was dead. The news seemed so certain that the Envoy from Ferrara sent a special messenger to Ferrara to announce it. On the following morning Rome was like a camp; every one armed in pre­paration for the disturbances which would probably follow. Franceschetto Cibò attempted to take advantage of the prevailing confusion to get hold of the papal treasure and of Prince Dschem, who was then residing in the Vatican, with the object of selling him by means of Virginio Orsini to Ferrante. Fortunately the Cardinals were on their guard, and the attempt failed. An inventory was drawn up of the papal treasures, and Cardinal Savelli was given charge of the monies. The report of Innocent’s death was soon found to be false. He had had something of the nature of a stroke which had brought him very near death, but on the 28th he had already begun to recover and is said to have declared that he still hoped to outlive all the Cardinals. There did not seem, however, much likelihood of this, for his health continued very feeble. He hoped to find restoration in the bracing air of Porto d’Anzio and Ostia, but it was not to be. On his return to Rome on the 30th November, it seemed at first as if he had benefited a little from the change, but a few days later the Mantuan Envoy writes that he has had a fresh attack of fever. In blaming Innocent VIII for the vacillation and weakness of his conduct, allowances should be made for the state of his health, and also for the financial difficulties which hampered him through the whole of his Pontificate.

Under these circumstances active measures against Naples were out of the question. Ferrante was well aware of this, and calmly persisted in his outrageous conduct. On the feast of SS. Peter and Paul this year, as in 1485, the palfrey was sent without the tribute, and was returned, in spite of the protest of the Neapolitan Envoy. According to Sigismondo de’ Conti the Pope at this time still hoped for support from Florence and Milan. It seems strange that he could have continued to cherish such futile expectations, but it appears that he was not finally un­deceived until the conduct of these States, on the occasion of the disputes between Ascoli and Fermo, had made further illusions impossible. In 1487 Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere had done his best to restore order and make peace, but in vain, and the strife had been going on ever since from bad to worse. In the Summer of 1491 the people of Ascoli had attacked Offida; the Vice-Legate of the Marches was besieged and a Papal Envoy was murdered. In August, Innocent despatched Cardinal de La Balue and Niccolò Orsini of Pitigliano with a body of troops to punish this crime, and put an end to the state of anarchy which prevailed throughout the district. They took Monte Brandone, and would soon have reduced the people of Ascoli to order, but for the intervention of Virginio Orsini at the head of a Neapolitan force. Innocent now applied to Venice, Milan, and Florence for help, but with absolutely no result. These powers were, on the contrary, determined to do everything in their power to hinder the pacification of the Papal State and weaken the power of the Pope. Lorenzo’s participa­tion in these intrigues and also his action in securing the victory for the Baglioni in Perugia show his character in a very unfavourable light, considering his relationship to the Pope, and the many favours that he had received from him.

These painful experiences, reinforced by the entreaties of the Romans and the Cardinals, at last induced Innocent to consent to make direct overtures to Ferrante for an accommodation; and the King, alarmed at the increasingly intimate relations which were growing up between France and the Holy See, in reply offered better terms than could have been expected. Gioviano Pontano came to Rome in December, and, though there were many difficulties to over­come, an agreement was at last effected, which was an­nounced in a Secret Consistory on the 29th January 1492. The conditions were that the imprisoned Barons were to be tried and judged by the Pope; that the King was to pay 36,000 ducats down for his fief, and for the future to main­tain 2,000 horsemen and 5 triremes for the service of the Church, and to continue as before the annual present of the palfrey.

From this moment Ferrante’s behaviour towards the Pope underwent a complete transformation. Amidst effusive professions of gratitude and devotion he commenced negotiations for a family alliance between himself and Innocent VIII. He proposed that his grandson, Don Luigi of Aragon, should marry Battistina, a daughter of Teodorina and Gherardo Usodimare. Fear of France was the cause of the complete change of front; the wily King saw at once how dangerous the growth of this rising power must be to his kingdom; and, in addition to this, there was the other danger from the Turks. Ferrante despatched an Envoy to Innocent VIII to discuss this subject. On the 27th May, Ferdinand, Prince of Capua, son of Alfonso of Calabria and Ferrante’s grandson, came to Rome and was received with royal honours. A chronicler of the time says that he will not attempt to describe the splendours of this reception as no one would believe him, and the con­temporaneous reports of the Envoys corroborate his statement. A banquet, given by Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, which lasted six hours, seems to have surpassed in sumptuousness anything hitherto imagined. Dramatic performances were included in the pleasures provided for the guests. The entertainment given in honour of the betrothal of Luigi of Aragon to Battistina Cibò furnished an occasion for a fresh display of magnificence in the Vatican itself. But all this time, side by side with these festivities, serious negotiations were going on. The object of Ferdinand’s visit was to obtain for himself the investiture of Naples, and thus secure the succession for the family. This, the French Envoys, who were then in Rome on important business for the King of France, did their utmost to prevent. They had been sent thither on account of Anna, the heiress of the Duchy of Brittany, who had been betrothed by procuration to Maximilian, King of the Romans. Charles VIII, anxious to get possession of this important province, had carried her off, and now required a Papal dispensation to set her free from her betrothal; and other dispensations were also needed, as Charles was himself betrothed to Margaret of Burgundy, and was also related to Anna. These dispensations were granted, but privately, and disavowed by Innocent and the Ambassadors.

The French King was encouraged by this success to hope that he might also be able to hinder the investiture of Ferdinand. In the Spring of 1492, the Master of the Horse, Perron de Baschi, came to Rome ostensibly on other busi­ness, but in reality for this purpose, and to request that it might be conferred on France.

But, accommodating as the Pope had shown himself in regard to the dispensations, this was quite another matter, and Baschi’s mission failed utterly. On the 4th June, in a Secret Consistory, a Bull was read regulating the Neapolitan succession. It provided that Ferrante’s son Alfonso was to succeed him, and in the event of Alfonso predeceasing his father, the Prince of Capua. The French Ambassador wished to enter a protest against this, but, by the Pope’s orders, was refused admission to the Consistory.

CHAPTER IV.

The Eastern Question. The Turkish Prince.—Prince Dschem in Rome. The Fall of Granada.—Death of the Pope.

Of all the evil consequences produced by the disputes between Naples and the Holy See, which lasted throughout almost the whole of the Pontificate of Innocent VIII, the worst was their effect in checking the war against the Turks.

Disturbing news from the East was perpetually arriving. Just at the time of the Papal election the hordes of Sultan Bajazet had overrun Moldavia and conquered the two important strongholds of Kilia and Akjerman. Deeply impressed by this event, and by further news of an increase in the Turkish navy, Innocent VIII, immediately after his election, issued an address to the Italian States and all the European powers, pointing out the magnitude of the danger which threatened the Church and western civilisation, and asking for immediate assistance to repel it. He summoned all the Christian States to send Ambassadors as soon as possible to Rome, provided with full powers to decide on the measures to be adopted, as the situation was so serious as to brook no delay. This Encyclical is dated Nov. 21, 1484, and on the same day a special letter was despatched to Mathias Corvinus, King of Hungary, who was at war with the Emperor Frederick, admonishing him to put forth all his strength against the enemy of the Faith. About the same time the Pope wrote to Ferdinand, King of Aragon and Castile, desiring him to protect Sicily, which belonged to him, and was threatened by the Turks. He also exerted himself to have measures taken for the defence of Rhodes, and in February 1485 proposed to the King of Naples a detailed scheme for the protection of the Italian sea-board from the Turkish ships. A fleet of 60 triremes and 20 ships of burden would be necessary to defray the expense of this, Naples and Milan should contribute 75,000 ducats, Florence 30,000, Ferrara and Siena 6000, Montserrat and Lucca 2000, Piombino 1000. It boded no good for the success of this plan when Florence, with all her wealth, found a flimsy pretext for evading her share of the assessment. Plenty of money was forthcoming for the war with Genoa, but all the Pope’s warnings as to the far greater importance of that against the Turks, on which the preservation of Italy and the Christian Faith depended, fell on deaf ears. In the beginning of 1485, Innocent VIII wrote again to Ferdinand of Aragon and Castile on the defence of the Sicilian coast, and meanwhile set a good example himself by taking energetic measures to strengthen the fortifications of his own ports on the Adriatic, and more especially of Ancona. The Legate of the Marches, Cardinal Orsini, the Governor of Fano, and finally the citizens of Ancona, all received stringent orders to this effect. When, in April, more reassuring news arrived, according to which no attack was to be apprehended from the Turks in that year, the Legate was desired by no means to relax his efforts on this account.

The disputes which arose between Rome and Naples in the Summer of 1485 had the effect of completely shelving the question of the Turkish war. The Pope was obliged to content himself with providing for the defence of his own sea-board and doing what he could to assist the numerous refugees who were fleeing northwards to escape the Turks. From this time forward Innocent VIII was always in such difficulties that he ceased to be able to give effective attention to these larger questions. The ink of the Treaty of Peace concluded between him and Ferrante in August 1486, was hardly dry before the King had violated all its provisions. In the following year Innocent had the distress of seeing the Lord of Osimo, Boccolino Guzzone, allying himself with the Sultan in order to incite him to attack the Marches. Harassed as he was, however, the Pope still clung to the project of a Crusade. In December 1486, Raymond Peraudi (Perauld) was sent to the court of the Emperor Frederick, who at that time was not well disposed towards Innocent, and the Carmelite, Gratiano da Villanova, to that of Maximilian. Contrary to all expectation, both Princes were inclined to listen favourably to the Pope’s proposals for a Crusade. Upon this, Innocent on the 27th of May, 1486, published a Bull in which he described “the danger from the Turks,” which menaced both Germany and Italy, and expressed his determination to leave no means untried whereby all Christendom might be roused and encouraged to resist them. He announced the willingness of the Emperor and other kings and princes to undertake a Crusade, and decreed that a tithe of one year’s revenue should be levied for this purpose on all churches, incumbencies, and benefices, and all ecclesiastical persons of whatever rank, and whether secular or regular, throughout the provinces of the Empire. Raymond Peraudi and Gratiano da Villanova were nominated collectors-general of this tax, and endowed with the usual faculties and privileges.

In Germany Peraudi made an excellent impression. Trithemius says that “he was a man of spotless life and morals, and of singularly blameless character, in every respect. He had an immense love of justice and a genuine contempt for worldly honours and riches. I know of no one like him in our day.” Such praise seems almost extravagant; but all the German Princes and learned men with whom Peraudi came in contact, express themselves in similar terms. He was burning with zeal for the Crusade, but here he was doomed to bitter disappointment. The political confusion throughout the Empire and the egoism of the States was too great; neither laity nor clergy were in a state of mind to be capable of apprehending any general interest. In this matter he accomplished very little.

On the 26th June, 1487, Berthold, Archbishop of Mainz, and the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg addressed a letter to the Pope, in which they begged to be exempted from the proposed tithe. They said it would be impossible for them to pay this in addition to the requisitions for maintaining the personal dignity of the Emperor. “We abstain,” they say, “from mentioning the permanent charges which the Church has to bear, and which are by no means insignificant; but frequent wars, and the oppression and extortions which the Church and the clergy have had to endure for so long, have brought them so low that neither in the churches nor personally are they able to maintain the splendour of former days, and it is to be feared that they will soon be completely ruined. Your Holiness can imagine of what men become capable when they are driven to such straits. They persuade themselves that all things are allowable, just or unjust, good or bad. for extreme need knows no law.”

According to Trithemius, the clergy in all parts of the Empire held meetings to deliberate on what was to be done, and finally resolved to appeal from the Pope ill-informed to the Pope better-informed. The resistance was so great that Innocent was forced to give up the imposition of the tithe in Germany. He did not give up the Crusade, and since next to nothing was to be got from Germany he now turned to France. On the 16th November, 1487, the Envoys to the French Court, Lionello Cheregato of Vicenza, Bishop of Traù, and a Spaniard, Antonio Florez, started from Rome. On the 20th January, 1488, Cheregato delivered a stirring address, in the Royal Palace at Paris, before Charles VIII, on the Turkish question. Referring to the glorious feats of arms accomplished by the King’s predecessors and the Popes in the past times against the Turks, he contrasted in glowing terms those days with the present. “In the days of your forefathers, who went forth to fight against the Crescent and for the Christian Faith, who would have thought it possible that we should be coming here today to urge you to come to the rescue of Italy and the States of the Church from those same inhuman enemies of the Christian name?”

In order to show how great the danger was, the Nuncio referred to Boccolino Guzzoni’s attempted treason. Its failure had only made the Sultan still more eager to attack Italy. The Italian States were not strong enough to defend themselves single-handed, and therefore the Pope required assistance from the other Christian Powers. They would not be able to give this help unless they were at peace among themselves, and therefore Innocent urged the King to use his influence to put an end to the present deplorable divisions. As these wars were evidently a Divine chastisement brought upon nations through the faults of the Princes and people, now was the time for the King to reform the abuses which had crept into ecclesiastical affairs in France. The way in which Cheregato expressed himself on this subject confirms the statement, which we have from other sources, that he had instructions to endeavour to combat the anti-Roman spirit which found its chief expression in the so-called Pragmatic Sanction. Finally, he strongly urged that the well-known unfortunate Prince Dschem, who had been brought to France by the Grand Master of Rhodes in 1482, should be handed over to the Pope.

Later, the task of the Nuncios was rendered much more difficult by the course of events in Flanders, where, ever since the 1st of February, 1488, Maximilian had been a prisoner in the hands of his subjects. At the request of the Emperor, the Pope, through the Archbishop of Cologne, laid an Interdict on the rebels. When the news reached the French Court, it was observed there that as Flanders belonged to France so severe a punishment ought not to have been imposed without consulting Charles VIII, and also that it was undeserved, as the Flemings had just grounds of complaint against Maximilian. The anti-Roman party made great capital out of the event. “The Royal Advocate, Johannes Magistri, an enemy of God and of the Holy See,” writes Cheregato from Tours on the 16th May, 1488, “is delighted at the Interdict, because it gives him an opportunity of calumniating the Holy See.” Later, Raymond Peraudi was sent to France to support Cheregato. Being a Frenchman, and having had great influence with Louis XI, he seemed the best person to make peace between Charles VIII and Maximilian. From France Peraudi hastened back to Germany to promote the convocation of the States-General, which was to assemble at Frankfort-on-Main.

The Assembly at Frankfort was opened on the 6th July, 1489. A Brief addressed to it depicts the extremity of the danger in eloquent language. “The Popes had made every possible effort to induce the Christian Princes and nations to unite together to repel their hereditary foe. Was all to be in vain? The matter admitted of no further delay, and Innocent urged the Princes to send Envoys as soon as possible to Rome, with adequate powers to agree together upon a plan of concerted operations. It was essential that all jealousies and disputes should be laid aside, and his Legates would do all in their power to bring this about. Not only would he devote all the resources of the Holy See to the expedition, but, if it were deemed advisable, he would himself accompany it. He had written in the same sense to all the Christian Princes, and hoped that they, as well as the Germans, would not refuse to attend to his paternal warnings and prayers.” These stirring words were ably seconded by Peraudi’s diplomatic skill, and within ten days he had succeeded in inducing the King of the Romans and the French Envoys then in Frankfort, to come to terms.

During the following months Peraudi was occupied in proclaiming the Indulgence for the Crusade in Germany, and assisting the Papal Nuncio to the Court of Hungary, Bishop Angelo d’Orte, in his negotiations to bring about a reconciliation between Mathias Corvinus and the Emperor. These were so far successful that, on the 19th of February, 1490, a truce was agreed to which was to last till the 8th of September.

Before the opening of the Assembly at Frankfort, Innocent had achieved a signal success in a matter which was very closely connected with the Crusade; he had obtained pos­session of the person of the man upon whom, according to the general opinion, the prospects of the whole enterprise would depend. This was the famous Prince Dschem, who, on account of disputes in regard to the succession, had been obliged to fly from his own country and had taken refuge with the Knights of Rhodes. He had arrived in the island in 1482. The Grand-Master of the Knights of S. John, Pierre d’Aubusson, at once saw the use that could be made of the Prince for keeping the Sultan in check. He agreed with Bajazet to keep the Prince in safe custody in consideration of an annual payment of 45,000 ducats, and as long as friendly relations were maintained between the Sultan and himself. Ever since then, Dschem had lived on a demesne belonging to the Knights in Auvergne. During this time Charles VIII of France, the Kings of Hungary and Naples, Venice, and Innocent VIII had all been endeavouring severally to get the Grand Turk, as he was called, into their own hands.

As early as the year 1485 the Pope had made great efforts in this direction; but he had been unsuccessful, his enemy Ferrante having found means to counteract all his endeavours. At last, the Papal Nuncios in France, Lionello Cheregato and Antonio Florez, succeeded in obtaining possession of the Prince, but at the cost of large concessions on the side of Rome. The Grand-Master received a Cardinal’s Hat for himself and important rights and immunities for his Order. The French King was won over by the elevation of the Archbishop of Bordeaux (afterwards of Lyons) to the Cardinalate, and apparently also a promise that, by delaying the granting of the necessary dispensations, a hindrance should be put in the way of the marriage of Anne of Brittany with the rich Alain d’Albret. The treaty concluded between Innocent and the Knights of S. John, with the consent of Charles VIII, provided that “the Prince, for his personal security, should retain a body-guard of Knights of Rhodes, while the Pope was to receive the pension of 45,000 ducats hitherto paid to the Order for the maintenance of Prince Dschem, but to pledge himself to pay 10,000 ducats if he should hand over his charge to any other monarch without the consent of the King of France.”

The King of Naples was almost out of his mind with rage when he heard of the Pope’s success, and meditated all sorts of impossible plans for seizing Dschem during the course of his journey from France to Rome. Meanwhile the voyage was safely accomplished, and on the 6th of March, 1489, the Prince landed at Cività Vecchia, where, on the 10th, he was handed over to Cardinal de La Balue by his custodian, Guido de Blanchefort, Prior of Auvergne. On the evening of the 13th March the son of the conqueror of the Rome of the East entered the Eternal City by the Porta Portese. All Rome was astir; so large a crowd had assembled that it was with the greatest difficulty that a path could be cleared through the throng for the cortege. The mob were insatiable in feasting their eyes on the unaccustomed sight, and were penetrated with the belief that it betokened an escape from a great danger. A prophecy had been current throughout Christendom that the Sultan would come to Rome and take up his abode in the Vatican. Great was the relief and joy when it was seen to be so happily fulfilled in so unexpected a manner.

By the Pope’s orders Dschem was received with royal honours. At the gates he was met by a deputation of members of the households of the Cardinals (amongst whom, however, there were none of the rank of a Prelate), the Foreign Envoys, the President of the Senate, and Franceschetto Cibò. “The son of Mahomet disdained to vouchsafe them a single glance. With his head enveloped in a turban and his gloomy countenance veiled, he sat almost motionless on the white palfrey of the Pope.” The only sign which he gave of being aware of the greetings of which he was the object was a slight inclination of the head, and he hardly noticed the gifts, consisting of 700 ducats and brocaded stuffs, which were sent to him by the Pope. He rode in stolid silence between Franceschetto Cibò and the Prior of Auvergne. The long procession, with the truly Oriental tokens of respect from the Envoy of the Sultan of Egypt, passed slowly across the Isola di S. Bartolomeo and along the Piazza Giudea and the Campo di Fiore to the Papal Palace, where the Prince was conducted to the apartments reserved for royal guests.

The next day an open Consistory was held, at the close of which the Pope received the Grand Turk. Prince Dschem was conducted into the hall by Franceschetto Cibò and the Prior of Auvergne. The customary ceremonial was dispensed with, in order that nothing might be done which would dishonour the Prince in the eyes of his countrymen. Making a slight inclination and laying his right hand on his chin, Dschem went up to the Pope and kissed his right shoulder. He addressed Innocent VIII through an interpreter, and informed him that he looked upon it as a great favour from God to have been permitted to behold him; when he could see the Pope in private he would be able to impart to him some things which would be advantageous to Christendom. The Pope in reply assured Dschem of his friendly disposition towards him, and begged him to have no anxiety, for that everything had been arranged in a manner suitable to his dignity. Dschem thanked him, and then proceeded to salute each of the Cardinals in order according to their rank.

The numerous descriptions of Dschem’s outward appear­ance that we find in contemporary writings, testify to the interest which he excited in Rome. The best known of these is that by the celebrated painter Mantegna, in a letter of June 15, 1489, to the Marquess Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua. “The brother of the Turk,” he writes, “lives here in the Palace, carefully guarded. The Pope provides him with pastimes of all sorts, such as hunting, music, banquets, and other amusements. Sometimes he comes to dine in the new palace, where I am painting, and behaves very well for a barbarian. His manners are proud and dignified; even for the Pope he never uncovers his head, nor is it the custom to uncover in his presence. He has five meals in the day, and sleeps awhile after each; before meals he drinks sugared water. He walks like an elephant, with a measured step like the beat of a Venetian chorus. His people speak highly of him, and say he is an accomplished horseman, but as yet I have had no opportunity of seeing whether this is true. He often keeps his eyes half-closed. His nature is cruel, and they say he has killed four people; today he has severely maltreated an interpreter. He is credited with great devotion to Bacchus. His people are afraid of him. He takes little notice of what passes, as if he did not understand. He sleeps completely dressed, and gives audiences sitting cross-legged, like a Parthian. On his head he wears thirty thousand (!) yards of linen; his trowsers are so wide that he can bury himself in them. The expression of his face is ferocious, especially when Bacchus has been with him.” Several of the traits, as here depicted, are obviously caricatured, but most of the rest are corroborated by other accounts. His age at this time is variously computed by different writers. Guilleaume Caoursin makes it 28, while Sigismondo de’ Conti speaks of him as 35 years old; the latter dwells upon the savage expression of his countenance, and his uncertain and cruel temper. In all other respects these two writers agree in their descriptions of him; they portray him as a tall, powerfully-built man, with a swarthy complexion, a hooked nose, and blueish, glittering eyes. The Ferrarese and Mantuan Envoys, who were acquainted with the beautiful medals of the Conqueror of Constantinople, executed by Italian artists, men­tion the resemblance between the Prince and his father as very striking.

To the Pope, Dschem was a valuable hostage for the good behaviour of the Sultan. At first Spoleto or Orvieto were talked of as places where he could be safely confined; but finally, it was decided that he could be kept most securely in the Vatican. Here the Prince lived in sumptuously furnished apartments, commanding an extensive view of vineyards and gardens. His maintenance was provided for with the greatest liberality, costing 15,000 ducats a year. This, says Sigismondo, was a severe drain on the overtaxed resources of the Pope, but he submitted to it for the sake of the advantages which the whole of Christendom derived from the custody of the Prince.

In the autumn of 1489, Innocent VIII was busily occupied with the preparations for the Crusade. The Sultan fully recognised the standing menace which the possession of Dschem constituted for him; and his anxieties were increased by the negotiations opened by the Pope with the Sultan of Egypt, and his plan for assembling representatives of all the Christian Powers in Rome to deliberate on the Eastern question. In this difficulty Bajazet had recourse to an expedient, which, unfortunately, in those days was not unfrequently resorted to by European Powers also. He hired a renegade nobleman of the Marches of Ancona, by name Cristofano di Castrano (alias Magrino), to poison the Belvedere fountain, from which the table of Dschem as well as that of Innocent VIII was supplied; the poison would take five days to work its effects, and the assassin was promised Negroponte and a high post in the Turkish army. Apparently there were some accomplices in Rome who were aware of the plot. Magrino betrayed himself in Venice before he had even arrived in Rome, and was arrested, carried thither, and executed in May 1490.

The Pope’s letter of May 8th, 1489, proposing a Congress, met almost universally with a favourable response. In consequence, Briefs were sent out in December appointing the 25th March, 1490, as the opening day in Rome. Raymond Peraudi was indefatigable in his labours to promote it. In an eloquent letter to the King of Poland, he describes how “from the very beginning of his Pontificate, the mind of Pope Innocent had been incessantly occupied in devising means for the defence of the Christian Commonwealth, and how the possession of Prince Dschem, the Sultan’s brother, renders the present moment a specially favourable one for action. Dschem has promised, if he obtains the Caliphate through the Christians, to withdraw the Turks from Europe, and even to give up Constantinople. The Pope has therefore sent Legates to all the European Courts, to implore them to lay aside all private quarrels and to unite in a common Crusade. He had himself been to France and to Germany, and the result had been that Charles and Maximilian had made peace with each other. Peace was re-established also in Brittany, Flanders, and Brabant. He was now endeavouring to bring about an accommodation between the Emperor and Hungary. He implored and adjured his Majesty by the mercy of Christ, that he too would show himself to be a good Catholic and pious King by complying with the Pope’s desires. At the request of Frederick III and Maximilian, the Congress was put off till a little later. On the 25th March, Pietro Mansi of Vicenza, Bishop of Cesena, delivered a stirring address for the opening, but the actual business did not begin till after Pentecost. Venice took no part in this assembly, in order to avoid disturbing her good relations with the Porte.

The history of the Congress is to be found in the pages of Sigismondo de’ Conti; and elsewhere a series of documents serve to complete it. On the 3rd of June, all the Cardinals and the Envoys met in the Papal Palace. Innocent VIII delivered a long address, retracing the history of his efforts up to the present time, to set on foot an expedition against the Turks. He had taken infinite trouble and made large pecuniary sacrifices to obtain possession of the person of Dschem, which appeared to him to be a matter of great importance. The Sultan Bajazet was very much afraid of his brother, a party among the Janissaries and people being bent upon stirring up a revolt in his favour. It was their bounden duty not to permit this heaven-sent opportunity to pass without taking advantage of it. They had therefore to consider where and with what soldiers the attack should be opened; whether by land or by water, or by both at once; how large the army should be, how the fleet should be equipped, whether the land and sea forces should operate separately, or combined in detachments. They must also deliberate as to the number of generals, whether there should be one Commander-in-Chief, or several of equal rank; what money will be required, and how it is to be collected; whether there should be a reserve fund in case of mishaps; how long the war was likely to last; what amount of provisions and war material will be requisite; and how the expense of the whole is to be apportioned. The Cardinals ought also to consider all these questions so as to be prepared to give their advice when needed. Perhaps it would be well also to take counsel as to whether it might not be possible for the Pope to follow the example of Sixtus IV, and by his Apostolical authority impose a truce between all Christian Princes for the time being.

As time went on, there was no lack of the usual disputes in regard to precedence; and the Envoys, divided into two parties, Germans and Italians, made but slow progress with the negotiations. At last, however, mainly thanks to the German, and especially to the Imperial Envoys, a reply to most of the questions proposed by the Pope was agreed to. The address was handed over in writing to the Pope and the Cardinals. It began by thanking God, first, that he had put such desires into the heart of the Pope, and next, Innocent himself for his exertions in the matter of Dschem, who was most valuable as a standing menace to the Sultan, and a means of breaking up his Empire. He should be carefully guarded in Rome for the present, and later on, counsel should be taken as to how he could be most advantageously employed in the campaign. As regarded the constitution of the army, the Envoys were of opinion that it should consist of three divisions : a Papal and Italian army, a German army, including Hungary, Poland, and the Northern States, and a third force made up of the French, Spaniards and English. In addition to the separate chiefs of these various corps, a single Commander-in-Chief should be appointed. The Germans considered that if the Emperor, or, failing him, the King of the Romans, personally took part in the Crusade, he should be, ipso facto, Commander-in-Chief. The other Envoys wished that the Generalissimo should be elected at the beginning of the war by the Princes and the Pope. They further expressed their opinion that it would be extremely desirable that the Holy Father should accompany the expedition. To provide for the expenses of the war they suggested that each Prince should levy a toll on his subjects, clergy and laity contributing alike. The duration of the war might be calculated at three years.

It was important that the troops should be collected simultaneously and as quickly as possible; the German contingent in Vienna, and the rest in Ancona, Brindisi, or Messina. The German troops were to march through Hungary and Wallachia; the fleet would attack the Peloponnesus and Euboea; the French and Spaniards with the Italian horsemen were to concentrate in Valona and thence bear down upon the enemy. A simultaneous attack should be directed against the Moors; but it seemed an essential preliminary to the whole undertaking that the Pope should endeavour to put an end to the disputes between the Christian powers, or, at any rate, secure an armistice for the time.

In his reply, Innocent thanked the Envoys for their approval of his plan of fighting the Turks by means of Prince Dschem. The question as to whether the Turkish Prince should accompany the expedition in a captive or active capacity, must be left to those who were best acquainted with the enemy and their country; but the decision of this point should not be long delayed. In regard to the assembling of the forces, the simultaneous commencement of the war, the route selected for the attack, and the pacification of Europe, the Pope agreed in all essentials with the views of the Envoys. The Commander-in-Chief must be either the Emperor or the King of the Romans, as they were the natural protectors of the Church. With regard to the expenses of the war, the levies from the laity should be collected by the Princes, while he would charge himself with the taxation of the clergy; but this subject might be further discussed. He thought that a force of 50,000 horsemen and 80,000 infantry would suffice; but the strength of the army and fleet would be a matter for future agreement between the Christian Princes. In regard to his personal participation in the Crusade, Innocent declared that he was prepared in everything to follow the example of his predecessors. The war must be counted as likely to last five rather than three years, and should be begun in the following year, when the Sultan of Egypt was expected to make an attack on the Turks. Referring to the hostile attitude of the King of Naples towards himself, Innocent further observed that it was one of the primary duties of the Christian Princes to maintain order in the States of the Church. He insisted earnestly on the great importance of immediate action, as the main thing on which the chance of success depended. In conclusion, he expressed his surprise that the Envoys declared themselves unable to come to any definite decision without further reference to their respective governments, seeing that lie had expressly requested that they should be provided with full powers for this very purpose. He hoped, at any rate, that they would lose no time in obtaining them, lest the favourable moment for making use of Prince Dschem should be lost by further delay. On the 30th July the Congress was closed by the Pope, to be reopened when the Envoys had received the requisite full powers; but this never took place.

According to the somewhat optimist view of Sigismondo de’ Conti, the Crusade would really, in spite of all difficulties, have been carried through, had it not been for the death of the King of Hungary, Mathias Corvinus, at the early age of 47, from an apoplectic stroke. The blow to the Christian cause was all the greater because this event at once plunged that country into a bitter contest for the succession to the throne. Maximilian seized the opportunity to endeavour to recover his hereditary possessions in Hungary. On the 19th of August he marched into Vienna, where he was warmly greeted by the inhabitants. On the 4th of October he started from thence to make good his claim to the Hungarian throne by force of arms; but want of money and a mutiny amongst his retainers checked his otherwise victorious progress. As but little help could be got from the Empire, a Peace was concluded between him and King Wladislaw, on the 7th November, 1491, at Presburg. The Pope had done his best to bring this about; but now the final blow to the prospects of the Crusade fell in the revival of the quarrel between Charles VIII and Maximilian, which broke out afresh with redoubled violence.

While political affairs in the North were thus developing in a very unfavourable manner for the Crusade, the Pope, who was also suffering from serious illness, was cruelly harassed by Ferrante. Venice, the greatest naval power in Europe, steadily pursued her huckster’s policy of giving her support to whatever state of things seemed most advantageous for her commerce. Throughout the Congress, she kept the Sultan thoroughly informed of all its transactions. Under such conditions as these, what chance could there be of a combined attack on the Crescent? We need to realise this hopeless state of things in order to understand how Innocent VIII came to lend a favourable ear to the proposals made to him in November 1490, through a Turkish Envoy.

The Sultan Bajazet lived in perpetual terror lest Prince Dschem might be employed as a tool wherewith to attack him. His attempt to poison the Prince having failed, when the news of the Congress to discuss the question of a new Crusade reached him, he determined to try another expedient. He despatched an embassy to Rome, which arrived there on the 30th of November, 1490, bringing presents, and an unsealed letter to the Pope, written in Greek on papyrus. In this letter he requested Innocent VIII to undertake the custody of his brother Dschem, in Rome, on the same conditions as had formerly been arranged with the Grand-Master of the Knights of Rhodes.

The Pope accepted the Sultan’s gifts and permitted the Envoys to visit Prince Dschem and assure themselves of his well-being. In regard to the negotiations he considered the matter too important and affecting too many interests to decide it by himself, and therefore called a Council of all the Ambassadors then present in Rome to discuss it.

The Turkish Ambassador had at first promised that as long as Dschem was kept in safe custody his master would abstain from attacking any part of Christendom. Later, however, he restricted this promise to the coasts of the Adriatic, and expressly excluded Hungary, with the result that no agreement could be come to. The Envoy left the pension for Dschem, which had hitherto been paid to Rhodes, in Rome, and took back an answer from the Pope to the effect that no definite reply could be given to the Sultan’s proposal until the views of all the Christian powers had been ascertained. Sigismondo de’ Conti reports that many men, whose opinion was not to be despised, thought it imprudent in the Pope to condescend so much to the Turkish barbarian, and out of desire of gain to conclude a sort of bargain with him; on the other hand he adds: Innocent had to consider that by this means Christendom might be saved from war, and he might also obtain from the Sultan some sacred relics which were in his possession.

It may well be conceded to Innocent VIII that the desire to obtain these relics for Rome and to shield Christendom from the attacks of the Turks was not an unworthy one, and also that under existing circumstances and considering the unwillingness of the majority of the Christian Princes to undertake a Crusade, a compact of this kind was probably the most advantageous arrangement then attain­able but at the same time it is undeniable that the reception of this sort of subsidy from the Sultan, exercised a decided influence on the Pope’s attitude towards the Turks.

While Bajazet was thus kept in check, and forced to pay a kind of tribute to the Holy See, by the fear that his most dangerous enemy might at any moment be let loose upon him, Ferdinand the Catholic was dealing a crushing and final blow to the power of Islam in the West. Granada fell on the 2nd January, 1492, and the banner with the great silver crucifix, given by Sixtus IV, which had been borne before the army throughout the whole campaign, was planted on the Alhambra. This event closed an episode in Spanish history which had lasted eight hundred years; the whole of Spain was now united into a single nation, strong enough to make its influence felt henceforth in the development of Europe and more especially in that of Italy. “In this last and decisive contest with Islam, Ferdinand had learnt by experience the utter faithlessness of his cousin, the King of Naples. Ferrante had secretly supported the Moors against him, and now it only depended on the course of events whether, instead of prosecuting the war along the north coast of Africa, the Spanish monarch should not fix his eyes on the island of Sicily as the Archimedian point by means of which Italy could be drawn, bit by bit, within the sphere of the influence of Aragon.”

The fall of Granada sent a thrill of joy through the whole of Europe; it was looked upon as a sort of compensation for the loss of Constantinople. Nowhere, however, was the rejoicing more heartfelt than in Rome, where for many years the conflict with the Moors had been watched with sympathetic interest. In the night of February 1st the news arrived in Rome; Ferdinand had himself written to inform the Pope. The rejoicings, both religious and secular, lasted for several days. Innocent VIII went in solemn procession from the Vatican to S. James’s, the national Church of the Spaniards, where a Mass of thanksgiving was celebrated, at the end of which he gave the Papal Benediction. Cardinal Raffaele Riario entertained the Spanish Envoys with a dramatic representation of the Conquest of Granada and the triumphal entry of the King and Queen; while Cardinal Borgia delighted the Roman people with the novel spectacle of a bull fight, which had never before been seen in Rome.

From the time that Ferrante concluded Peace with the Pope on January 22, 1492, he appears to have begun again to take an interest in the Turkish question, at least so his letters informing Innocent VIII of the movements of the Turks would seem to indicate. In May 1492, Pontano was sent to Rome to discuss what joint-measures could be taken to repel the common enemy. The Sultan, always on the watch in his dread of mischief from Dschem, soon discovered the change in Ferrante’s attitude, and sent fresh Envoys to Naples as well as to Rome. The latter brought with them a precious relic,—the head of the Spear of Longinus, which had pierced the side of Our Lord. By order of the Pope the sacred relic was received at Ancona by Niccolò Cibò, Archbishop of Arles; and Luca Borsiano, Bishop of Foligno placed it in a crystal reliquary set in gold, and brought it to Narni. From thence it was taken by the Cardinals Giuliano della Rovere and Giorgio Costa to Rome. Although Innocent was far from well at the time, he was determined to take part in its solemn reception. When, on May 31, 1492, the Cardinals arrived before the gates of Rome, the Pope went to meet them outside the Porta del Popolo, took the reliquary in his hands with the greatest reverence, and delivered a short address on the Passion of Christ. He then carried it in solemn procession to S. Peter’s, the streets through which he passed being richly decorated in its honour. From thence he had it conveyed to his private apartments, where it was kept. In the farewell audience given by Innocent to the Turkish Envoys on June 14, 1492, he desired them to inform the Sultan that, in case of an attack by the latter on any Christian country, he would retaliate by means of Prince Dschem. He also sent a private messenger of his own to Constantinople with the same message.

The reception of the Holy Spear, says a contemporary writer, may be said to have been the last act of Innocent VIII. During the whole of his reign this Pope had been so harassed by war and the fear of war that he had never been able to accomplish his earnest desire of visiting Loreto or any of the more distant portions of his dominions. He hardly ever left Rome, and then only to go to Ostia or Villa Magliana. In addition to the war difficulty, the feeble health of the Pope was also an obstacle to his travelling far.

In the autumn of 1490, as in that of the previous year, Innocent VIII suffered from repeated attacks of fever, but recovered on each occasion; thanks to the skill of the famous physician Giacomo di San Genesio but from March 1492 the Pope’s health began again to fail. Just at this time the death of Lorenzo de’ Medici (April 8) seemed to threaten anew to disturb the peace of Italy; Innocent at once took measures to meet the danger, as also in regard to the revolt of Cesena, which took place shortly after. In spite of these anxieties the Pope’s condition improved so much that he was able to take part in the solemn reception of the Holy Spear, and the marriage of Luigi of Aragon with Battistina Cibò. In the latter half of the month of June, Innocent was fairly well; after the feast of SS. Peter and Paul he thought of going somewhere in the neighbourhood of Rome, for change of air and to hasten his recovery; but, on the 22nd or 23rd June, the abdominal pains returned, an old sore on his leg broke out again, and the feverish attacks came back. The physicians differed in their opinions, but the worst was feared. At the same time the Pope felt still so strong that at first he made light of the apprehensions of his physicians. On the 30th June he was better. The fluctuations lasted on into the month of July, but the general opinion was that the Pope was slowly dying.

The first effect of the hopeless state of the Pope’s health was notably to increase the insecurity of life and property in the city. For a time it seemed as if all law and order would break down; hardly a day passed without a murder somewhere. The Cardinals kept a stricter watch over Dschem. An inventory was made of the treasures of the Church, and the Vice-Camerlengo, Bartolomeo Moreno, thought it prudent to retire first to the Palazzo Mattei, and finally to the Belvedere. The disorders at last became so serious that several of the Barons, at the persuasion of Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, agreed to waive their party feuds and combine with the Conservators of the city to maintain order. After this the town was quieter.

The Pope’s end was that of a pious Christian. On the 15th July he confessed, and received Holy Communion on the following day. On the 17th it was thought that the last hour had come, but his strong vitality resisted death for another week. The resources of the physicians were exhausted, and there was no hope of recovery. “All hope is abandoned” writes the Florentine Envoy on July 19; “the Pope’s strength is so entirely exhausted that the spirit is all that is left of him; but he retains his full consciousness.” Except for his too great solicitude for his own relations, which occupied his mind to the last, the death of Innocent VIII was a most edifying one. Sigismondo de’ Conti and the Florentine Envoys agree in relating how, although by that time speaking had become very difficult to him, the Pope summoned the Cardinals to his bed-side, asked their forgiveness for having proved so little equal to the burden which he had undertaken, and exhorted them to be united among themselves and to choose a better successor. He then desired an inventory to be taken in their presence by the Chamberlains of all the money and valuables in the Palace, and gave orders that the Holy Spear should be taken to S. Peter’s. After this he dismissed the Cardinals and received the Holy Viaticum with tears of devotion.

After a death-agony which lasted five days, Innocent VIII. passed away on 25th July, 1492, about the 24th hour (9 o’clock in the evening). His body was laid in S. Peter’s. He has been in a sense more remembered than many greater Popes, because his tomb, executed in bronze by Antonio Pollajuolo, is one of the few monuments which have been transferred from the old to the new S. Peter’s. It stands against one of the pillars in the left aisle of the nave. “The Pope, a colossal figure with massive drapery, sits on a throne, his right hand raised in blessing, and his left holding the Holy Spear; on each side of him, in shallow niches in the wall, stand the four cardinal virtues; on the hemicycle above, the theological virtues,—graceful figures, full of life and motion, are portrayed in low relief. Below, on an urn, is the recumbent form of the Pope on a bed of State. Apparently this was originally placed on the wide projecting cornice of the hemicycle, and the perspective of the whole design shows that it was meant to be seen from a much more level point of view. At the height at which it is now placed, much of its exquisite workmanship, especially in the decorative part, is quite lost to the spectator. For its originality, clearness of outline, and mastery of the technique of its material, this work deserves to be ranked amongst the masterpieces of Quattrocento Florentine Art.”

The inscription on the monument, which was added at a later date, contains a slight anachronism in regard to the discovery of America. It was not till August 3, 1492, that the Pope’s great fellow-countryman Columbus set sail from the port of Palos to found a new world.

CHAPTER V

Innocent VIII as Patron of Art and Scholarship.

The disturbed state of Italy, the exhaustion of the Papal treasury, and the want of energy arising from the state of the Pope’s health are quite sufficient to account for the poverty of the records of the reign of Innocent VIII in the matter of Art and Scholarship as compared with that of Sixtus IV. At the same time, as regards Art, so many of the works of his time have been either destroyed or become unrecognisable that the creations in that department appear smaller than they really were. On investigation, we find that both in architecture and in painting a large number of important works were produced.

In the Vatican, Innocent went on with the works begun by Paul II, whose love for precious stones he shared. He erected a noble fountain in the Piazza of S. Peter’s in marble, with two large circular basins, one above the other; one of these now serves the drinking fountain on the right of the obelisk. A good deal of work by way of repair was done in the time of Innocent VIII. Restorations were effected in the castle and bridge of S. Angelo, the Ponte Molle, the Capitol, the fountain of Trevi, the gates and walls of the city, and a large number of churches. Among these latter may be mentioned especially S. Agostino, Sta Croce, S. Giuliano de’ Fiamminghi, S. Giovanni in Laterano, and S. Stefano in Coeliomonte. Sta Maria della Pace was completed, Sta Maria in Via Lata rebuilt. With the strange indifference of those days to the preservation of Roman remains, the ruins of an old arch were demolished in the prosecution of this latter work.

In S. Peter’s, Innocent went on with the building of the Loggia, for the bestowal of the solemn Blessing, which had been begun by Pius II; commenced a new Sacristy, and constructed a Shrine for the Holy Spear, which, together with the chapel built by Cardinal Lorenzo Cibò, was destroyed in 1606. The diligence with which Innocent VIII prosecuted the continuation of the new streets begun by his predecessors, was of great advantage to the city. The carrying out of these works was entrusted to the Treasurer-General, Falcone de’ Sinibaldi, who is so highly praised by Sigismondo de’ Conti.

Outside Rome, Baccio Pontelli was commissioned by the Pope to execute or set on foot architectural work in the town of Argnano, Corchiano, Jesi, Osimo, Terracina and Tolfa, and in the Papal Palaces at Viterbo and Avignon. Innocent VIII also assisted in the building of the Cathedral at Perugia. The number of documents still extant, relating to works in the harbour and Citadel of Civita Vecchia, seem to indicate that they must have been somewhat extensive. These were, for the most part, managed by Lorenzo da Pietrasanta, who was frequently employed by the Pope.

In addition to the works already mentioned, Innocent VIII. also built the Belvedere in the Vatican, and the Villa Magliana in the Valley of the Tiber about six miles from Rome. He had begun the hunting lodge at Magliana while he was still a Cardinal. When he became Pope he proceeded to enlarge and decorate it as is shewn by the inscriptions over the windows. Unfortunately, it is now in a very dilapidated state. Magliana and Ostia were the only country places to which he could resort during his troublous reign; the state of Italy was such, that it was impossible for him to visit the cities in his dominions or to fulfil his vow of making a pilgrimage to Loreto.

The interior of the summer residence built on the slope of the Vatican hill towards Monte Mario, which now constitutes the central point of the sculpture-gallery, underwent a complete transformation by command of Innocent VIII, in accordance, it is said, with a design drawn by Antonio Pollajuolo. The management of the work was entrusted to Jacopo de Pietrasanta. The building was a square with pinnacles connecting it with the round tower of Nicholas V. Infessura says that the Pope spent 60,000 ducats upon it. This sum no doubt included the paintings with which the villa was decorated. The name of Belvedere was given to it on account of the splendid view which it commands of Rome and its neighbourhood, from Soracte to the Alban hills.

Unfortunately, the paintings executed for this villa by Pinturicchio and Mantegna have almost entirely perished.

According to Vasari, the whole of the Loggia of the Belvedere was adorned at the Pope’s desire by Pinturicchio with views of various cities “after the Flemish fashion” which, being a novelty in Rome, was then very much in vogue; Rome, Milan, Genoa, Florence, Venice and Naples were thus portrayed. The same writer also states that Pinturicchio painted a fresco of the Blessed Virgin in the Belvedere. The poetical beauty of Pinturicchio’s landscapes in his paintings in the Buffalini Chapel in Sta Maria in Aracoeli, enables us to conjecture the loss which the world has sustained by the destruction of the frescoes in the Belvedere. We may also gather from the fact that Innocent VIII. evidently recognised Pinturicchio’s special gift for landscape painting, that this Pope was not so devoid of artistic feeling as he is often represented to have been.

More deplorable still is the loss of the frescoes of the other painter employed by Innocent in the decoration of this building. As early as the year 1484, Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere had commenced negotiations on behalf of the Pope with Gonzaga to obtain the services of Andrea Mantegna who already enjoyed a well earned celebrity in Mantua; but it was not till 1488 that Mantegna at last came to Rome, with the sanction of the Marquess of Mantua, who bestowed on him the honour of knighthood on his departure. The work of painting the chapel in the Belvedere was at once entrusted to him. He spent two full years in Rome, endeavouring, as he himself says, with all possible diligence, to do honour to the illustrious house of Gonzaga, whose child he considered himself. This makes it all the more to be regretted that these frescoes should have been destroyed when the new wing was built by Pius VI. Vasari bestows the highest praise on the delicate finish of these paintings which were almost like miniatures. He says, that among other subjects the baptism of Christ was portrayed in the Chapel of S. John. In consequence of the Pope’s financial difficulties, the artist had a good deal to complain of in the matter of remuneration. His discreetly mild observations on this subject are corroborated by Vasari. He relates that on one occasion Innocent, having asked the painter what one of the figures was meant to represent, Mantegna replied, “It is Economy” (discrezione), on which the Pope observed, “If you want a good pendant to it you had better paint Patience.” On his departure, however, in 1490, Innocent VIII seems to have done something to make up for this.

Besides Pinturicchio and Mantegna, Filippino Lippi and Perugino were also employed in Rome. The latter was generously patronised by Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, while Lippi was commissioned by Cardinal Oliviero Caraffa to decorate the Chapel of S. Thomas Aquinas, which was built by the prelate in the Dominican Church of Sta Maria sopra Minerva. These pictures are clever but somewhat superficial. There can be no doubt that the Cardinal himself arranged the scheme of the paintings. Numerous inscriptions explain the meaning of the frescoes, some of which are concealed behind the monument of Paul IV. The principal picture on the wall to the right of the entrance represents the victory of S. Thomas over heresies. In the lunette, Christ is painted on the Cross saying to the Saint, “Thou hast written well of me, Thomas, what shall I give thee in reward?” to which S. Thomas answers, “Not­ing but Thyself, Lord.” On the wall behind the Altar, Lippi has painted the Annunciation with the portrait of the founder. Here we see the hand of the master. Nothing could be more beautiful than the joyous soaring angels.

Pinturicchio was employed by several of the Cardinals. He executed paintings in Sta Maria del Popolo for Giuliano della Rovere and Giorgio da Costa, and in Sta Croce for Carvajal.

It is interesting in connection with the development of Art in the time of Innocent VIII to note, that in 1484 he bought tapestries from some Flemish merchants, representing S. George accompanied by personifications of the liberal arts. He encouraged art manufacturers by the bestowal of honorary distinctions, most frequently by the gift of a consecrated sword. One of these, still preserved in the Museum of Cassel, was presented in 1491 to the Margrave William I of Hesse, who visited Rome in that year on his way home from the Holy Land.

In the matter of scholarship and literature as in Art, Rome under Innocent VIII compares most unfavourably with the Rome of Sixtus IV. Nevertheless it would not be correct to suppose that Innocent was entirely devoid of literary tastes. He made it evident that this was not the case when, in the year 1484, Angelo Poliziano came to Rome with the Florentine embassy of Obedience. On that occasion, the Pope in presence of an illustrious company, ordered him to make a Latin translation of the historical works of the Greeks, referring to the exploits of the Romans, so that they might be more accessible to the majority of readers. In obedience to this flattering command, Poliziano selected Herodian for his translation, and endeavoured to make it read as it would have done had the author written it in Latin. Innocent VIII, rewarded the dedication of this work with a special Brief and a gift of 200 ducats, in order to set the translator free to devote himself more completely to work of this kind. Poliziano thanked the Pope in a beautiful Sapphic ode, in which both thought and language reflect the spirit of classical poetry. Innocent VIII accepted dedications also from Tito Vespasiano Strozzi, Peter Marsus, and the celebrated physician, Gabrielle Zerbi; he bestowed marks of distinction also on foreign Humanists such as Johann Fuchsmagen.

Innocent VIII had for his secretaries, Gasparo Biondo, Andrea da Trebisonda, Giacomo da Volterra, Giovanni Pietro Arrivabene, Sigismondo de’ Conti and Giovanni Lorenzi. This latter, a distinguished Hellenist, was born at Venice in 1440, and came to Rome in 1472 as secretary to his fellow countryman Marco Barbo; Innocent VIII made him one of his secretaries in 1484, and a librarian in the Vatican in the following year. Financial difficulties prevented any additions worth mentioning from being made to the Vatican Library during this reign. It is noteworthy, however, that the greatest liberality continued to be shown in regard to the use of manuscripts, which were frequently lent to students, even out of Rome. A considerable number were sent by Poliziano to Florence, at the request of Lorenzo de’ Medici. The numerous marks of favour bestowed by Innocent VIII on Giovanni Lorenzi are an additional proof of the friendly disposition of this Pope towards the Renaissance.

An event which occurred in Rome in the Spring of 1485, shows how powerful the Renaissance had become there in the time of Innocent VIII and how the movement had penetrated to the lower classes.

Towards the end of April in that year some masons working in the Fondo Statuario belonging to the Olivetan Fathers of Sta Maria Nuova, came upon some ancient monuments. This property is situated in the midst of the well-known bed of ruins, about six miles from Rome on the Appian way, which is called Roma Vecchia. They found here two pedestals of statues with inscriptions belonging to the Praefectus praetorie Herennius Potens; the remains of a vault in which the freedmen of the gentes Tullia and Terentia were buried; and finally a sarcophagus without any inscription, containing a body in a marvellous state of preservation. This was evidently owing to the efficacy of the composition which had been employed in embalming it, and which consisted of a mixture of balsam, cedar oil, and turpentine. The body was immediately taken to the Palace of the Conservators, where it was exhibited to the public. The whole city seems, from the sensational character of most of the accounts, to have gone mad with joy and excitement. The antiquarians and Humanists were in ecstasy; the eager curiosity of the populace was insatiable. Rome was flooded with all sorts of contradictory reports and conjectures, many of them wild exaggerations or pure inventions. The extraordinary variations in the accounts, in which the few grains of personal observation or authentic history are largely outweighed by the matter supplied by the imagination of the narrator, betray the universal excitement. All are agreed as to the wonderful state of preservation of the body and as to its sex. They describe with enthusiasm the suppleness of the limbs, the blackness of the hair, the perfection and whiteness of the nails and teeth. Ornaments are also said to have been found on the head and fingers of the body.

The eager crowd which from morning till night beset the Palace of the Conservators to gaze on the dead Roman maiden could only be compared to the scene when a new Indulgence had just been proclaimed. This passionate enthusiasm about the body of a heathen seems to have aroused serious alarm in the mind of Innocent VIII, lest it should prove the harbinger of a paganisation of the lower classes which would have worse consequences than that of the men of letters. He gave orders to have the body, which had begun to turn black from exposure to the air, removed in the night and buried outside the Porta Pinciana.

CHAPTER VI.

INNOCENT VII AND THE DEFENCE OF THE LIBERTIES AND DOCTRINES OF THE FAITH

THE BULL ON WITCHCRAFT OF 1484

It was not in politics alone that Innocent VIII found his authority contemned and attacked; in purely ecclesiastical matters the case was no better. Next to Naples the Republics of Venice and Florence were the two States which gave him the most trouble by their persistent encroachments on the rights and independence of the Church. In the negotiations with Venice in connection with the removal of the ecclesiastical penalties imposed upon this city by Sixtus IV, Innocent had done his best to protect the Venetian clergy against arbitrary taxation and the interference of the State in appointments to benefices, but with little success. As time went on, it became evident that the Signoria had no notion of giving up its pretensions to absolute control in ecclesiastical as well as in temporal matters. In the year 1485 the See of Padua fell vacant. Innocent VIII gave it to Cardinal Michiel. The Venetian government nominated the Bishop of Cividale, Pietro Barozzi. Neither party would give way. The Pope sent a special Envoy to remonstrate with the Signoria, but he could make no impression; the Republic refused to yield, and finally had recourse to violence. The revenues of all the benefices held by Cardinal Michiel within the Venetian dominions were confiscated, and on this the Pope and the Cardinal gave up the contest.

The death of the illustrious Cardinal Marco Barbo, Patriarch of Aquileia, in 1491, was the occasion of a new and sharp contest between Venice and Rome. Innocent VIII had on 2nd March bestowed this dignity on the Venetian Ambassador at Rome, the learned Ermolao Barbaro, who had accepted it without first obtaining the necessary permission from the Venetian government. For this the Signoria resolved to punish Barbaro severely. They had intended to obtain the Patriarchate for Niccolo Donato, Bishop of Cittanova, and that Barbaro should be forced to resign. The new Patriarch himself being out of reach, his father was threatened with severe pecuniary penalties, unless he could persuade his son to give way. On this Barbaro was anxious to resign; but, as the Pope would not permit this, the Signoria summoned him to appear within twenty days before the Council of Ten, under pain of banishment and the confiscation of all his Venetian benefices. Ermolao chose the latter alternative; he devoted the rest of his life to the pursuit of learning, and died in exile in 1493. During the life-time of Innocent VIII, the Patriarchate remained vacant, the Venetian government meanwhile absorbing its revenues; under Alexander VI it obtained the nomination of Donato

Florence and Bologna did not fall far behind Venice in attacks on the rights and liberties of the Church. In Florence, Innocent was obliged to protest against the arbitrary taxation of the clergy; in Bologna against the punishment of a priest by the secular tribunal, in contravention of the Canon-law. He was equally forced more than once to make a stand against the Milanese Government in defence of the liberties of the Church.

Outside of Italy there was no lack of troubles of the same nature. Mathias Corvinus, King of Hungary, especially behaved towards the Church with a high-handed insolence that had to be resisted. In the year 1485 he promulgated a decree that no prelate who did not reside in Hungary, was to possess or draw the revenues of any benefice within the kingdom. He at once proceeded to put the law in force by intercepting one of the officials of the Cardinal Bishop of Erlau, taking from him 25,000 ducats which he was bringing to his master in Rome, and carrying the money back to Buda. In the same year he came into open collision with Rome by appointing Ippolito d’Este, a mere child, to the Archbishopric of Gran. In vain Innocent represented to the King that to entrust the government of a diocese to a child “was as unreasonable as it was wrong”. Corvinus replied by maintaining that “on other occasions His Holiness had accepted less capable, and from an ecclesiastical point of view, more objectionable persons than Ippolito; and further declared, that whoever else the Pope might appoint, no one but his nominee should touch the revenues of the diocese”; and in order to give due emphasis to this declaration, he announced that 2000 ducats out of these revenues would be sent to Ferrara as “a fore­taste.” Finally, the King carried his point and in the Summer of 1489 Ippolito came to Hungary and was installed in his Archbishopric.

Though in this matter Innocent was forced to give way, he stood firm in insisting on the liberation of the Archbishop of Kalocsa, who had been put in prison by Mathias. Several Briefs having proved of no avail, in the Autumn of 1488, the Nuncio, Angelo Pecchinolli was sent to remonstrate by word of mouth. Mathias now said he was ready, pending the result of the proceedings against him, to hand over the Archbishop to the safe-keeping of the Papal Legate; but the promise was hardly made before it was withdrawn. Upon this the Legate calmly but firmly pointed out to the angry King the difficult position in which he was placed by this action on his part, he having already informed the Pope of the promise made by Corvinus. “If I now contradict what I have just stated,” he said, “either His Holiness will think that I am a liar, or that your Majesty’s word is not to be trusted.” With great difficulty Pecchinolli at last prevailed upon the King to undertake to release the Archbishop from prison and send him, at the Legate’s choice, either to Erlau or Visigrad, there to be kept under guard, and the promise was fulfilled.

In France as in Hungary Innocent VIII had to withstand most unjustifiable attacks on the rights of the Church. In 1485 we find him complaining that in Provence the secular authorities set at naught and ill-treated the clergy. Throughout the kingdom Church matters were often tyrannically dealt with, Parliament withheld its placet from the Pope’s Bulls, obedience to his commands was frequently refused, and the Universities persisted in appealing from the Pope ill-informed to the Pope better-informed. Innocent VIII had to enter repeated protests against the Pragmatic Sanction; at the close of the year 1491 he endeavoured by means of a Concordat to place his relations with France on a better footing. Similar encroachments on the part of the rulers of England and Portugal had to be resisted. Innocent succeeded in his energetic repudiation of the pretension of John II of Portugal to make the publication of Papal Bulls and Briefs depend on a placet from the Government, and the Pope forced him to relinquish it. In January 1492 he promulgated a general constitution in support of the immunities and liberties of the Church. Notwithstanding all this, Sigismondo de’ Conti accuses Innocent VIII of negligence in defending the rights of the Church. He adduces as instances of this negligence the Pope’s acquiescence in the taxation of the clergy in Florence and other Italian States, and his toleration, after the treaty with Lorenzo de’ Medici, of things in Perugia which were derogatory to the dignity of the Church.

Perhaps he was really more to be blamed for the concessions which, on purely political grounds, he made to Ferdinand of Spain. In December 1484 he bestowed on him the patronage of all the churches and convents in Granada and all other territories conquered or to be conquered from the Moors. To these he added later, extensive rights of provision in Sicily.

Only one canonisation, that of the Margrave Leopold of Austria, of the Babenberg family, took place during the reign of Innocent VIII. The Emperor Frederick III had already asked both Paul II and Sixtus IV for the canonisation; and repeated his request to Innocent VIII immediately after his election; in consequence the date of the ceremony was fixed for Christmas 1484. It actually took place on January 6, 1485.

Requests were made to Innocent VIII from Sweden for the canonisation of Catherine, daughter of S. Bridget, from the Grand-master of the Teutonic Order; for that of Dorothea of Mariemverder, and from King Ferrante for Jacopo della Marca; none, however, of these processes were concluded during his Pontificate.

Amongst the ecclesiastical acts of Innocent VIII mention must be made of the much-contested privilege which he granted to the Abbot, John IX of Citeaux, and to the Abbots of the four first Cistercian daughter-houses, of powers to confer sub-deacon and deacon’s orders, the former on all members of the Order, and the latter on the monks in their own monasteries. The Bulls of Innocent VIII, granting various privileges to the Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians are undoubtedly genuine. In consequence of the decrease of leprosy, which, towards the close of the 15th century, had become very rare, in 1490 Innocent dissolved the Order of Lazarists and united them with the Knights of St. John. But this Bull took effect in Italy only, and was not accepted by the French.

Innocent VIII showed great zeal in the defence of the purity of the Faith against the numerous heresies which cropped up during his time in many different directions. The Waldensian and the Hussite heresies were the two which occupied him most. In Dauphiné the Waldenses not only preached their false doctrines openly, but put to death those who refused to join them. In the Spring of 1487, Innocent sent Alberto de Cattanco to Dauphiné who with the help of the King of France succeeded in almost entirely eradicating them in this province. In Bohemia also, where Innocent recognised King Ladislaus’ title, he was successful in effecting the reconciliation of a number of Hussites with the Church.

The arrival in Rome of the famous Pico della Mirandola in the year 1486, brought to light the jealous care with which the integrity of the Faith was guarded in the Papal city. Many of the opinions put forth by this gifted but fanciful and impulsive philosopher were made up of a confused medley of Platonic and Cabalistic notions. Brimming over with youthful ambition and conceit, Pico announced his intention of holding a public disputation in which he would produce no less than 900 propositions in “dialectics, morals, physics, mathematics, metaphysics, theology, magic and Cabalism” for discussion. Some of these would be his own; the rest would be taken from the works of Chaldean, Arabian, Hebrew, Greek, Egyptian and Latin sages. In regard to those that were his own, and which he purposed to defend by arguments worked out in his own mind, he expressly declared that he would “maintain nothing to be true that was not approved by the Catholic Church and her chief Pastor, Innocent VIII.” He invited learned men from all parts of the world, offered to pay their travelling expenses, and confidently expected to score a brilliant triumph. The reverse, unfortunately, was what happened. Some experienced theologians declared several of the proposed theses to be tainted with heresy, and in consequence the Pope refused to permit the disputation, and appointed a commission of bishops, theologians and canonists to examine them. This commission pronounced some of Pico’s propositions to be heretical, rash, and likely to give scandal to the faithful; many contained heathen philosophical errors which had been already condemned, others favoured Jewish superstitions. The judgment was perfectly just, and was adopted by Innocent, and though a great number of the propositions were acknowledged to be Catholic and true, the reading of the whole series was forbidden on account of the admixture of falsehood. Nevertheless, since the character of the theses was purely academic, and since the author had expressed his willingness to submit them to the judgment of the Holy See, and had sworn never to defend any similar assertions, no blame of any sort was to attach to Pico’s reputation. The Papal Brief pronouncing this decision was dated August 4, 1486, but was not published till December. Meanwhile Pico—so his enemies assert—in great haste “in twenty nights,” composed an apology explaining his propositions in a Catholic sense, which he dedicated to Lorenzo de’ Medici, and had printed in Neapolitan territory, antedating it (May 31), so as to avoid any appearance of defending what the Pope had condemned, after having previously declared his absolute submission to the judgment of the Church. Pico on his side maintained that he had not known of the Papal Brief, until told of it the 8th January, 14S9, when he was on his way to France. This probably was literally net untrue; but it can hardly be supposed that when he wrote his apology he had no inkling of the contents of the Brief, which had been written on August 8.

Matters now became more complicated. Pico was charged with having broken his oath, and endeavoured to give greater publicity to his views. In consequence he was summoned to Rome, and efforts were made to have him arrested. Thanks to the energetic mediation of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Pico was permitted to retire to a villa in the neighbourhood of Florence. Meanwhile a complete change had been wrought in the young scholar’s soul by the unexpected humiliation. Hitherto his life had been much the same as that of other young men of his rank and position. From henceforth he renounced all desire for fame and ambition, and gave himself up entirely to prayer, penance and works of mercy, except in so far as he still continued to prosecute his theological and philosophical studies with redoubled zeal. These resulted in the production of several exegetical and philosophical works; one of which, on the seven enemies of religion—unbelievers, Jews, Mahomedans, pagans, heretics, false Christians, and occultists (astrologers, magicians, etc.),—was never finished. By Savonarola’s advice he resolved upon entering the Dominican Order, but his life of eager and unremitting toil was cut short by death, before he had time to carry out his purpose. He died November 17, 1494. In the previous year the new Pope, Alexander VI had, in an autograph Brief granted him absolution, in case he might have indirectly violated his oath, and also the assurance, that neither by his apology nor in any other way had he ever been guilty of formal heresy. There is no mention in the Brief, as has been asserted by some writers, of the theses condemned by Innocent VIII.

The Jews in Spain were a source of considerable trouble to Innocent VIII. They had become a real danger to the population by their usury and their proselytising. In 1484, the Pope took measures to counteract the evil; and in the following year he granted permission to several Jews and heretics to make their abjuration privately, but “in presence of the King and Queen.” About the same time disturbances broke out in Aragon on account of the introduction into that province of the Inquisition. The Jews who had submitted to baptism, called Maranos, opposed the measure by every means that they could. Money proving of no avail they determined to resort to assassination. On September 15, 1485, the inquisitor, Pedro Arbues, who has been quite groundlessly accused of extreme harshness, was attacked in the Cathedral of Saragossa, and mortally wounded. This and other occurrences showed that it was necessary to have recourse to severe measures. Crucifixes were mutilated, consecrated hosts profaned; in Toledo a plot was concocted by the Jews for obtaining possession of the city on Good Friday, and massacring all the Christians. Ferdinand finally determined to resort to a drastic remedy; on March 31, 1492, an edict was published requiring all Jews either to become Christians, or to leave the country by the 31st July. Most of the Spanish Jews crossed over to Portugal; a good many went to Italy, and to Rome, where they were treated with great toleration by the majority of the fifteenth century Popes. Many Spanish Jews who had been banished in former years had settled in Rome, and even contrived to insinuate themselves into various ecclesiastical offices; an abuse which Innocent took measures to prevent.

Torrents of abuse have been poured forth against Innocent VIII on account of his Bull of December 5, 1484, on the subject of witchcraft. It has been obstinately maintained that the Pope by this Bull authoritatively imposed on the German nation the current superstitions in regard to the black art, demonology, and witchcraft. There could not be a greater distortion of facts than is involved in this assertion. All evidence goes to show that long before the Bull of Innocent VIII the belief in witchcraft had prevailed in Germany. The “Formicarius” of the Dominican inquisitor Johannes Nider, which appeared at the time of the Council of Basle, shows what fantastic notions on the subject were current at the beginning of the 15th Century. Nearly all the delusions which appear in the later witch-trials are to be found here; though there do not seem to have been so many executions as in later times, it is plain that the process of trial for witchcraft was in use long before the Bull of 1484. But the secular authorities had been accustomed to interfere in these trials, whereas in the process by the Inquisition, the cooperation of the secular power was only invited when the trial was ended.

What then did Innocent VIII do?

The Bull of December 5th, 1495, begins by saying that he had lately heard “not without deep concern,” that in various parts of upper Germany as also in the provinces, cities, territories, districts, and bishoprics of Mainz, Cologne, Treves, Salzburg and Bremen, many persons of both sexes falling away from the Catholic Faith, had contracted carnal unions with devils, and by spells and magic rhymes, with their incantations, curses, and other diabolical arts, had done grievous harm to both men and beasts. “They even deny with perverse lips, the Faith in which they were baptised.” Two Dominican professors of theology, Heinrich Institoris in Upper Germany, and Jacob Sprenger, in many parts of the Rhine Country, had been appointed Papal Inquisitors into all forms of heresy; but as the localities named in the Bull had not been expressly mentioned in these inquisitors’ faculties, several persons, clerics as well as laymen, inhabiting these places, had presumptuously taken upon themselves to deny that they had power there to arrest and punish these offenders.

Hence in the plenitude of his Apostolical powers Innocent now commands that these persons are not to be hindered in the exercise of their office towards any individual, whatsoever may be his rank and condition. After this, in accordance with the old Catholic custom, the Pope goes on to exhort the inquisitors to quench superstition by seeing that the Word of God is duly preached to the people in the parish churches, and employing whatever means may seem to them best calculated to secure that they shall be well instructed. He specially commands the Bishop of Strasburg to protect and assist them, to inflict the severest penalties of the Church on all who resist them or put hindrances in their way, and if necessary to call in the assistance of the secular power.

The Bull contains no dogmatic decision of any sort on witchcraft. It assumes the possibility of demoniacal influences on human beings which the Church has always maintained, but claims no dogmatic authority for its pronouncement on the particular cases with which it was dealing at the moment. The form of the document, which refers only to certain occurrences which had been brought to the knowledge of the Pope, shows that it was not intended to bind any one to believe in the things mentioned in it. The question whether the Pope himself believed in them has nothing to do with the subject. His judgment on this point has no greater importance than attaches to a Papal decree in any other undogmatic question, e.g., on a dispute about a benefice. The Bull introduced no new element into the current beliefs about witchcraft. It is absurd to accuse it of being the cause of the cruel treatment of witches, when we see in the “Sachsenspiegel” that burning alive was already the legal punishment for a witch. All that Innocent VIII did was to confirm the jurisdiction of the inquisitors over these cases. The Bull simply empowered them to try all matters concerning witchcraft, without exception, before their own tribunals, by Canon-law; a process which was totally different from that of the later trials. Possibly the Bull, in so far as it admonished the inquisitors to be on the alert in regard to witchcraft may have given an impetus to the prosecution of such cases; but it affords no justification for the accusation that it introduced a new crime, or was in any way responsible for the iniquitous horrors of the witch-harrying of later times.

Unfortunately, nothing of any importance was done under Innocent VIII for the reform of ecclesiastical abuses. At the same time Infessura’s statement that the Pope had authorised concubinage in Rome is absolutely unfounded. We have documentary evidence that in France, Spain, Portugal and Hungary, he punished this vice with severity. No proof that he favoured it in Rome has yet been adduced. The mere assertion of an admittedly uncritical chronicler with a strong party bias and given to retailing without examination whatever gossip was current in Rome, could not be accepted in any case without further testimony. In this particular instance it is not difficult to find the probable origin of the calumny. In 1489 it was discovered that a band of unprincipled officials were carrying on a profitable traffic in forged Bulls. Neither entreaties nor bribes were of any avail to induce Innocent to abstain from punishing the crime with the utmost severity. Domenico of Viterbo and Francesco Maldente who were found guilty were hanged, and their bodies burnt in the Campo di Fiore.

Now it is notorious that some of the forged Bulls were to this effect, and the supposed permission accorded by Innocent VIII to the Norwegians to celebrate Mass without wine was also a forgery.

The existence of such a confederacy for forging Bulls, throws a lurid light on the state of morals in the Papal Court, where Franceschetto Cibò set the worst possible example. The increasing prevalence of the system of purchasing offices greatly facilitated the introduction of untrustworthy officials. The practice may be explained, but cannot be excused by the financial distress with which Innocent VIII had to contend during the whole of his reign, and the almost universal custom of the time. In the Bull increasing the number of the College of Secretaries from the original six to thirty, want of money, which had obliged the Pope to pawn even the Papal mitre, is openly assigned as the reason for this measure. Between them, the new and the old secretaries (amongst the later were Gasparo Biondo, Andreas Trapezuntius, Jacobus Volaterranus, Johannes Petrus Arrivabenus, and Sigismondo de’ Conti) brought in a sum of 62,400 gold florins and received in return certain privileges and a share in various taxes. Innocent VIII also created the College of Piombatori with an entrance fee of 500 gold florins. Even the office of Librarian to the Vatican was now for sale. No one can fail to see the evils to which such a state of things must give rise. Sigismondo de’ Conti closes his narrative of the increase in the number of secretaries with the words; “Henceforth this office which had been hitherto bestowed as a reward for industry, faithfulness, and eloquence, became simply a marketable commodity. Those who had thus purchased the new offices endeavoured to indemnify themselves out of other people’s pockets. These greedy officials whose only aim was to get as much for themselves as possible out of the churches with which they had to do, were naturally detested in all countries, and the most determined opponents of reform. The corruptibility of all the officials increased to an alarming extent, carrying with it general insecurity and disorder in Rome, since any criminal who had money could secure immunity from punishment. The conduct of some members of the Pope’s immediate circle even, gave great scandal. Franceschetto Cibò was mean and avaricious, and led a disorderly life “which was doubly unbecoming in the son of a Pope. He paraded the streets at night with Girolamo Tuttavilla, forced his way into the houses of the citizens for evil purposes, and was often driven out with shame.” In one night Franceschetto lost 14,000 ducats to Cardinal Riario and complained to the Pope that he had been cheated. Cardinal de La Balue also lost 8000 to the same Cardinal in a single evening.

In order to obtain the means for the gratification of such passions as these, or worse, the worldly-minded Cardinals were always on the watch to maintain or increase their power.

This explains the stipulation in the election capitulation that the number of the Sacred College was not to exceed twenty-four. Innocent VIII however did not consider himself bound to observe this condition, and already in 1485 we hear of his intention of creating new Cardinals. The College refused its consent, and the opposition of the older Cardinals was so violent and persistent, that some years passed before the Pope was able to carry out his purpose. In the interval as many as nine of the old Cardinals had died; in 1484, Philibert Hugonet (September 12), Stefano Nardini (October 22), Juan Moles (November 21); in 1485, Pietro Foscari (September) and Juan de Aragon; in 1486,Thomas Bourchier (June) and the good Gabriel Rangoni (September 27); in 1488, Arcimboldi and Charles de Bourbon (September I3).

Though, in one respect, these deaths facilitated the creation of new Cardinals, on the other, great difficulties were caused by the urgent demands of the various Powers for the promotion of their candidates. In the beginning of March 1489 the negotiations were at last brought to a conclusion, and on the 9th of the month five new cardinals were nominated. Two of these, the Grand-Master of the Knights of St. John, Pierre d’Aubusson, and the Archbishop of Bordeaux, Andre d’Espinay, were absent. The three who were on the spot, Lorenzo Cibò (son of the Pope’s brother Maurizio), Ardicino della Porta of Novara, and Antoniotto Pallavicini of Genoa, received their Red Hats at once. Three others, Maffeo Gherardo of Venice, Federigo Sanseverino (son of Count Robert), and Giovanni de’ Medici were reserved in petto.

Some of the new Cardinals, as Ardicino della Porta, were fit and worthy men, which made it all the sadder that the natural son of Innocent’s brother, and the boy Giovanni de’ Medici should have been added to their ranks. Raffaele de Volterra severely blames this open violation of the prescriptions of the Church, and the Annalist Raynaldus rightly endorses his judgment.

Giovanni de’ Medici, Lorenzo’s second son, was then only in his fourteenth year; he was born December 11, 1475. His father had destined him for the Church at an age at which any choice on his part was out of the question, and confided his education to distinguished scholars such as Poliziano and Demetrius Chalkondylas.

At seven years old he received the tonsure, and the chase after rich benefices at once began. Lorenzo in his notes details these proceedings with appalling candour. In 1483, before he had completed his eighth year, Giovanni was presented by Louis XI to the Abbacy of Font Douce in the Bishopric of Saintes. Sixtus IV confirmed this nomination, declared him capable of holding benefices and made him a Protonotary Apostolic. Henceforth “whatever good things in the shape of a benefice, commendam, rectorship, fell into the hands of the Medici, was given to Lorenzo’s son.” In 1484 he was already in possession of the rich Abbey of Passignano, and two years later was given the venerable Benedictine Abbey of Monte Cassino in commendam. But even this was not enough for Lorenzo, who with indefatigable persistency besieged the Pope and Cardinals to admit the boy into the Senate of the Church. He did not scruple to represent Giovanni’s age as two years more than it really was. Innocent VIII resisted for a long time, but finally gave way; and he was nominated with the stipulation that he was to wait three years before he assumed the insignia of the cardinalate or took his seat in the College. Lorenzo found this condition extremely irksome, and, in the beginning of 1490, instructed his Ambassador to do everything in his power to get the time shortened. The Pope, however, who wished Giovanni to devote the time of probation to the study of Theology and Canon-law, was inexorable, and Lorenzo had to wait till the full period had expired. When, at last, the day for his son’s elevation arrived he was too ill to be able to assist at any of the ceremonial services. The moment they were concluded the young Cardinal started for Rome, where great preparations were being made for his reception. On March 22, 1492, the new Cardinal Deacon of Sta Maria in Dominica entered Rome by the Porta del Popolo; on the following day the Pope admitted him, with the customary ceremonies, to the Consistory. The General of the Camaldolese, Pietro Delfino, says that the bearing and demeanour of the young Cardinal made a favourable impression upon all present, and that he seemed more mature than could have been expected at his age. Lorenzo at once wrote to his son an admirable letter of advice and warning, displaying not only great political sagacity and knowledge of human nature, but the Christian faith and sentiment to which he had returned at the close of his life. It is touching to read the earnest exhortations to the young man to lead “an honourable, exemplary and virtuous life” which seemed especially needed by one going to reside in a great city which had become “a very focus of all that was evil.” There would be no lack of “bad counsellors, seducers and envious men,” who would endeavour to “drag you down into the abyss into which they themselves have fallen. Counting upon your youth they will expect to find this an easy task. Thus it behoves you to set yourself to prove that this hope is unfounded, and all the more because the College of Cardinals is at this moment so poor in men of worth. I remember the days when it was full of learned and virtuous men, and theirs is the example for you to follow. For the less your conduct resembles that of those who now compose it, the more beloved and respected will you be. You must equally avoid the Scylla of sanctimoniousness and the Charybdis of profanity. You should study to be moderate in all things, and avoid everything in your demeanour and in your words that might annoy or wound others, and especially not make a parade of austerities or a strict life. Your own judgment, when matured by experience, will instruct you better how to carry out my advice than any detailed counsels that I could give you at present.

“You will have no difficulty in understanding how much depends on the personality and example of a Cardinal. If the Cardinals were such as they ought to be, the whole world would be the better for it; for they would always elect a good Pope and thus secure the peace of Christendom. Endeavour, therefore, to be such that it would be well for all if the rest were like you. Be careful in all your intercourse with the Cardinals and other persons of high rank, to be guarded and reserved, so as to keep your judgments cool and unswayed by the passions of others, for many act irrationally, because their aims are illicit. Keep your conscience clear by avoiding in your conversation anything that could be injurious to others. I think this is of the first importance for you, for if any one from passion thinks he has a grudge against you, it is much easier for him to change his mind if there is no real ground of offence. It will be best for you, in this your first sojourn in Rome, to make much more use of your ears than of your tongue.

“Today I have given you up entirely to God and to His Holy Church. Be therefore a worthy priest, and act so as to convince all who see you that the well-being and honour of the Church and the Holy See arc more to you than anything else in the world. If you keep this steadfastly before you, opportunities will not be wanting for being of use both to this city and to our family; for to be united with the Church is advantageous to the city, and you must be the bond of union between the two, and the welfare of our house depends on that of Florence. Though the future must always remain impenetrable, yet I am confident that if you are constant in generously pursuing the good of the Church, we shall not fail to find means to secure ourselves on both sides.

“You are the youngest member of the College, not only of the present College, but the youngest that has ever as yet been made a Cardinal. You should, therefore, in all that you have to do with your colleagues be observant and respectful, and keep yourself in the background in the Papal Chapels and Consistories, or in deputations. You will soon learn which among them are deserving of esteem. You must avoid both being and seeming to be intimate with those whose conduct is irregular. In conversation keep to generalities as far as you can. In regard to festivities, I think it will be prudent for you to keep rather under the mark than to run any risk of exceeding what is permissible.

“Spend your money rather on keeping a well-appointed stable and servants of a superior class than on pomp and show. Endeavour to lead a regular life, and gradually get your household into strict order,—a thing which cannot be done immediately where both master and servant are new. Silks and jewels are for the most part unsuitable for you, but you should possess some valuable antiques and handsome books, and your circle should be rather select and learned than numerous. Also, it is better for you to entertain your friends at home than to dine out often; but in this matter you should follow a middle course. Let your food be simple and take plenty of exercise; many in your present position bring great sufferings on themselves by imprudence. This position is one which is both secure and exalted, and thus it often happens that those who have succeeded in attaining it become careless and think they can now do as they like, without fear of consequences, whereby both it and their health are imperilled. In regard to this point I recommend you to use all possible caution, and to err rather on this side than on that of over-confidence.

“Let it be your rule of life to rise early. Setting aside the advantage of the practice to your health, it gives you time to get through the business of the day and to fulfil your various obligations, the recitation of the office, study, audiences, and whatever else has to be done. There is another practice which is also very necessary for a person in your position, namely, always, and especially now that you are just beginning, to call to mind in the evening what will be the work of the day following, so that you may never be unprepared for your business. If you speak in the Consistory, it seems to me, considering your youth and inexperience, that it will be in all cases best and most becoming for you to adhere to the wise judgment of the Holy Father. You will be often pressed to speak to the Pope about this thing or that, and to make requests. Make it your rule in these early days to make as few of these as possible, so as not to be burdensome to him; for he is disposed by nature to give most to those who are least clamorous. It will be useful to be on the watch to say nothing that would annoy him, but rather to tell him things that will give him pleasure; while modesty in preferring requests corresponds best with his own disposition, and puts him in a better humour. Take care of your health.”

Lorenzo de’ Medici’s low estimate of the College of Cardinals in the time of Innocent VIII was unfortunately only too well founded. There still remained, no doubt, some good men in the Senate of the Church, but they were quite borne down by the worldly majority; Marco Barbo, one of the leaders of the nobler party, had died in the Spring of 1491; his death, says one of his contemporaries, was a great loss to the Holy See and to the whole of Christendom.

Of the worldly Cardinals, Ascanio Sforza, Riario, Orsini, Sclafenatus, Jean de La Balue, Giuliano della Rovere, Savelli, and Rodrigo Borgia were the most prominent. All of these were deeply infected with the corruption which prevailed in Italy amongst the upper classes in the age of the Renaissance. Surrounded in their splendid palaces, with all the most refined luxury of a highly-developed civilisation, these Cardinals lived the lives of secular princes, and seemed to regard their ecclesiastical garb simply as one of the adornments of their rank. They hunted, gambled, gave sumptuous banquets and entertainments, joined in all the rollicking merriment of the carnival-tide, and allowed themselves the utmost licence in morals; this was specially the case with Rodrigo Borgia. His uncle, Calixtus III, had made him a Cardinal and Vice-Camerlengo while he was still very young, and he had accumulated benefices to an extent which gave him a princely income. In the time of Sixtus IV he was already, according to d’Estouteville, the wealthiest member of the College of Cardinals. One of his contemporaries describes him as a fine-looking man and a brilliant cavalier, cheery and genial in manner, and winning and fluent in conversation; irresistibly attractive to women. His immoral courses brought upon him a severe rebuke from Pius II. But nothing had any effect. Even after he had received priest’s orders, which took place in August 1468, and when he was given the Bishopric of Albano, which he afterwards exchanged in 1476 for that of Porto, he still would not give up his dissolute life; to the end of his days he remained the slave of the demon of sensuality.

From the year 1460 Vanozza de Cataneis, born of Roman parents in 1442, was his acknowledged mistress. She was married three times; in 1474 to Domenico of Arignano; in 1480 to a Milanese, Giorgio de Croce; and in 1486 to a Mantuan, Carlo Canale, and died in Rome on the 26th of November, 1518, aged 76. The names of the four children whom she bore to the Cardinal are inscribed on her tomb in the following order :—Caesar, Juan, Jofre, and Lucrezia.

Besides these, Cardinal Rodrigo had other children,—a son, Pedro Luis, certainly born before 1460, and a daughter, Girolama, but apparently by a different mother. Rodrigo turned to his Spanish home for the careers of these children, who were legitimised one after another. In 1485 he obtained the Dukedom of Gandia for Pedro Luiz; in the deed of King Ferdinand he is described as the son of noble parents, and he is stated to have distinguished himself by his military acquirements and to have rendered valuable services in the war against the King of Granada. Pedro was betrothed to the daughter of Ferdinand’s uncle and majordomo, Donna Maria Enriquez; in 1488 he came to Rome, and in August fell sick there and died, certainly before the year 1491. He left all that he possessed to his brother Juan, the best of Rodrigo’s sons, born in 1474, who eventually married his brother’s intended bride.

The Cardinal’s third son Caesar, born in 1475, was from childhood, without any regard to his aptitude or wishes, destined to the Church. Sixtus IV, on 1st October, 1480, dispensed him from the canonical impediment for the reception of Holy Orders, caused by his being born out of wedlock, because he was the son of a Cardinal and his mother was a married woman. At the age of seven years Caesar was made a Protonotary, and was appointed to benefices in Xativa and other cities in Spain, and under Innocent VIII to the Bishopric of Pampeluna. Jofre also, born in 1480 or 1481, was intended for the Church; he is mentioned as a Canon, Prebendary, and Archdeacon of the Cathedral of Valencia. Lucrezia, born in 1478, seemed, like her brothers, destined to make her home in her father’s native land, for in 1491 she was betrothed to a Spaniard.

The mother of these children, Vanozza de Cataneis, possessed substantial property in Rome, and a house on the Piazza Branca, close to the palace which Rodrigo Borgia had built for himself. This mansion, now the Palazzo Sforza-Cesarini, was considered the finest, not only in Rome, but in the whole of Italy.

In the reign of Innocent VIII Jacopo da Volterra writes of Cardinal Borgia: “He has good abilities and great versatility, is fluent in speech, and though his literary attainments are not of the first order, he can write well. He is naturally shrewd, and exceedingly energetic in all business that he takes in hand. He is reputed to be very rich, and his influence is great on account of his connections with so many kings and princes. He has built for himself a splendid and commodious palace midway between the Bridge of S. Angelo and the Campo di Fiore. His revenues from his numerous benefices and abbeys in Italy and Spain and his three bishoprics of Valencia, Porto, and Cartagena are enormous; while his post of Vice-Camerlengo is said also to bring him in 8000 gold ducats yearly. He possesses immense quantities of silver plate, pearls, hangings, and vestments embroidered in gold and silk, and learned books of all sorts, and all of such splendid quality as would befit a king or a pope. I pass over the sumptuous adornments of his litters and trappings for his horses, and all his gold and silver and silks, together with his magnificent wardrobe and his hoards of treasure” .

We obtain a highly interesting glimpse into the amazing luxury of Cardinal Borgia’s palace from a hitherto unknown letter of Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, dated 22nd of October, 1484. On that day Borgia, who, as a rule, was not a lover of the pleasures of the table, gave a magnificent banquet in his palace, at which, besides Ascanio, three other Cardinals were included amongst the guests, one of these being Giuliano della Rovere. The whole palace was splendidly decorated. In the great entrance-hall the walls were covered with hangings representing various historical events. A smaller room opened into this, also hung with exquisite Gobelin tapestry. The carpets on the floor were selected to harmonise with the rest of the furniture, of which the most prominent piece was a sumptuous state-couch upholstered in red satin, with a canopy over it. This room also contained the Cardinal’s credenza, a chest surmounted by a slab, on which was ranged for exhibition an immense quantity of table plate and drinking vessels in gold and silver, while the lower part was a marvel of exquisitely finished work. This apartment was flanked by two others, one of which was hung with satin and carpeted, the divan in it being of Alexandrian velvet; while in the other, still more splendid, the couch was covered with gold brocade and magnificently decorated. The cloth on the central table was of velvet, and the chairs which surrounded it were exquisitely carved.

Ascanio Sforza, created a Cardinal from political motives in 1484, by Sixtus IV and loaded with benefices, came next to Rodrigo in wealth and love of show. He was an ardent sportsman, and “Rome stood amazed both at the splendour of his Court and the number of horses, dogs, and hawks, which he kept. The enormous income which he drew from his many benefices and large temporal possessions, hardly sufficed to meet his boundless expenditure. The Roman annalist says he dares not attempt to describe the feast which Ascanio gave in the latter days of Innocent VIII in honour of Ferrantino the Prince of Capua, Ferrante’s grandson, lest he should be mocked as a teller of fairy tales.” His friends justly praised his talent for diplomacy and politics. He had also a taste for literature and art, wrote Latin and Italian poems, and was a generous patron of learned men. It should also be mentioned that Ascanio, in dispensing his gifts, was not unmindful of the poor. From a moral point of view Cardinal Federigo Sanseverino and the wealthy Battista Orsini, were not much better than Rodrigo Borgia.

Another of the worldly-minded Cardinals was the astute and ambitious La Balue who, since 1485, had returned to reside in Rome. His two master passions were politics and the accumulation of riches. In spite of all the vicissitudes of his tempestuous life, when he died in 1491 he was worth 100,000 ducats.

Equally worldly was Giuliano della Rovere, undoubtedly the strongest personality in the College of Cardinals. Politics and war were the main interests in his life. He “bore the stamp of the 15th Century to which he belonged, and carried into the next age its strength of will, its impetuosity in action, and its largeness in aim and idea. He was proud, ambitious, self-confident and hot-tempered, but never small or mean. He paid no more regard to his vow of celibacy than the majority of his colleagues; but through all his worldliness there was in him a certain seriousness, a capacity for something better, which was destined to show itself in later years. He was a noble patron of Art, and maintained his interest in it through all the stormiest episodes of his life.

Between the wealth acquired by the accumulation of benefices and foreign bishoprics, and their connections with so many powerful kings and princes, the influence of the Cardinals had become so great that there was manifest danger of the subjection of the Papacy to the Sacred College. The power of Giuliano della Rovere, during the reign of Innocent VIII and the high-handed manner in which he exercised it, went quite beyond the bounds of what was permissible. During the war of the Neapolitan Barons, he, on his own authority, had a Courier sent by the Duke of Milan, arrested, and his papers taken from him. The Milanese, Florentine, and Ferrarese Ambassadors of that day complained that two Popes were more than they could do with; one was quite enough.

These too-human princely Cardinals are likened by a modern historian to the old Roman Senators. “Most of them, like the Pope, were surrounded by a Curia of their own and a circle of nephews. They went about in martial attire and wore swords elaborately decorated. As a rule, each Cardinal had several hundred servants and retainers living in the Palace, and their number might be on occasion augmented by hired bravi. This gave them a following among the populace who depended on the Cardinals’ Courts for their livelihood. Most of these Princes of the Church had their own factions, and they vied with each other in the splendour of their troops of horsemen, and of the triumphal cars filled with masques, musicians, and actors, which paraded the streets during the Carnival, and on all festal occasions. The Cardinals of that day quite eclipsed the Roman nobles.”

The encouragement which they gave to Literature and Art, the patronage of which was looked upon as an indispensable adornment of greatness in the age of the Renaissance, is the one redeeming spot in the lives of these Princes of the Church, which in all other ways were so scandalously out of keeping with their spiritual character. It was not strangers only who were scandalised by the behaviour of these unworthy priests; many born Italians, especially the mission preachers, complain bitterly of them. The most energetic and outspoken of all was the Dominican, Girolamo Savonarola. In his sermons, but more especially in his poems, he paints a gruesome picture of the corruptions in the Church, and prophesies terrible manifestations of the wrath of God in the near future.

Anticipations of impending judgments prevailed widely during this period. Many prophets appeared, and predictions of the complete overthrow of all existing institutions, and the condign punishment of the corrupt clergy, were passed from mouth to mouth. One appeared in Rome in 1491.

A contemporary writer describes the preacher as poorly clad and only carrying in his hand a small wooden cross, but very eloquent and well educated. He collected the people in the public squares and announced in prophetical tones that in the current year there would be much tribulation, and Rome would be filled with the sound of weeping. In the year following the distress would spread over the whole country; but in 1493 the Angel Pope would appear (Angelicus Pastor), who would possess no temporal power, and would seek nothing but the good of souls.

The prophecies of Savonarola, however, produced far more impression than any of these, and the extraordinary influence of his sermons and writings is, for the most part, due to them. Many of them had their origin in visions, which he thought had been granted to him. In the Advent of 1492 he had a dream which he firmly held to be a Divine revelation. “He saw in the middle of the sky a hand bearing a sword, on which these words were inscribed—Gladius Domini super terram cito et velociter.” He heard many clear and distinct voices promising mercy to the good, threatening chastisement to the wicked, and proclaiming that the wrath of God was at hand. Then, suddenly the sword was turned towards the earth; the sky darkened; swords, arrows and flames rained down; terrible thunderclaps were heard; and all the world was a prey to war, famine and pestilence.”

BOOK IX. ALEXANDER VI. A.D. 1492-1503.