HAILE SELASSIE. 1892 – 1975. EMPEROR OF ETHIOPIACHAPTER II.THE EMPEROR’S SECRET
Haile Selassie rules because he knows the true foundation of a
ruler’s strength. If ever there was a man who realised that knowledge is power he is that man. Desire for knowledge is the mainspring
of his character. In saying this I speak from personal experience.
When he was in
England in 1924 he received me in private when the diplomatic functions were
over and quietly and shrewdly questioned me concerning everything in London
which he had found difficult to understand. As I answered his questions I had
a feeling that each fact was quietly seized upon and stored away for use at
some future time. Nothing escaped him. His penetrating enquiries concerning the
political situation would, I remember thinking, have astounded the various
functionaries who had treated him with somewhat superior politeness and
answered him with official caution, amounting usually to evasiveness. He was
in Europe for many reasons, but above all to learn.
The reception
had at first a certain formality, for an Ethiopian of whatever rank or kinship
when meeting his ruler after an absence must first make respectful renewal of
allegiance; but we were soon gossiping easily concerning the past.
At this time,
it must be remembered, the Emperor was only Regent, ruling with the Empress Zawditu, and bearing the name Ras Tafari. However, as
representative of the throne, he was accorded full regal dignities.
“You knew my
father, did you not? ” asked the Emperor.
I said that I
had met Ras Makonnen, Governor of Harar, only on one occasion, but that I had
always remembered his strength and charm. The Emperor smiled. “They thought
well of him in London I am told”
It was a
happiness to reply with truth that during my years in England I had several
times heard from officials concerned with Ethiopian affairs how greatly the
character and ability of the Emperor’s father had been respected.
As I spoke he
said nothing, but I saw a look of resolution come into his eyes, determination
that he would be worthy of his father.
He picked up a
volume from the table at his side.
“Will you tell
your cousin when next you see him that I value his dictionary,” he said. “It is
a fine piece of work and the greatest assistance to us all.”
He was
referring to my cousin, Charles Ambruster, British Consul at Gondar in Northern
Abyssinia who, having retired to Majorca, had compiled an Amharic dictionary,
the first attempt at an exhaustive guide to that elusive language. I was glad
to be able to assure him that my cousin was well.
“There is still
a monument to your father in Ethiopia,” said the Emperor, smiling. At first I
did not understand. “The cannon which he cast for the Emperor Theodore. You
know the story?”
I had heard my
father tell it many times*
“I believe it
was never fired?”
The Emperor’s
smile grew wider.
“No, it was
never fired, Princess, but for a man who knew nothing of such things it was a
wonderful achievement. We have yet to make another. That was sixty years ago
and we have still no factories.”
“You have seen
factories in England, your Highness?”
“No, not yet.”
“One part of
England where there are many of them they call, the Black Country.”
The ruler from
the East was puzzled.
“The smoke
blackens everything. It hides the sky. Factories can be very terrible.”
The Emperor
slowly nodded.
“We shall not
go too fast,” he said.
Seated in a
high-backed chair, a pile of books and newspapers beside him, he talked
alternately in French and Amharic, touching on many subjects. He did not pose.
It was his air of simplicity that charmed me. London had excited him; he did
not attempt to conceal it. That morning he had spent in a famous Knightsbridge
store. “One day,” he said, “they shall open a branch in my capital.” He smiled
as he spoke. “Wait,” he said, “I will show you what I have bought and how much
they charged me. Then you shall tell me if I have done well.”
Having spoken
he raised his hands and clapped three times. At once a servant emerged from
behind a curtain —and I realised even in London he
had maintained the rules of his palace and always had assistance close at hand.
The various lists were brought and I glanced through them. He had spent over
one thousand pounds, buying with excellent judgment and with little of that love
of the ornate and curious which eastern potentates so often display. I was able
to tell him that the prices were reasonable, and he nodded agreement. “Yes,” he
said, “they do not cheat you in trade, the English. I like London. Everything
here is so ... ” he paused in search of a word. “So firm,” he said at last.
“Everything here is so firm.”
Almost
at once he began to speak of labour troubles, of
Socialism. Was there any chance of this, he asked? Would it do harm? He spoke
without prejudice and as one well acquainted with Socialist theory though very sceptical as to its practical application. I answered as
well as I was able, with an uneasy feeling that concerning such matters he
probably knew much more than I did. He saw that I was*not likely to give useful
answers and at once sought another topic.
He
had been charmed by the Prince of Wales. One day that young man would rule a
vast Empire. Would he be friendly to Ethiopia?
I gave what
assurance I felt able, wondering inwardly at that strange gift which had
enabled the Prince of Wales to find in a brief interview and without the least
effort a friendly footing with an Ethiopian Emperor.
“I hope that he
will visit me at Addis Ababa,” said the Emperor. “I will find good hunting for
him. He shall see how our men can shoot and ride.... And you must come too,
Princess. You have stayed away too long ...” He looked at me reflectively.
“Don’t you find your husband very white?” he asked.
It was a
gentle, friendly question, and the Emperor smiled as he spoke; but I sensed the
hint of reproof in the tone and felt the intense pride of race that was summed
up in those simple words.
The Emperor
renewed his invitation with the utmost cordiality. Then all at once he frowned.
“Your husband was a soldier. They tell me he has fought in the East ? ” I said
that this was so. “You must bring him out to me,” he said. “ Our neighbours are
becoming too ... friendly. I fear we shall have trouble soon.”
The grave tone
was prophetic. Then the Emperor was smiling again, telling me that the Empress
wished very much to see me, that she had sent me her portrait, that she hoped
my family were blessed by God’s mercy, that she would remember me in her
prayers.
I met him
several times in the course of his stay, the last occasion being just prior to
his departure. Surrounded by his suite, for twenty rulers of provinces had
accompanied him on his travels, he still remained a figure of scholarly
dignity, though some of the chieftains, splendid figures and black as ebony,
towered almost threateningly above him. As we exchanged brief but heart-felt
farewells I felt a strange uneasiness. It is a legend in my family that the
blood of the Queen pf Sheba which flows in our veins gives to the womenfolk the
power to foresee evil, having lived so long in Europe I had almost forgotten
the old beliefs; but at that moment I suddenly felt, with appalling keenness
that evil and danger were close at hand. I wanted to warn the Emperor that
there was treachery somewhere near.
But western civilisation had taught me that such things were ridiculous
and in any case the Emperor had by this time moved away. So the warning was
never uttered. As I looked at the group of retreating figures, however, I
caught a glimpse of one of the chiefs and there was a look on his face which
filled me with fear. It was just a momentary impression, nothing more, but I
turned at once to an Ethiopian merchant who stood beside me and whom I knew I
could trust. “Who is that man?” I asked.
“Ras Hailu,” he
said, “the richest man in Ethiopia.”
“I don’t like
the look of him.”
My friend
smiled.
“It’s all
right,” he said, “don’t worry. The Regent is no fool.”
We had no time
to say more for social duties parted us. But there was a sequel to that chance
conversation. Some years later I was to receive a letter from my friend in
which he was to remind me of my premonition. That letter told me in great
detail the story of a strange conspiracy against the Emperor in which Ras
Hailu had played the leading part. That story I have told in its proper place. I
mention it here as an indication of the secret hostilities by which the Emperor
has all his life been surrounded. During the last two years signs had not been
lacking that so far as internal dissensions were, concerned he was at last out
of danger. It will be ironic in the extreme if just as his slow and painstaking
plans for the betterment of Ethiopia seem likely to make rapid progress the
clock is set back through the barbarous attack of a reputed civilised power.
It is perhaps
the cream of this evil jest of fate that the Emperor Haile Selassie has an
almost exaggerated respect for the institutions of civilised Europe, and that while those who know little of his country complain that
reforms are tardy, there are many European residents of long residence in Addis
Ababa who think that he is being dangerously swift in his imitation of western
ideas.
I can still see
him seated in that high-backed chair, his white cloak thrown around him, his
tight white trousers looking strange though very neat above his patent leather
shoes, and questioning, always questioning.
One of his
questions I particularly remember. He wanted to know what were the duties of
the English aristocracy. What were their duties to their king? I found the
question very hard to answer and finally said that though most of them had no
definite duties in the sense of tasks which must be performed under pain of
punishment—here the Emperor smiled—that many of them, far more, in fact, than
most people realised, undertook voluntary services
to the State without reward of any kind.
He nodded. “So
I have heard,” he said. “Perhaps it is in that fact that the secret of
Britain’s greatness lies. If I could find men among my chieftains who would
serve their country without thought of reward—not on the field of battle, we
have brave warriors in plenty—but in civil life.... ” He was silent for a
while. Then he said: “We must get the young men, we must train them in the path
of service. The young men are our hope— if only we can set them on the right
road.”
Today there is
in existence a League of Young Patriots who are pledged to service without
reward. But the fact that they are growing up in an atmosphere poisoned by the
aggression of a European power is a tragedy. Their minds are crippled by an
instinctive and all-absorbing antagonism towards their country’s enemies, and
much of the sincere emotion which might have been harnessed for their country’s
good has flowed into the useless channels of hatred. Ethiopia is not the only
country where patriotism which might express itself in positive good has turned
instead to sterile anger at the sight of the predatory advance of civilisation.
On another
occasion I was present while the Emperor told an amusing story which showed the
difficulties of bringing enlightenment to his land. In the old days crime was
smelt out by professional soothsayers who claimed the occult power of seeking
out thieves and murderers and tracing stolen goods. The feats which these men
performed while in a state resembling a trance were amazing, and it is for the
psychologists to explain them, but the Emperor had gradually come to the
opinion that this once honourable calling had fallen
info decadence. Wrong accusations were being made in return for bribes, and so
great was the confidence of the people in the verdicts of these diviners that
there were many grave miscarriages of justice.
So the Emperor,
struggling to start a police system on sound European lines—I had not the heart
to interject that it had yet to be shown if the European lines are indeed
sound—forbade the consultation of these diviners. If there was theft the
aggrieved person was to apply to the police. The new decree came into force and
for a while it seemed that all was well. Then one day there was a law suit, a
well-known diviner claiming that the head of police in a certain district who
had been making use of him for some time had failed to pay the stipulated
retainer!
But in spite of
heart-breaking disappointments on every hand the Emperor continues to work on.
Only those who know nothing of him describe him as weak or timid. It would have
been so easy for him to have amassed a fortune abroad and slipped away to enjoy
it in peace. It need not have been done so as to give the impression of
deliberate desertion—a palace revolution, the deposed monarch exiled ... it
would all have. appeared so natural. Then, with ample means, he could have
devoted himself to the books which are his chief love. It would have been easy,
too, for a weak-minded man in the Emperor’s place to make excuses for such
conduct, that he had done his best and failed, that his people were ungrateful.
But though Haile Selassie is a man of peace no one doubts who knows him that he
will fight to the last.
With regard to
his tour of Europe he has sometimes been criticised for extravagant spending, though compared to some eastern rulers who have
visited the western world he was studiously moderate in his purchases.
Everything he bought had a purpose. He knew that at the stage of development
which his countrymen had reached display was a necessary part of any attempt to
rule them. Moreover, the best way to spread the new gospel of cleanliness and
health was to build a palace and fit it up spotlessly on modern lines. Slowly
the example would spread. Chiefs who cared nothing for hygienic principles
might well be persuaded to adopt them from slavish devotion to royal
fashion—which weakness is not a monopoly of Europe—and so a generation might
be bred to whom sanitation was no novelty. Those who know how the Emperor has
poured out his own money in the fitting up of hospitals laugh when they hear
him spoken of as proud and mercenary.
Yet proud he
certainly is, and he openly expressed his opinion to members of his entourage
that his reception in Great Britain was not so royal as he would have wished.
This applied only to the first days. Later, when he had made an excellent
impression he had no cause to complain of lack of hospitality; but in the first
stages of his welcome he detected a lack of warmth. He questioned me closely as
to this. The Duke of York had met him on his arrival. He was the King’s second
son. Did that imply a slight? Was the State landau in which he had been driven
through London the same as that in which a European monarch would have been
conducted, and were his quarters—he was lodged in a house in Kensington, the
property of Mrs. Sassoon—suitable to his rank?
Questions such
as these might well have been interpreted as indicating an overweening
vanity—yet few conjectures could have been so far from the truth. To understand
the Emperor’s feelings (he was, of course, in those days only Regent) you must
remember that he knew little of Europe and further that it was of the utmost
importance to him from the point of view of policy that he should be treated
with deference. There were jealous eyes watching him, not only at home but in
his own suite, who could judge human worth only in terms of the respect shown
to it by foreigners and who could estimate respect only in terms of ceremonial
etiquette. It was thus not personal vanity which prompted the questionings but
shrewd considerations of policy. As a man the Emperor cared nothing for the
social shams of either East or West. His keen mind pierced through them and
showed them to him for what they were—he had not read the great French
satirists for nothing; but as a statesman he was compelled to estimate to a
nicety the possible effect on his followers of any slight either real or
imagined. Such calculations are part of the art of ruling to a monarch placed
in his position and personal vanity does not enter into them in any but the
least degree. When one considers the absurdities of which Europeans with social
aspirations are capable with very much less than a throne at stake it is
possible to see the attitude of the Emperor in proper proportion and to acquit
him of the charge of undue self-esteem unless there is evidence of a far more
personal nature to confirm the accusation.
And such
evidence is lacking. Possibly you have read that when the Emperor goes out
shooting the official who accompanies him always shoots first and misses while
the Emperor then brings off the winning shot. This sort of anecdote though true
enough in uninterpreted fact gives a very wrong impression. To begin with a
second shot is often a good deal more difficult than a first —and Haile
Selassie is admitted by all who know him to be a very fine shot indeed; while
it is incorrect that the ceremonial—a very ancient prescription—is carried out
whenever the Emperor shoots. A young Frenchman of my acquaintance, an almost
miraculous shot, told me how some years ago he had the pleasure of a few hours’
informal shooting with the Emperor whom he paid the compliment of treating
simply as a fellow sportsman and beating at the game—though by a very small
margin. “When it was all over,” he said, “I watched for signs of sulkiness, or
alternatively that glassy politeness which is even more indicative of the bad
loser with whom the fault is inborn. I will swear that I saw no such sign. The
Emperor was genuinely glad to have found an antagonist willing to meet him on
equal terms and being beaten in a fair trial of skill perturbed him not in the
least.”
To me that
story outweighs all evidence to the contrary.
This, then, is
Haile Selassie as he appeared to European eyes when, as Ras Tafari, he visited
the western nations some ten years ago. Let us now consider for a while the
land over which he rules.
CHAPTER III.ETHIOPIA,
THE UNCONQUERABLE LAND
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