No period could have been more propitious for the consummation of Italian liberty than the interregnum following Henry the Sixth’s death: the two factions of Germany were neutralized in the person and ability of Barbarossa and gave little trouble during his long occupation of the throne. Henry with equal valour, more ferocity, and less talent, was popular with his countrymen and maintained the peace of Germany; but he was scarcely cold when the northern princes forgetting both his child and their own promises of fidelity commenced a civil war beyond the Alps.

The principal competitors for Germany were Philip Duke of Suabia and Tuscany, the eldest of Henry’s brothers, and Otho then Duke of Aquitaine, son of Henry the Lion Duke of Saxony and Bavaria: Philip Augustus of France supported his namesake, while Richard of England almost as a matter of course espoused the cause of Otho: Philip represented the house of Ghibelline, Otho that of Guelph and therefore had the pontiff’s assistance: the former had been recalled from Tuscany to carry his nephew into Germany but was stopped by the news of that monarch’s death: turning back from Montefiascone he suddenly crossed the Alps followed by the curses of Italy; but often with more serious marks of personal hatred, and the death of several attendants: so deep and general was the detestation of him and his two predecessors. The rivals were enthroned by their friends; a long and bloody war began; enmity refreshed by long repose, broke forth more wildly; both parties believed their chief to be God’s anointed and his competitor necessarily a rebel, and therefore added the false and flattering, but convenient cry and sometimes even the spirit of loyalty, to all the virulence of faction.

This left the Italian provinces at liberty and Pope Innocent III took immediate advantage of these transalpine storms to shelter Italy by the exclusive labour of her own children: young, able, daring, ambitious, and accomplished in all the learning of his age, he seized the lucky moment, made a bold push for ecclesiastical supremacy, and completely succeeded. Except in the Campagna no jurisdiction remained at this time to the popes, and even there a mere echo of the imperial name carried more real weight than their own immediate influence : Innocent resolved to alter this, but his first efforts were directed to the internal government of Rome where until his predecessor’s reign the Senate’s authority had not been perfectly acknowledged or its constitution exactly fixed, although established in 1144 by the eloquence of Abelard’s disciple the celebrated and patriotic Arnold of Brescia.

The Romans of that day, an unstable race, soon after became tired of what they had so vehemently struggled for, and following the general example of Italy chose a foreign governor or Podestà while they concentrated the senatorial power in a single functionary with the title of Senator, established him in the public palace on the Capitoline hill, and invested him with sufficient authority to curb the insolence of a haughty and turbulent nobility. But so variable was the Roman mind that when Innocent became pope this office had also lost its charms and a certain feeling of jealousy existed at the sovereignty of a stranger.

According to ancient customs the people claimed a largess at each pontiff’s inauguration as the price of their allegiance to Saint Peter: this was instantly disbursed with unusual promptness and liberality but the obligations of obedience were more cautiously and rigorously worded than ever, and while the citizens were still loud in extolling the pontiff’s generosity one of his creatures was easily made Senator of Rome. Homage was then exacted from the imperial prefect who was also compelled to receive a fresh investiture from the pope; all the popularly elected civil judges and Podestàs were expelled from the patrimony and replaced by Innocent’s friends; two cardinals proceeded to reduce La Marca; two other prelates to bring the Duchy of Spoleto to submission, which was claimed as a part of king Pepin’s original grant confirmed by Charlemagne; and these provinces oppressed and exasperated by transalpine rule most eagerly and generally revolted. Eight cities and towns in the former and nine in the latter spontaneously acknowledged the pope’s authority but without changing their free system of municipal government.

With the more powerful and independent Tuscan cities greater caution became necessary, and feeling that it would be easier to make them allies than subjects Innocent III wisely offered to become the protector of their confederacy instead of their sovereign, charging the Cardinals Pandolfo and Bernardo with the negotiation as above related.

It has been already shown that such leagues were not new in Tuscany and according to Malavolti a sort of federal union had very early existed: the general government was commonly administered by an imperial vicar whose usual residence was at San Miniato Tedesco; he gave judgment in appeals, received tolls and taxes of various kinds then comprehended under the general name of “Regalia” and when absent his duties were executed by Nuncios who with the title of count distributed justice in each city and its territory. But quite independent of these there was a purely national assembly of “Rector” from each city, expressly chosen by it and presided by a prior, with the duty of superintending the general wel­fare and tranquillity of Tuscany. When a quarrel arose between any two places, of whatever faction, these deputies settled it at once if possible : if the disputants insisted on war the assembly was not dissolved nor its integrity diminished but still continued its exertions to restore tranquillity. For this purpose, and to determine public appeals and arrange the new elections, it assembled at stated periods in various parts of the province, but as the rectors either collectively or individually had no local authority in any state, public liberty was never endangered by such associations. One of these meetings at which the Bishop of Volterra presided as prior of the company, settled a dispute which arose in 1205 about Siena’s claim to the lordship of Montepulciano as being within the ancient county jurisdiction of that city: this was decided in her favour, and though of a later date than the present transactions would induce a belief that the recent company was rather an extension of its existing powers, to foreign matters than the creation of an entirely new institution.

The independence of Tuscany being thus provisionally secured and little danger apprehended from Germany, no time could be more favourable for a resumption of the ambitious schemes of Florence if discreetly managed; wherefore, still holding to their designs on Semifonte, the Florentines made an alliance with Siena by which amongst other conditions the latter was to be assisted with a thousand infantry and a hundred horse for one month against Montalcino; and Colle of the Val-d’Elsa pledged herself not to succour Semifonte in the event of war. Turning towards the Mugello they then invested a Castello called Cambiate on the Marina river whose chiefs refused obedience and after its reduction prepared for a final rupture with the petty but energetic republic of Semifonte.

On the summit of a small hill between Lucardo and Vico and the vale of Elsa and the neighbourhood of San Gemignano “delle belle Torri” once stood the Castello of Semifonte which even in the twelfth century was considered extremely ancient but when or by whom founded is unknown. According to the old record of its misfortunes Semifonte was adorned with a degree of magnificence and taste that might lead the imagination to suppose it a Roman town which having escaped Lombard barbarity still preserved some traces of former refinement.

It was inhabited by many wealthy gentlemen of high family and ancient race and by many knights of the Golden Spur, a dignity as old perhaps as Charlemagne, then indicative of power and riches as well as of the most distinguished honour. At an earlier epoch it belonged to the family of Visconte whose last male descendant flourished during the reign of Barbarossa and followed his banner in the Italian wars; he died in arms under the imperial standard at the siege of Rome in 1107, leaving his daughter Emilia sole heiress of Semifonte and all its territory. A marriage was soon concluded between the young countess and Albert Lord of Prato and Certaldo, already mentioned as the Seignior of Pogna, who wedded her in 1170 with all the family possessions as a dower.

Semifonte being the finest and strongest town in his dominions, was Count Albert’s ordinary residence until he was made prisoner at Pogna in 1184, when Florence insisted on the partial or total destruction of all his defences, and amongst them the towers of Semifonte. At this time says the Chronicle, “Florence enjoying riches and prosperity and despising the power of its neighbours, to increase its conquests sought out with wonderful industry every pretence for dispute and omitted no opportunity of extending its territory whenever and wherever it occurred.”

Siena alarmed at this, and uneasy at the apparent fate of Semifonte while avoiding any open demonstration of her feel­ings, by the aid of San Gemignano and other places excited the inhabitants to revolt. The Semifontines were continually taunted with tamely allowing their towers to be demolished and they themselves remaining quietly to be sold as slaves by an imperious master and his insolent sons. Already dissatisfied with their chiefs conduct and mortified at the ruin of their towers, which touched both their pride and safety, the Semifontines became indignant at the idea of being sold to a people whom they had long detested; so that moved by the intrigues of Siena, nettled by the taunts of San Gemignano, and encouraged by the example of successful resistance in several of Count Albert’s dependencies; but above all, trusting to the strength of their town and their native courage, liberty became the absorbing thought of every class in the community. Revolt was first cautiously whispered amongst friends, then more openly discussed, and finally became the prevailing topic of discourse in all public places; at length by the management of Accorao Pitti, a man of high rank and influence, the deter­mination to renounce their allegiance was boldly avowed arid as rapidly executed. Accorso Pitti whose family became so conspicuous in the subsequent history of Florence, was cousin m the heiress of Visconte and perhaps himself not averse to become lord of his native city: he is described as a person of graceful engaging manners; hold, wise, and more than commonly eloquent; fit for any enterprise, and both from exalted rank and individual character had the confidence and respect of his fellow citizens.

When the public mind was thought to be sufficiently imbued with discontent and ripe for change, this leader and a number of chosen adherents one morning suddenly drew their swords in a pretended fray, and followed by a crowd scoured all the streets shouting the name of Liberty. Ere long the market place overflowed with people of every age and rank; the suburbs poured in their more numerous population, and even the neighbouring peasantry caught this spirit and participated in the general agitation. The armed citizens rushed with one impulsive movement on the palace, dragged forth Count Albert’s vicar, occupied his place, and would have pitched him headlong from the window if some ecclesiastics had not opportunely interfered to prevent it. The revolution thus completed, Messer Berlingheri a man of great wisdom and eloquence harangued the crowd who, after proclaiming themselves independent, by his advice nominated a “Balia” or supreme governing council, composed of twelve “Buoniomini” with unlimited powers to form a constitution. Not a moment was lost in useless debate, for they were continually interrupted by the citizens’ jealous apprehensions, and clamorous demands for periodical reports of their progress; so that all the influence of the Vavassours was scarcely sufficient to calm their restless suspicions and allow time for the formation of a constitution. At length the result was announced, and generally approved. A seignior or “Captain of the People” with two “Ansiani” or elders, as councillors, were to be annually chosen by a general assembly: they were to reside in the public palace with a foreign judge, secretary, and all the various officers of a regular government, and were bound to administer justice even in the most trifling affairs of private individuals, as well as to conduct the weightier business of state. Fifty Buoniomini under the title of Rectors were to be chosen from the popular mass as an assistant council in the latter duties, and when a more extended opinion became necessary one man from each hearth or house of both town and district repaired to the palace whenever the “Campana” the great bell of the Lion Tower, tolled for a public assembly. Many other arrangements were subsequently made and Accorso Pitti was elected by acclamation as first “Capitano del Popolo” of the Semifontine Republic. He began by dismissing the assembled people, advising them to lay aside their arms, and summoning them to a general meeting on the morrow to nominate the various public functionaries, all which was completed to the universal satisfaction. The two Anziani were ordered to take the title of consuls, and a foreign judge was chosen from San Gemignano; the “Parliament” appointed a certain number of Gonfaloniers under whom the people were to assemble in arms by companies for public service; and after the supreme authority was solemnly confided to the discretion of the seignior and consuls, the citizens retired to their dwellings with a newly awakened and proud feeling of independence.

Thus in a few hours did this little town, full of various ranks and conditions, and accustomed to arbitrary government, rise as a single man and proclaim its liberty: it accomplished a revolution without bloodshed, and completed a simple form of constitutional government adapted to times and manners, which lasted until overthrown by another republic of equal freedom and superior force. “And thus we see” says the chronicler “what great strength may be given to men although rude and unpolished, by the desire of vengeance against those who have ruled them with rapacious tyranny.”

Liberty in truth has need of tyranny to make her blessings known; she seeks for virtuous and general devotion ; for those dwellings where self-interest is sacrificed to public good, and makes her permanent abode only where much previous suffering has already prepared her a home: she must have many disinterested friends to greet her coming, and will neither be easily moved by the generous zeal of the few, allured by the unstable heat of the many, nor yet be propitiated by the blood of any single individual however exalted in station or tyrannical in conduct. An essentially immoral nation may long preserve the forms without the substance of freedom; amongst such a people self-interest must ever out-balance public service, which will always be considered by them as a mere source of personal aggrandisement: such governments will rather discourage than support, or even applaud the few honest men whose sincerity prompts them to strike at corruption through superior authorities.

The revolution of Semifonte not only shows how widely spread and how well understood were the spirit and forms of liberty according to the notions of that age, but also with what extreme moderation and absence of all violence such a change of condition was accomplished even in an obscure provincial town of Tuscany.

Count Albert lost no time in secretly assembling troops to recover the place but his adversaries were acute, suspicious, anti well prepared; the manners of the time accustomed them to arms, and the leaders took good care to inculpate every individual citizen in the revolt so as to insure unanimity in their subsequent transactions, for where many offend, they said, none are punished; and Albert, who had already commenced his march, on hearing their state of defence retired disappointed to Certaldo.

From a close application to the conduct of its own affairs Semifonte soon increased in riches strength and industry; but the people became restless from ease and prosperity which at first sit ill on active minds: alike regardless of prudence and justice they made incursions on the lands of their ancient chief, harried the neighbouring communities, trespassed on the Florentine and Roman states, molested passengers, plundered merchants, and even presumed to levy feudal tributes on the people as if they themselves were lords of the soil. The well-founded complaints of Count Albert and the Florentines were treated with equal scorn, for secretly backed by San Gemignano and Siena whose object was to repel the advance of Florence, and confiding in their town their citadel and themselves, they still continued this predaceous warfare. Count Albert was too feeble, and Florence then too much occupied to undertake the immediate reduction of so stubborn an enemy, so that they were allowed to continue their aggressions until the diminished excitement of incipient liberty combined with increasing opulence reduced them to comparative tranquillity find permitted their neighbours to repose.

This tranquillity was brief, for in 1198 or 1199 a man called Vallentre Berardi of Pogna became Chief of the Commonwealth and being of an unquiet warlike disposition with a certain love of liberty, had already made the inhabitants of Pogna revolt arid acknowledge the supremacy and protectorship of Semifonte. Under his auspices an unquiet spirit was again awakened and by renewed aggressions roused the anger of Florence: an expedition in conjunction with Count Albert was therefore decreed, while he transferred to that state by  apublic instrument of sale, then aristocratically called a “Donation”, all his property and rights in Semifonte, besides engaging to join the expedition against it. This transaction look place in February 1199 in presence of Paganello da Porcari the Podesta of Florence and several other witnesses; amongst them Hildebrand Bishop of Volterra a prelate of great temporal power and amiable qualities.

The Florentines being now doubly justified by their own injuries and a legal right to Semifonte lost no time in moving troops towards their intended conquest, while the Semifontines rather prepared for a desperate resistance than any acknowledgment of Florentine supremacy. It was probably at this period that the unsuccessful expedition mentioned by Ammirato and Simone della Tosa took place, between which and the year 1202 another expedition seems to have been prepared but was rendered useless by the friendly mediation of Bishop Hildebrand who reduced the Semifontines to reason and submission procured them an amnesty for past errors, and induced them even to take the oath of allegiance and receive a Florentine governor.

Such peace was soon broken, for Siena, still more alarmed, renewed her former intrigues so artfully as to cause a new revolt and the Florentine rector’s expulsion ; after which fresh aggressions commenced and finally brought down vengeance from the more powerful state.

One of the political maxims of Semifonte was put into rhyme for the purpose of impressing more strongly on the public mind the importance of an unrelaxing opposition to the Florentine people. That Florence should be repelled and allow Semifonte to prosper was perhaps sound policy but more easily proclaimed than enforced, and less likely to remain unanswered than acquiesced in by Florence.

Chiarito Pigli Consul of the Merchants' Company was immediately invested with full powers to reduce the insurgents, and Hildebrand having abandoned them, there remained no further impediment to immediate hostilities. Meanwhile the Semifontines were not idle; preparations for defence were redoubled  the “Rocca” or Citadel, called the “Capo del Bagnolo" was given in charge to Daniel of Bagnano a man of faith and bravery, well worthy of a post which commanded the town and all its defences.

The position of Semifonte was on the ridge of a small crescent-shaped hill about a mile and a half in circumference, one horn of which pointed towards Lucardo and the to the neighbourhood of Vico: the town nearly followed its outline but was of an oval form inclosed by massive and lofty ramparts thickly studded with loopholed and machicolated towers.

Two great gates and a small postern were its only outlets, one of them surmounted by a noble tower, looked on Lucardo and was called “Porta alia Fonte” from a spring of pure water that gushed out of the rock below, but more frequently “Porta al Bagnano” after a place of that name in the neighbourhood. The postern led towards Vico and was named after the adjoining chapel of Saint Nicholas: near this point the line of walls was broken by the citadel's solid ground-work spreading outwards under the weight of a high embattled tower like the base of a pyramid and was pierced by the low arch of a sallyport through which supplies were received in war. On the other extremity of this defensive line stood a corresponding tower, and at its angle of junction with the rampart issued another stream from a spring within the palace which flowed through the public streets and after supplying several fountains burst through the solid masonry and flowing beside the public road was celebrated alike for the clearness of its waters and the beautiful marbles that contained them.

Hard by this stream stood the splendid Porta Romans or as more generally denominated, “Porta Grande” from its conspicuous size and beauty; it was the principal gate, and is described as having been composed entirely of cut stone surmounted by a finely proportioned tower two hundred and thirty feet high and wreathed with fight graceful galleries of marble columns; the whole crowned by a colossal lion in grey “Macigno” grasping the standard of Semifonte: this was considered as the national guardian and gave its name to the Tower.

Continuing from Porta Grande, the rampart, occasionally flanked by other turreted projections, was finally reunited to the Porta al Bagnano. On a central spot of the most elevated ground rose in solid strength the “Rocca” or Citadel of Semifonte: it is described as of a quadrangular form, “magnificent, beautiful, and inconceivably strong”; studded with towers, and battlements beetling out from their summits; and with turrets hanging from every angle of the bulwark. Sternly towering in the midst of all, was seen the “Cassero" or great octangular keep, a vast, imposing, and compact stronghold and well provided for the war; it commanded every thing, was full of stout hearts and hands, and secure in its native strength seemed proudly waiting for the storm.The circuit of walls was small, but populous suburbs stretched far out

from the gates, active with industry and replete with artisans to whom the shuttle the lance or the crossbow were equally familiar.

Beyond the Gate of Bagnano stood two lofty arches: under one was the fountain whence it received its name, the other formed a sort of internal entrance to this extensive suburb which was closed towards the open country by a second gate called “ Porta di Borgo”. A high tower surmounting the gate and a protecting outwork or barbican completed the defence, and the backs of the houses looking into gardens were so well closed and united as to render them in skilful hands a formidable obstacle to besiegers.

The interior of Semifonte was adorned with churches, palaces, and various stately buildings; it contained three hundred houses independent of ecclesiastical abodes and their appurtenances, a fine public palace belonging to the old Semifontine chieftains, besides many others the property of nobles, vavassours, and divers distinguished gentlemen. The place could muster three hundred men-at-arms with their usual attendants, and twenty “Barbuti” distinguished by steel helmets and horsehair crests, armed at all points and mounted on spirited chargers. Besides these were many more of note who wore the garb and weapons of their respective companies, and “when plumed and armed for service made a goodly show as they ranged themselves under the respective colours of their bannermen.” In addition to this force, the peasantry and “Masnadieri” or paid infantry of the district, with the con­tingents of friendly communities swelled the garrison which thus prepared calmly awaited the conflict.

Meanwhile the Florentine bands were duly marshalled, and threading the Val d’ Elsa pushed forward an advanced guard towards the Lucardo side of Semifonte. One morning before sunrise this corps appeared before the outwork about two crossbow shots distant from the Porta Di Borgo, and as soon as the main body arrived carried that post by storm. The suburb was then promptly attacked in front and flank, and a secure lodgment effected close up to the town wall: detachments immediately occupied every avenue by which supplies could arrive and thus the investment was completed. In this state the belligerent forces remained for some time without further advantage on either side, but the fame of the enterprise attracted many volunteers to the besiegers’ camp, and cavalcades of squires and knights and nobles, not only from Tuscany but every part of Italy, came prancing in as if it were a tournament, to test their prowess in the war.

Florence however had something besides mere pageantry to occupy her; she could but ill afford the expense of a protracted siege; and being moreover hard pressed by the Ubaldini in Mugello, urged on her consul either to a decisive blow or an immediate return to the capital. Chiarito Pigli thus pressed dispatched Aldobrandino Cavalcante with a flag of truce and honourable conditions to the besieged; but they would not even listen to his terms, and flights of arrows repelled every effort at a parley. An assault on the Porta al Bagnano was repulsed after some hard fighting by showers of “Verrettoni” from the tower and the Florentines retired with considerable loss but leaving a painful impression on the Semifontines’ mind, who felt the necessity of all their exertion to defeat these vigorous and indefatigable assailants.

The people of San Gemignano and other allies seeing the unpromising aspect of affairs began to consult their own safety and offered friendly overtures; these increased the confidence of Pigli who after a second unsuccessful attempt at negotiation endeavoured to win the place by treachery. The community of San Donato had sent a body of cross-bowmen to the besieged under one of their most accredited citizens called Ricevuto di Giovanetto who was especially charged to defend the Lion Tower, and Pigli either from a previous knowledge of Ricevuto, or calculating on the weakness of human nature when in contact with self-interest, succeeded in corrupting him by a promise amongst other things of the civic honours and privileges of Florence, with immunity for himself and all his race in perpetuity from any public impost in that city. His post was to be attacked during the night and after a false resistance the Florentines were to enter as if successful: the columns accordingly advanced at the appointed hour and fixing their ladders in deep silence mounted with confidence although surprised by an unlooked for resistance and the quick dropping of their men on every side. The struggle was nevertheless maintained until day-break when showers of arrows from the citadel repulsed them, and very soon after the livid corpse of Ricevuto was seen dangling by one leg from the battlements. He fell by his own fault, but Florence was true to her word; she gave his family all that had been promised although no good resulted from the treason; and this circumstance has misled 6ome writers into the belief that Semifonte fell by intrigue and disloyalty.

The consul was still urged either to finish or raise the siege and march to the Mugello; but equally alive to the disgrace of being thus baffled and the increasing difficulty of a protracted leaguer, ordered a general assault; the preparations for this were made in the most open and ostentatious manner in order to alarm the Semifontines, and induce their acceptance of terms which for the third time he was about to offer.

The seignior and consuls of Semifonte immediately dispatched four anziani to learn their purport; a general assembly was summoned and an answer promised in two hours, but without any relaxation of the besiegers’ preparations. Parliament was assembled before the palace where Messer Scotto the Seignior, in his official robes and the “Tocco” or cap of dignity; attended by the two consuls, the fifty rectors and all the public functionaries, descended from the palace and thus addressed the people.

“If death this day in defence of our sinking country would ‘bring with it a posthumous renown, I doubt not 0 most prudent and beloved countrymen, that our present misfortune would feel as light as it now weighs heavy on our mind; for then with a momentary exertion we should be sure to gain a lasting reward: but at this instant it would savour too much of pride and folly to choose the worst course of the only two that are offered, and thus with infinite damage acquire immeasurable shame. I have as you all know past my life in arms; and experience has taught me how differently the events of war finish from that which in the beginning they seem to promise; therefore as Heaven and your own free will have placed me in the office of your chief and that you have judged me capable of discharging it; verily, verily I should fail in my duty were I to conceal that which I know is for your good. Moved therefore by the sole wish of benefiting the Commonwealth I am compelled to announce to you with feelings which I cannot now restrain, that our cause is desperate; that we have no salvation but in immediate peace with Florence; and that in our present state it is more easy for rash men to assert that they can defend our walls than for the wise and experienced to believe them. Behold how our enemies are favoured! Favoured even by the very things and circumstances which we hailed as precursors of our own good fortune; and time has reconciled them with those in whom we most trusted for assistance! Behold the fallacy of our judgment! We foolishly believed that in the war’s duration was our best chance of safety, and now we find it pregnant with unmitigated evil! For the Florentines, seeing none move in our favour, have cast aside all apprehension and act in bold and fearless confidence. Yonder is San Gemignano; our nearest neighbour; a people in whom we implicitly confided : with a fatal foresight have they not made peace with Florence in the certainty of our impending ruin, while they are blind to its being the vigil of their own destruction! Our numbers are fearfully diminished, the enemy’s forces hourly augmenting; we are short of victuals and of warlike stores; they have abundance of both; we have no chance nor hope of a supply; our adversary revels in all the wantonness of luxury! In every deed of arms have they not triumphed, and proved themselves superior to our efforts? We yielded the barbican ingloriously; we lost the Borgo still more shamefully; we have been worsted in every encounter, and can we now expect miracles in our favour? Our walls are scarcely tenable, and God defend us from the assault which I fear, and expect at the very spot where they have been most severely damaged. There we cannot repel the enemy, and happy will he be who dies in their defence, for well do I know the condition of a stormed town and the madness of an enraged and licentious soldiery! But let it not be supposed that I so speak through fear of death, for alas! I have lived too long when I have lived to see my country in this condition! But my duty and my experience urge me with sorrow to point out to you our impending calamities. Believe, O believe these old white hairs! We have now no hope, no shelter, no resource; and he will be reputed wise who temporises under evils and makes the best of inevitable misfortunes. It is sometimes laudable in bold and powerful men to hazard life for the sake of honour and renown; but we by our obstinacy will peril, along with our wives and children, our very country itself; lose every thing with her and get nothing in exchange but everlasting infamy. Let us then send deputies to hear the enemy’s conditions, and by capitulation do that which is most to our present advantage; or should these prove too degrading let us scornfully refuse them and die like desperate men. If they be fair and honourable why should we not accept them? Will it not be wiser to cede to the force of circumstances which we cannot control, and so preserve these walls and this people for more fortunate times, than to lose by foolish obstinacy not only our lives and our country but all the fame that we have already gained in the world? I speak thus because thus I feel, and thus I judge, but am ready to follow any better council that your prudence may suggest.” With these words the grave and experienced Seignior finished his discourse and Messer Lo Turco began.

“If we O Seignors, and most excellent people, had now for the first time to deliberate about renouncing the Florentine dominion, seeing the immense disparity of force I should deem it pure folly to think for a moment of doing so; but knowing that this has been already accomplished, and seeing the condition to which we are in consequence reduced; with few words but strong reasons I will prove that an obstinate defence is not only the most effective means of safety but of the last necessity, and even that in which our present hope almost entirely consists. First you must remember that without any provocation we made war on Florence, and became her subjects entirely from the consequences of our own turbulence; for by him who was our legitimate master we were freely given to the Florentines, and with what outrage and ignominy did we not drive their rector from our walls? Have we not crossed their frontier with a mailed hand? Have we not made repeated inroads on their estates? Have we not with plunder, fire, slaughter, and such unpardonable offences outraged in a thousand ways their property and honour? How many of their subjects who were living in peaceful obedience have we not excited to tumult and revolt? Are we not allied with their bitterest enemies? And have not these ill-deeds brought us, as they will every other people, to the lowest depths of misfortune? And do you really believe; or rather do our offences seem to you of so light a nature as to allow you to believe, that how much soever we may humble ourselves the Florentines will ever stoop to pardon ? Do we deserve pardon? If they offer fair terms it will be from necessity not clemency:—and once in their power if instead of the promised pardon, we receive only chastisement and injury, to whom shall we then appeal for succour?—Who will there then be to judge?—Who to see us righted?—No. When trespassers against the powerful have once broken the bounds of pardon they must rather sustain their cause by arms than place confidence in the empty promises and false countenance of artful and offended men; such as the faithless Florentines.—But granted that they pardon us,—What should be the treatment, what the pardon of subdued rebels? and what will they call us?—We have to perish either by capitulation or by force: by the former with scorn and infamy; by the latter with glory and renown; things not less sweet than life itself to the virtuous, generous-minded and the brave!—There is a small spot of earth prepared alike for the valiant and the coward wherein to lay their bones; but they are not alike gifted with that force of mind that teaches when and how to go there.—It is not necessary that through good and evil fortune all should be feared or all despised; but in both cases it is right to be governed by sound reason and clear judgment. I too agree in the general opinion that it is of the last importance to the Florentines that this war should be speedily and successfully concluded: it is true that they gaze with a bitter smile on the last fitful embers of our decaying fire but are blind to those which the flames just kindled in the Cosentino and Mugello are destined to leave as a legacy to themselves. “he chief of Cambiate infests all the Val di-Marma with “his friends and followers in open war against them, and meditates a blow that will be our salvation if we only repel, as I am sure we shall repel, this menacing assault. More than one or two days the enemy cannot remain before our walls: then why are we to be terrified at the clang of those arms that perhaps may never offend us, and trust to the faith of an iniquitous people only to destroy our ancient cherished name? I have spoken, O Semifontines that which I believe and intend to maintain: I am ready to die a thousand deaths rather than condescend to capitulate; and I now declare that as long as I breathe the breath of life I never will voluntarily agree to a surrender, being resolved to live and die a freeman.”

These orations were followed on either side by others with much difference of opinion; a capitulation was however determined on and deputies were already appointed to hear the enemy’s propositions, when the sudden burst of drums and trumpets, loud shouts and clash of arms, broke up the meeting and hurried all off in apprehension to their stations. The Florentine general intending to stimulate discussion by approaching danger had made a false attack; his columns had already reached the walls and even placed some ladders when the garrison arrived to reoccupy them.

The battle now began in earnest, for Pigli seizing the occasion turned it into a real attack and pressed forward with renewed hope and all the advantage of early preparation : Vallentre Bernardi had succeeded the traitor Ricevuto in the Lion Tower near which a compact body of Florentine infantry carrying “Pavesi” or great bucklers, locked together above their heads like a tiled roof, had steadily advanced and under this shelter nearly worked their way through the solid masonry in despite of all opposition; when at the very moment they thought the entrance practicable fresh showers of arrows fell from the citadel while those within plied their spears so sharply at the breach that the Florentine work was slow and full dearly purchased. Everything being commanded by the “Cassero” deadly aim was securely taken from its height, and as the weakest points of defence were retrenched and palisaded the enemy hid much to surmount besides the ramparts: the struggle became fierce and the slaughter great on this side of the town while at the Porta al Bagnano and the postern of San Nicholas the Alberti with some Florentine nobles and Vavassours led on the storm with equal gallantry, for Count Albert had an ancient debt to pay and the besieged expected it.

By this time every Florentine column had come up; and spread themselves along the whole line of walls; they were met by equal valour, and a long bright band of clashing weapons encircled the ramparts. The citadel was selected by Pigli for his own: it was a brave choice and valiantly sustained; for with the boldest of his followers he proved the value of both head and hand in that bloody encounter: here too Aldobrandino Cavalcante surpassed all others in prowess, and many another hardy knight displayed his force and spirit but all in vain, for Daniel of Janicone whirled such a storm of missiles from the keep, and with so sure and deadly a flight that nothing could stand under it and live; and had not the assailants made good their ground elsewhere Pigli, as he afterwards acknowledged would have been compelled to retreat and desist from the enterprise.

Meanwhile the storm raged in every quarter; shouts, groans, the crash of ladders and the fall of steel-clad men, echoed through the streets of Semifonte; the besieged were thinned, faint and exhausted, and could no longer defend the weary circuit of their lines : the enemy kept bringing up fresh forces at every moment with louder shouts and more stirring cheers, until the failing strength of the garrison sank under their gallant efforts; yet at this very moment, old men, women, and even children rushed desperately to the fight, and flying parties hurried from post to post repulsing new assaults. At last the ramparts glittered with hostile lances, the enemy pushed bravely through the breach; some entered the gateway, already dashed to atoms; others hung from the battlements or strode the walls, aiding their comrades; or dropped, arms and all, into the devoted town: terror spread wildly and universally; the people disperse; they fly to the towers and temples; women and children cling trembling to the altars or clasp the sacred cross, or fling themselves shuddering on the pavement; the clergy issue forth with the holy symbols of their faith and trusting in the God of all, implore the compassion of their conquerors : sobs, screams, and wailing fill the air, and “Mercy! mercy!” is wildly shrieked and wildly answered. Universal carnage was about to begin when the consul was suddenly beheld standing among the prostrate multitude: the sight calmed him; humanity conquered; and stifling all anger he allayed their terror by the promise of universal pardon: it was doing much to overcome passion in the heat of battle ; more to control a fierce exasperated soldiery in the moment of victory; and both of them are honourable to the general, the military discipline, and the manners of an age which we are perhaps too ready to believe was exclusively barbarous.

The soldiers of those early times were however all natives, all citizens; they were unpaid men and half-paid militia; and all knew the sweets of home and family affections: as yet war was not a trade in Italy and every man fought, with passion yes;—but still on principle and with a natural feeling for his country; such men were more easily managed than the mercenary gladiator of after times.

Had Semifonte capitulated, Pigli's intention was to demand twelve hostages and place a Florentine governor over it: in the flush of victory he suddenly determined on the horrors of a storm; but now, moved by compassion, was willing to resume his first design provided that the venerable Messer Scotto were one of the hostages. The indignant though vanquished citizens sternly resisted this, and refusing to give up their ancient magistrate, Pigli with some magnanimity accepted the two consuls in his stead.

These terms being settled, the victor retired, but soon in complete armour reentered at the head of his troops and occupied the market-place; he then summoned the Lion Tower and Citadel both as yet uninjured; the former surrendered but the latter steadfastly refused, and still shot so keenly that no street was safe from its missiles, no Florentines could show themselves with impunity. Cavalcante was sent with a flag of truce but met only opposition, and Chiarito nettled at this unexpected repulse, was about to make a general assault when Albert Seignior of San Gimignano, and old Scotto of Semifonte implored his forbearance until they had tried their influence with the stubborn Dainello. This faithful officer obeyed his chief but demanded terms for the garrison which had fulfilled its engagements by resisting to the last. “As for myself,” he added, “I promised to die in defence of the Rocca or only surrender to him from whom I received it in charge: had it been necessary I was ready for the former, but have been required only to perform the latter and thus have redeemed my pledge: and I will serve the Florentines, or any others that trust me, with equal fidelity whenever it may please Heaven to send me a master.”

Chiarito struck by his noble conduct replied: “A brave man who is faithful to his trust deserves no blame, but on the contrary, praise and admiration even from enemies; and added that his gallant conduct should be made known to the Florentines by whom it was certain to be appreciated.” So saying he threw over Dainello’s neck a golden chain and medal on which was stamped the Lily of the Florentine Republic.

The citadel was then occupied, strict discipline preserved, and hostages sent to Florence, where public satisfaction ran high at this fortunate conclusion of a war that promised results so different, while many citizens immediately repaired to Semifonte curious to examine a place of such interest to their country. The articles of capitulation were soon definitively arranged: the citadel and a certain portion of the ramparts were to be demolished: twenty-six denari to be annually paid for each hearth with the accustomed exceptions of priests and soldiers; and the inhabitants were not to settle in other places; some other stipulations of minor importance, after the completion of which Semifonte as part of the Contado was to be received under the protection of the senate and people of Florence and a reconciliation at the same time effected with San Gimignano.

Semifonte after this seems to have repented of its submission, as a third war is indirectly mentioned in 1209, probably again excited by Siena. There are in feet distinct indications of existing hostilities at that period, for we find that Hildebrandino da Quercieto on being released from captivity promises not to act against Florence in her war with that town or even to reside there; which promise being considered insufficient he further engages with one companion to accompany the Florentine army, if required, to the war. This probably terminated in the entire ruin of Semifonte, as by a decree supposed to have passed soon after this expedition th people were dispersed, the town ruined, and every vestige swept away: the Semifontines emigrated to Certaldo, Florence, San Gimignano, and other places, and even the very name of that community no longer exists in the map of Tuscany.

Thus ended the war of Semifonte whose history is offered as an interesting though miniature picture of the rise and fall of independence and internal freedom amongst the Italian towns, and not an uninteresting example of the civil and military manners of that age and country.

 

 

BOOK 1. CHAPTER IX. FROM A.D. 1202 TO A.D. 1215.