READING HALL

THE DOORS OF WISDOM

BOOK THE FIRST. CHAPTER XV. FROM A.D. 1308 TO A.D. 1317.

The calm but momentary satisfaction which follows political success is quickly disturbed by the uneasiness of those whose merit may be more highly appreciated by themselves than their countrymen, and the supposed ingratitude of the latter is therefore proportionably magnified. Thus it was with Corso Donati, who although decidedly the most able man of his party was also, if not the most ambitious, certainly the most vain, restless, and dissatisfied; those in power were ever the objects of his jealousy, and his halls as occasion suited offered defence and refuge to the discontented of all parties. His power talents and personal influence were still so formidable as to make him universally feared, and when his ruin was decreed the accomplishment was no easy matter until he had been first rendered an object of suspicion in the public mind; he had lately married the daughter of Uguccione della Faggiola chief of the Romagna Ghibelines and then paramount in Arezzo, and this alone was enough to awaken public jealousy and contaminate every action. Rosso della Tosa, Pazzino de’ Pazzi, Geri Spini and Berto Brunelleschi formed a cabal which keeping strictly united absorbed all the power and honours of the state to the entire exclusion of Donati, and a private quarrel with Pazzini augmented their mutual hatred. They were far from blameless, and Corso with great plausibility and peculiar eloquence contrived to render them odious to many even of their former adherents; amongst these were the Bordoni and Medici, the latter now appearing for the first time to take a prominent part in public affairs. The Bordoni were very powerful in Pistoia Carmignano Prato and other places: the Medici had a considerable following, and Corso Donati himself was always surrounded by numerous retainers; so that with the aid of other chiefs and many rich popolani his party assumed a bold and serious character. But his enemies were not idle; reports were industriously circulated that he aspired to supreme authority, and supported by his ambitious father-in-law was plotting against public liberty. The accusation was probably false; but his late marriage with a Ghibeline, his numerous retainers, and his splendid establishment, which in luxury and magnificence surpassed every sober notion (if civic grandeur and equality, all conspired to spread an uneasy distrustful feeling in the public mind which even his general popularity could not overcome. Yet he had many followers amongst the nobility; the Rossi, Bardi, Frescobaldi, Tomaquinci and Buondelmonti were ever ready to attack a popular government and the detested ordinances of justice, and a great body of the citizens totally disbelieved the stories that were circulated against him.

The lower classes are commonly accused of inconstancy, but it is generally to the man, not the cause: their chiefs betray them, or they arc made to believe so, and at once cast them off with one of those violent bursts of feeling that belong to an undisciplined multitude thrown suddenly on its own resources by deceitful leaders; their object though indistinct remains unchanged and while withdrawing their confidence hold firm to their point, although like an unskilful disputant they may not clearly define the question; and thus did popular favour shrink from Corso Donati from the moment he was accused of plotting against the freedom of his country. With a large body of adherents he advanced to the public palace and demanded a complete change in the administration; the other party also armed, and mutual reproaches succeeded, but the factions separated at this time without bloodshed. The popularity of Corso was now thoroughly undermined, and the priors after sounding the Campana for a general assembly of the armed citizens, laid a formal accusation before the Podestà Piero Branca d‘ Agobbio against him for conspiring to overthrow the liberties of his country and endeavouring to make himself Tyrant of Florence: he was immediately cited to appear, and not complying from a reasonable distrust of his judges, was within one hour, against all legal forms, condemned to lose his head as a rebel and traitor to the commonwealth.

Not willing to allow the culprit more time for an armed resistance than had been given for legal vindication, the Seignory, preceded by the Gonfalonier of justice, and followed by the Podesta the captain of the people and the executor; all attended by their guards and officers; issued from the palace, and with the whole civic force marshalled in companies with banners flying moved forward to execute an illegal sentence against a single citizen, who nevertheless stood undaunted on his defence.

Corso on first hearing of the prosecution had hastily barricaded all the approaches to his palace, but disabled by the gout could only direct the necessary operations from his bed; yet thus helpless, thus abandoned by all but his own immediate friends and vassals; suddenly condemned to death; encompassed by the bitterest foes, with the whole force of the republic banded against him, he never cowered for an instant but courageously determined to resist until succoured by Uguccione della Faggiola to whom he had sent for aid. This attack continued during the greater part of the day and generally with advantage to the Donati, for the people were not unanimous and many fought unwillingly, so that if the Rossi, Bardi, and other friends had joined and Uguccioni’s forces arrived, it would have gone hard with the citizens. The former were intimidated, the latter turned back on hearing how matters stood; and then only did Corso’s adherents lose heart and slink from the barricades while the townsmen pursued their advantage by breaking down a garden wall opposite the Stinche prisons and taking their enemy in the rear. This completed the disaster, and Corso seeing no chance remaining fled towards the Casentino but being overtaken by some Catalonian troopers in the Florentine service he was led back a prisoner from Rovezzano. After vainly endeavouring to bribe them, unable to support the indignity of a public execution at the hands of his enemies, he let himself fall from his horse and receiving several stabs in the neck and flank from the Catalan lances his body was left bleeding on the road until the monks of San Salvi removed it to their convent where he was interred next morning with the greatest privacy. Thus perished Corso Donati “the wisest and most worthy knight of his time; the best speaker, the most experienced statesman; the most renowned, the boldest, and most enterprising nobleman in Italy: he was handsome in person and of the most gracious manners but very worldly, and caused infinite disturbance in Florence on account of his ambition”. Yet says Macchiavelli “He deserves to be placed amongst the rarest citizens Florence ever produced, and if his party and country suffered great evil, they also received much good at his hands”. “People now began to repose and his unhappy death was often and variously discussed according to the feelings of friendship or enmity that moved the speaker, but in truth his life was dangerous and his death reprehensible. He was a knight of great mind and name, gentle in manners as in blood; of a fine figure even in his old age, with a beautiful countenance, delicate features, and a fair complexion; pleasing, wise; and an eloquent speaker. His attention was ever fixed on important things, he was intimate with all the great and noble, had an extensive influence, and was famous throughout Italy. He was an enemy of the middle classes and their supporters, beloved by the troops, but full of malicious thoughts, wicked and artful. He was thus basely murdered by a foreign soldier and his fellow-citizens well knew the man, for he was instantly conveyed away: those who ordered his death were Rosso della Tosa and Pazzino de’ Pazzi as is commonly said by all, and some bless him and some the contrary. Many believe that the two said knights killed him, and I wishing to ascertain the truth inquired diligently and found what I have said to be true”. Such is the character of Corso Donati which has come down to us from two authors who must have been personally acquainted with this distinguished chief but opposed to each other in the general politics of their country.

Gherardo Bordoni who had fought steadily for Corso to the last also shared his fate and fell by the spear of Boccaccio Cavicciuli degli Adimari as he was crossing the Affrico streamlet in the plain of San Salvi; and as a specimen of party feeling or private rancour, it may be added that the dead man’s hand was cut off by the victor and carried in triumph like a trophy to Florence where it was nailed to the house door of Fedice Adimari his private enemy.

A domestic calm followed the close of Corso Donati’s tempestuous career and for a while no symptoms of disturbance appeared; for with the aid of Uguccione della Faggiola, who aimed at the lordship of Arezzo, Tarlati of Pietramala was overcome and exiled by the Guelphs of that city. They immediately made peace with Florence and sinking all party differences amongst themselves endeavoured by a coalition with the Ghibelines to rule under the name of the “Green Party”. This however could not last, and in April; only four months after their expulsion; the Tarlati returned in force, drove the Guelphic and green party from Arezzo with considerable bloodshed and broke the peace with Florence. About the same period the Bianchi and Ghibelines of Prato overcame the Guelphic faction but with the aid of Florence and Pistoia it was quickly reinstated Florence remaining in possession of the town. An expedition was afterwards sent into the Aretine dominions which performed the usual round of insults and devastation up to the city walls; but the most interesting event of this period was the spontaneous, general and successful resistance of the Pistoians against a barbarous attempt of the Lucchese to destroy their half of the city, an attempt which even by Florence was stigmatised as infamous and finally defeated.

Ever since its fall Pistoia bad been governed with excessive rigour and even cruelty by both nations; the podestas and captains from each republic practised one continued system of spoliation oppression and outrageous insult; every successive magistrate enriched himself at the expense of the community and even the very wives and daughters of the citizens were forcibly taken from their homes to satisfy the cupidity of their oppressors. By continuing this tyranny, with a civil war raging around; deprived of their territory; their ramparts demolished; and their city open to every Ghibeline incursion, the inhabitants of Pistoia had been brought to such a state of misery and desperation that they were ready to rush into any action however desperate to break away from their tyrants. The Lucchese were even more hated and tyrannical than the Florentines and had so exasperated their victims that on the appearance of a new governor of no substance and low condition they plumply refused to receive him, certain that he was only sent to batten on public peculation and injustice. Instantly; as we are told by the anonymous cotemporary author of the “Istorie Pistolesi;” “As if by the will of God there arose a great rumour in the city which seemed like a divine voice from heaven, so that everybody cried out: ‘Let the town he fortified’. And without any deliberation, men, women, children, and nobles seized on planks, iron, and timber, and laying them all round the city began a wooden rampart on the site of its ruined walls. This was commenced about nine in the morning, and at evening prayer the whole town was palisaded; they then commenced the ditches on the side of Lucca.”

The new governor, Tornuccio Sandoni, on seeing this burst of feeling hastily retired and fresh troops were soon in full march from Lucca to crush the revolt; but the citizens being resolved on a bloody resistance assembled all their rural adherents, sent away their children with every moveable of value declaring that it was better to die once than be murdered a thousand times.

It was at this crisis, when the Lucchese army had arrived at Pontelungo two miles from Pistoia, that Lippo Vergellesi the Florentine commander at Sambuca with the sanction of his government interfered, and by persuasion and threats succeeded in arresting their march: they accordingly retired to Serravalle and ambassadors from Siena arriving as peace-makers it was finally settled that the barricades should be instantly destroyed and remain so for eight days under the protection of Siena to satisfy the honour of Lucca; after which the Pistoians were at liberty to re-erect their walls, and although still bound to have a Lucchese podesta they themselves were permitted to choose him. The Senese ambassadors returned home but discord still continued in Pistoia between the peace and the war party; for scarcely had fear subsided when old contentions arose, and the everlasting contest once more convulsed that unfortunate community.

The deaths of Albert of Austria, Charles of Naples, and Azzo of Este all occurred about this period and considerably affected the politics of Italy: from the house of Este sprung the first of those tyrants that afterwards became so notorious throughout the cities of Lombardy: Azzo VIII made his natural son Fresco’s child heir to his property in preference to his own brother Francesco, and a family struggle was the consequence: this suited the ambition of Venice which immediately sent assistance to Folco the grandchild, while the pope declared for Francesco from similar motives. The pontiff however soon claimed the city of Ferrara as a possession of the church by virtue of imperial diplomas, and the selfishness of Venice became soon apparent; Cardinal Arnaud de Pellagrue, Clement the Fifth’s nephew, was invested with both temporal and spiritual power to prosecute the ecclesiastical claims, which he promptly exercised by preaching a crusade against the Venetians. The Florentines tired of their own excommunication, and superstitious about the success of an anathematised nation’s affairs, seized this occasion to reconcile themselves with the church, and sending a considerable reinforcement to the papal army were, along with the Bolognese, principally instrumental in gaining a complete and bloody victory over the Venetians on the seventeenth of September 1309, with the destruction of six thousand men. The city, and all its allies for six years back, was of course immediately absolved and once more the Florentines rejoiced to find themselves in their natural position as friends of the Holy See.

Robert Duke of Calabria succeeded Charles II of Naples and in June 1309 was crowned at Avignon by Clement V; but the death of Albert King of the Romans was a more important event in Italian politics: Albert had been exclusively employed in extending his personal authority and aggrandising the house of Austria; his ambition was great and his injustice proportional: Vienna and Styria had revolted; he was at war with the Swiss republics of Berne, Zurich, and Friburg, and attempted the subjection of Uri, Schwitz, and Underwald, which driven to extremities expelled his ministers and founded the Swiss Confederation. Having also cheated his nephew John of Austria of his inheritance and insulted him by biting expressions, the young man with some other discontented gentlemen murdered him at the passage of the Reuss between Stein and Baden, almost under the walls of Habsburg, and in sight of all his attendants, who had just crossed over to the opposite bank of the river.

Philip the Fair on hearing of this, instantly demanded the pope’s aid in securing the empire for his brother Charles of Valois who had already made himself so notorious at Florence; but Clement hated and feared the destroyer of Boniface, and advised by the Cardinal of Prato gave an empty assent, while by a secret despatch he urged the electors to an immediate choice if they wished to escape French influence, indicating Henry of Luxembourg as the man in every respect best adapted to their interests. This election accordingly took place in November 1308, and Henry was crowned the following April at Aix-la-Chapelle with the pope’s approbation.

Henry VI among the emperors and the seventh of that name amongst the kings of Germany, had little or no power but his connexions and personal character gave him considerable influence; not for the extension of his authority in Germany, for there was too much jealousy in that quarter, but for an entrance into the long-neglected field of Italy which since the death of Frederic II had been utterly abandoned by the emperors and completely severed from the empire. Yet the magic of the imperial name, the title of the Roman Casar, still retained a strong hold on the obedience of Ausonia, and even adverse states opposed him with a consciousness of their own impropriety.

During all this time hostilities continued between Florence and Arezz0 month and in the month of June when the former was preparing a formidable armament an imperial messenger arrived to forbid any further prosecution of the war, for Arezzo, as he asserted, belonged to the emperor who would restore tranquillity on his arrival in Italy. This startling announcement caused some alarm at first but it was finally disregarded; the army marched, and after insulting Arezzo and committing the accustomed outrages returned to the capital leaving however a strong redoubt well garrisoned within two miles of that city which would itself have fallen if some of the Florentine nobles had not found the war too lucrative to allow of its being promptly terminated.

Henry of Luxembourg advanced during the summer as far as Lausanne where he received ambassadors from most of the Italian states and factions; all parties hoped something from his coming; those in authority for its continuance through his favour, those in exile for a restoration to their home; the Guelphs from his alliance with the pope, and the Ghibelines from his imperial dignity. The cities of the Guelphic league had also prepared their embassies but becoming aware of his high pretensions and determination to restore the exiled faction they unwisely resolved to keep aloof for awhile and act as circumstances wight dictate; this alienated the emperor who before was indisposed to disturb them, while the Pisans with better policy sent him sixty thousand florins and a warm invitation to cross the Alps. He made this passage in the month of September, and in October was joyfully received at Asti although accompanied by a slender retinue: all the Lombard tyrants were soon in motion and eager to court him; Guidotto della Torre of Milan offered boastingly to lead him over Italy with his hawk on his glove and the rest sought him in a similar manner. Henry made no exclusive professions, or any distinction of party, but admitted chiefs of every faction into his council; promised his favour and protection to all, but distinctly announced that no authority was legitimate that did not emanate from the empire: wherefore every city was formally summoned to re-enter under that dominion and all exiles were recalled. He knew this to be popular with the citizens generally, but the great rulers of Lombardy reluctantly saw themselves compelled to resign their dignities and receive them again as imperial fiefs: Guidotto della Torre alone demurred; he had formed an alliance with the Guelphic League of Tuscany, had as great an army and more money than the emperor, in whose court were his own nephew the Archbishop of Milan with whom he had quarrelled, and his arch-enemy Matteo Visconti. After two months spent in reforming Piedmont and everywhere substituting imperial Vicars for Podestàs, recalling exiles and assuming the supreme government of the cities, the emperor moved on towards Milan, haughtily commanding that his quarters should be prepared in the public palace then occupied by the Torriani, and that these chiefs should meet him unarmed at the head of the citizens outside of the town. Henry came with the most exalted notions of divine right, yet willing when not opposed to govern as justly as any prince was expected to govern in those days.

“He came down” says Dino Compagni, “descending from city to city and bringing peace to each as if he were an angel of God, and receiving the faith of all until he arrived near Milan.” The people everywhere had hailed him as a benefactor, and Guidotto della Torre knowing that his townsmen also entertained similar opinions prudently determined to take the lead of all and obey the mandate. The example of Milan was followed by the rest of Lombardy; deputies poured in from every state to assist at the coronation and swear allegiance to the emperor: this ceremony took place on Christmas-day. Genoa and Venice alone refusing under various pretences to take the oath. To please the citizens Henry was crowned at Milan instead of Monza with the ancient iron crown, which was an imitation of “laurel leaves in thin steel, polished and shining as a sword, and with many large pearls and other stones”.

Early in 1311 the Florentines foreseeing what a dangerous use might be made of their own exiles by a prince so bent on vindicating the imperial authority, issued a decree by which on payment of a trifling fine all, with certain exceptions, were restored; a selection was made of those who were thus allowed to return and another decree promulgated, by which the excepted families under the formal denomination of “Escettati” were declared for ever incapable of pardon, and even the sound of their names was forbidden in the public councils. Ever afterwards when a general indemnity was proclaimed for the “Fuorusciti” or exiles, the clause “Salve le famiglie escettati” was invariably introduced.

Henry was indefatigable in business and made rapid progress in the work of pacification; the Guelphs and Ghibelines mutually complained of his partiality while calmer people gave him credit for his even justice; but the Guelphs in consequence held back and the emperor must have soon discovered that the opposite faction were his only real adherents as having everything to hope and nothing to fear from his protection. Verona would not listen to his proposal of recalling the Guelphs after a banishment of sixty years, and Can della Scala and his city were much too strong for any attempt to enforce it; this chief was one of Henry’s earliest adherents, and the emperor however well disposed to neutrality must have felt internally pleased with the resolution: besides both himself and his followers were poor and supplies could be more easily procured by good-will than coercion.

Money was as a matter of course demanded freely of the different states, and the Visconti and Torriani of Milan each eager for the emperor’s support, or his expulsion, vied with each other in augmenting the original demand which by their rivalry was doubled to the utter dismay of the citizens, who vainly implored some abatement from the emperor. Hostages were required from both parties as honourable attendants on the court, amongst which were included the rival chiefs, and the dissatisfaction arising from this act was used by Matteo Visconti, (a much abler as well as a more cunning man than his opponent) to excite an insurrection against the Germans by a pretended coalition with him; in the midst of the tumult however he suddenly quitted the Milanese side and joining the emperor’s party defeated the credulous Torriani, burned all their houses and finally drove them from the town, of which the Visconti became from that moment masters.

This revolt although unsuccessful was followed, principally through Florentine influence, by similar insurrections in all the Guelphic cities; the lately restored exiles were again banished and the imperial vicars deposed; but being executed suddenly and without concert the risings were weak and unstable : Crema, Cremona, Lodi, and Como all submitted and some were treated with great cruelty: Brescia alone stood firm, and under the unfortunate Teobaldo Brusati made a gallant resistance against all the efforts of Henry. Teobaldo was taken prisoner in a sally but like Regulus he scorned to save his own life by urging his countrymen to peace, and writing from his prison to inspire them with new courage was put to a scarcely less cruel death. Immediately after, no less than sixty Germans were seen dangling in retaliation from the battlements of Brescia. The emperor’s brother subsequently fell; the summer was now spent, Henry found himself baffled by a single city and his honour involved in its capture; yet impatient to get to Rome he wished to try the force of spiritual arms but the legates who accompanied him refused, because excommunication when men’s passions were inflamed with civil war failed they said in its effect, but they tried the milder course of persuasion and succeeded. A capitulation was signed which saved the imperial reputation and put sixty or seventy thousand florins into his treasury while the Brescians after severe suffering preserved their lives and property.

He then repaired to Genoa which was convulsed by quarrels between the Ghibeline house of Spinola and the Guelphic families of Doria, Fieschi, and Grimaldi. For the first time this proud republic submitted itself to a foreign master, not through fear or compulsion, but from a conviction of its utility in the suppression of domestic factions and as a public testimonial of gratitude for the impartial exertions of Henry to restore public tranquillity. The Genoese sovereignty was given to him for twenty years and Uguccione della Faggiola made his vicar; but money was again required and again by means of Florentine intrigue and subsidies new disorders broke out in Lombardy.

Robert King of Naples also became alarmed and dispatched ambassadors to Henry at Genoa which in the beginning promised peace, but Rome being almost simultaneously occupied by Prince John of Naples with a strong force to oppose Henry and the Ghibelines, they prudently withdrew and both sovereigns prepared for hostilities.

The Guelphic league of Tuscany of which King Robert was the acknowledged leader, had sent troops in the previous October to occupy the passes of the Bolognese Apennines; also to Sarzana and the Lucchese territory in order to stop the emperor’s advance, and Henry had about the same time dispatched Pandolfo Savelli and Niccolò Bishop of Botronte as his harbingers into the states of Bologna and Florence; but their approach excited a tumult in the former city and they were repelled with some personal danger. Shaping their course for the latter they arrived at Lastra when the agitation became extreme and the presence of all the Florentine exiles in the imperial army set the current of public opinion strong against them.

Their advent had been previously announced by a special messenger and a council was assembled which after long debate made proclamation that these were ambassadors from the tyrant king of Germany who had destroyed as many as he was able of the Lombard Guelphs, and was now on his way to ruin the Florentines and restore their enemies, while by an embassy of priests he wished to destroy Florence under shadow of the church; therefore full liberty was given to any one to rob and outrage them with impunity. Their envoy who had retired to his inn was afraid to move, and the. ambassadors although warned of their danger by the exertions of a friend, foolishly remained at Lastra for the night; a mob quickly assembled; and, as Villani asserts, with the secret not the open sanction of the priors; attacked, insulted, plundered, and would probably have murdered them if the Podestà, pressed by another tumult in their favour and at the intercession of the above-named friend, had not recovered their property; but refusing to hear their mission they were escorted beyond the frontier where Counts Guidi gave them honourable welcome in the name of both Guelph and Ghibeline. Safe in these lords’ territory they made it a rallying point against Florence, established an imperial tribunal at Civitella, between Siena and Arezzo, before which these two republics as well as Florence and several other cities were summoned and the disobedient condemned for contumacy: except Florence Siena Chiusi and Borgo San Sepolcro, all acknowledged the imperial mandate so that the insulted deputies were enabled to rejoin the emperor at Pisa in the month of March with a respectable body of Tuscan auxiliaries.

The empress died in the previous November at Genoa and about the same period the Florentines, a detachment of whose troops had joined King Robert at Rome, were cited to appear at the imperial court within forty days, under pain of condemnation in goods and person wherever they should be found. The mandate remained unheeded but an order was immediately dispatched to warn the merchants of their danger, and soon after a reinforcement of two hundred Neapolitan men-at-arms joined them.

In this state of things Henry of Namur arrived at Pisa by sea with a few followers and commenced hostilities against Florence: the emperor followed in March round whom the Pisans flocked with a frank generous enthusiasm, and devotion to his cause that far surpassed anything he had hitherto met with in Italy. They supplied him with galleys, troops, and money; made him absolute Lord of Pisa, offered to suspend their constitution in his favour, and instantly renewed hostilities, with Lucca, Florence, and the Tuscan league: Henry remained with them until the 22nd of April collecting soldiers and at the head of fifteen hundred men-at-arms marched on towards Rome. He was opposed at the Ponte Nolle by Prince John of Naples but easily forcing this passage, crossed the Tiber and entered the capital. In conjunction with the Colonna faction and Senator he soon mastered the greater part but could make no impression on the quarter of the Vatican which was defended by Prince John, and therefore on the 29th June and against all ancient usage was compelled to have his coronation performed in the Lateran.

The city was divided in feeling, and the emperor’s position so precarious that he retired to Tivoli at the end of August and moved towards Tuscany ravaging the Perugian territory on his way, being determined to bring Florence and all her allies to submission. At Arezzo he was honourably welcomed and thence marching along the left bank of the Arno invaded the Republic: Caposelvole immediately surrendered, Montevarchi resisted bravely for three days; San Giovanni next fell; Fegghini soon followed, and all the Florentine troops amounting to eighteen hundred men-at-arms were concentrated round Incisa on the Arno to dispute the imperial progress. Satisfied with a sullen opposition they refused the offered combat, for their allies had not yet joined neither were they regularly commanded: the emperor on seeing this immediately turned the fortress of Incisa by difficult mountain passes and under the guidance of Florentine exiles pushed forward a detachment to occupy Montelfi which a strong body of the enemy were approaching for the same purpose. The Florentines were attacked suddenly and driven back on the main body of their army at Incisa where they remained that night entirely cut off from Florence, while the imperial army took up a position two miles nearer that capital and after a short consultation marched directly towards it. At San Salvi they encamped, and a sudden assault would probably have carried the city, for the inhabitants were taken by surprise, were in a state of consternation, and could scarcely believe that the emperor was there in person: their natural energy soon returned, the Gonfaloniers assembled their companies, the whole population armed themselves, even to the bishop and clergy; a camp was formed within the walls, the outer ditch palisaded, the gates closed, and thus for two days they remained hourly expecting an assault. At last their cavalry were seen returning by various ways and in small detachments: succours also poured in from Lucca, Prato, Pistoia, Volterra, Colle, and San Gimignano; and even Bologna, Rimini, Ravenna, Faenza, Cesina, Agobbio, Citta di Castello with several other places rendered their assistance: indeed so great and extensive was Florentine influence and so rapid the communication, that within eight days after the investment four thousand men-at-arms and innumerable infantry were assembled at Florence!

As this was about double the imperial cavalry and four times its infancy the city gates were thrown open and business proceeded as usual except through that entrance immediately opposite to the enemy. For two and forty days did the emperor remain within a mile of Florence ravaging all the country but making no impression on the town; after which he raised the siege and moved to San Casciano eight miles south of the capital, where receiving reinforcements from Pisa and Genoa, the Florentines thought it necessary to strengthen their defences on the left bank of the Arno. The war was then carried on by frequent skirmishes, until winter and sickness forced the imperialists into Poggibonzi, which was restored to its original position on the hill and took the name of “Poggio or Castello Imperial”. Here the emperor remained, suffering much from want and continual alarms; with Siena in his rear and Florence in front; all the roads occupied, both flanks infested, his detachments cut off, and a continual waste of men and money until the ninth of March, when he moved to Pisa and prepared for a new campaign.

The Florentines had thus from the first, without much military skill or enterprise, proved themselves the boldest and bitterest enemies of Henry; their opposition had never ceased; by letters promises and money, they corrupted all Lombardy; Ghiberti of Parma, Guidotto della Torre, Cremona, Brescia, Reggio, the cardinals, the long of France and even the pope himself were all assailed by Florentine subsidies and Florentine intrigue: for this the people were pressed to the utmost, but believing that it was for the maintenance of their liberty were cheerful givers. Yet party quarrels did not cease: to the four former chiefs of the Neri had been added Tegghiaio Frescobaldi and Gherardo Ventraia; these six compelled the Podesta to decapitate Masino Cavalcanti and one of the Gherardini; they ruled the priors at their pleasure, disposed of every office in the state, condemned or absolved whom and when they pleased and were absolute masters of the commonwealth. The chief of these, Rosso della Tosa, died from the effects of a fall in 1309. “God,” says Dino Compagni, “had been expecting him a long time for he was above seventy-five years old.” “He was an able-minded knight, the source of discord in Florence, an enemy of the people, a friend of tyrants. This was he who separated the entire Guelphic party into Bianchi and Neri; he it was that kindled civil dissension; this was the man that with cares intrigues and promises kept others under him. True to the black faction he persecuted the white; on him the circumjacent states of his own party depended and with him alone did they treat.” “His two sons and a young relation were afterwards made knights by the influence of his party; much money was given to them on this occasion and they were called “The Knights of the Spinning Wheel”, because their pensions were charged on the earnings of poor women who lived by such employment.”

In the following February Betto Brunelleschi the hardest, most insolent, and most imperious of the black faction also disappeared. “He was of a Ghibeline family,” says Dino, “rich in money and possessions, but hated by the people because in times of scarcity he used to lock up his corn; saying, ‘I will have such a price for it or not sell it at all.’ He persecuted the Bianchi and Ghibelines for two reasons; first to gain favour with the dominant faction, and secondly because he never could hope forgiveness for his apostacy.” “He was an eloquent man, much employed in embassies, intimate with Boniface VIII, was the principal author of Corso Donati’s misfortune, and so addicted to evil that he cared neither for God or the world but veered about as suited his own inclination. He died by the hands of two young Donati while engaged in a game of chess to the great joy of many, for he was an infamous citizen”.

The third of the four rulers of Florence Pazzino de’ Pazzi soon followed his companions; he also was the victim of domestic vengeance; the death of Masino Cavalcanti was neither forgotten nor forgiven by that powerful family which could muster sixty men-at-arms of the name alone and held the ruling powers in detestation. In January 1312 Paffiera Cavalcanti hearing that Pazzino, attended only by one servant, was gone out to try a falcon on the dry bed of the Arno near Santa Croce, instantly mounted and followed him with some of the Brunelleschi who attributed the death of their kinsman Betto to his contrivance. Pazzino soon guessed their errand and fled towards the stream but was overtaken by Cavalcanti’s javelin and afterwards dispatched in the water. The Pazzi and Donati who had become friends instantly armed and the Cavalcanti in their turn were attacked; barricades sprang up in a moment, friends mustered hastily on every side, the della Toss, die Tomaquinci, the Scali, the Agli, the Lucardesi and many others were in arms; the people seemed to have joined willingly in this strife, three palaces of the Cavalcanti were again burning and the town once more in wild disorder.

After tranquillity had been partially restored the Pazzi accused their adversaries before the priors and forty-eight of the Cavalcanti were immediately condemned in person and property and that family again expelled from Florence. Two sons and two kinsmen of Pazzino were made knights by the people, for he was generally popular, as a reward for his services, and even pensioned at the public charge by those whom he ruled and favoured while alive.

Geri Spini alone remained of all the chief persecutors of Corso Donati, and he lived in doubt and anxiety from the recent honourable restoration of that family with the Bordoni and their friends to a country whence they had been so lately banished with shame and injury. Not content with their revenge on Bette Brunelleschi, the kinsmen of Corso Donati determined to pay those honours to this chief’s memory which their sudden exile had before rendered impossible : wherefore assembling all their friends and followers they issued in complete armour from the houses of the Donati, proceeded direct to the church of San Salvi and disinterring the old chieftain’s festered corpse bore it away to Florence in martial pomp and sullen triumph; as their fathers had that of Rustico Marignolli. Torches, priests, and funeral songs did honour to the dead; bands of armed knights guarded the bier, and while the sacred rites continued, drew round the church in menacing array, with solemn defiance to their enemies. In this impressive mode were the last duties per­formed for him whose life had been a continued scene of armed tumult, and who even in death seemed to be denied the quiet of the grave; for the insatiate spirit of Donati they said still walked the earth crying for vengeance on those false friends who first deserted him, then conspired against him, and finally brought him to an ignominious end. “Thus,” exclaims Dino Compagni at the end of Iris chronicle; “Thus our city continues tormented; thus obstinate in evil deeds remain our citizens; and what is done today is blamed tomorrow. Sages are wont to say  that a wise man does nothing to repent of.’ But in this city and by these citizens nothing is done however praiseworthy that is not blamed and stigmatised as evil. Men kill each other and no law punishes the criminal, but according as he hath friends or money to spend, so is he acquitted of the crime. O wicked citizens! Ye that have corrupted and vitiated mankind by your evil customs and unhallowed gains! Ye are those who have introduced every evil habit into the world, and now the world will reward you! The emperor with all his powers will come upon you and plunder you by sea and land”.

The devastation of the country by imperial armies fully accomplished this prediction but neither filled the emperor’s coffers nor saved his troops from disease and suffering. An embassy from Frederic King of Sicily brought him a small supply at Poggibonzi and enabled him to move to Pisa where he immediately issued a process against the Florentines depriving them of every honour and jurisdiction, displacing their judges and notaries, fining the community one hundred thousand marks of silver, condemning the principal citizens in goods and person; forbidding the republic to coin gold or silver money, and allowing Ubizzino Spinola of Genoa and the Marquis of Monferrato to counterfeit the golden florin of the republic.

Against King Robert of Naples similar denunciations were directed all of which were subsequently annulled by the self­arrogated power of Clement V. Some irregular hostilities were maintained by partisans during Henry’s stay at Pisa, which gave Pietrasanta and Sarrezzano to the imperialists; but the emperor now turned all his energies to the conquest of Naples as the first step towards that of Italy itself. For this he formed a league with Sicily and Genoa, assembled troops from Germany and Lombardy; filled his treasury in various ways, and soon found himself at the head of two thousand five hundred German cavalry and one thousand five hundred Italian men-at-arms, besides a Genoese fleet of seventy galleys under Lamba Doria and fifty more supplied by the King of Sicily who with a thousand men-at-arms had already invaded Calabria by capturing Reggio and other places. On the 5th of August the emperor marched from Pisa by the Vale of Elsa towards Siena; near which some skirmishing took place and passing forward encamped at Monteaperto where an indisposition which he had previously felt at Pisa began to gather strength : from Monteaperto he moved on to the baths of Macereto in the plain of Filetta and thence to Buonconvento twelve miles from Siena where the illness gained ground and he expired on the 24th of August 1313.

The intelligence of this event spread joy and consternation amongst his friends and enemies; the army soon separated, and his own immediate followers with the Pisan auxiliaries carried his body back to Pisa where it was magnificently interred.

Thus died Henry of Luxembourg an able prince who accomplished great things with scanty means: he is described by cotemporary writers as wise, just, and gracious, a good catholic, sincere in mind, magnanimous in heart, and strong and secure in arms; of the middle size with good features but a slight cast in the eye. Possessed of great talents and perseverance he was active and indefatigable in business, temperate, loving peace, never depressed by misfortune nor elated by success, wherefore he was feared beloved and reverenced. Lord of a small and powerless state he was placed on the imperial throne to serve a political purpose; but without money authority, or any other influence save that of his personal character and kindred. He nevertheless allayed the jealousy of the German princes, reconciled their mutual contentions, and directed his whole thoughts to the recovery of Italy; arriving without army or resources he yet managed by the single force of his genius to raise the one and accumulate the other. He pacified factions, restored exiles, vindicated the imperial authority, gained friends and allies and finally equipped an immense army for the conquest of Naples where Robert had no equivalent force to oppose him, and would probably have retired to France for personal safety.

The Florentines have been accused of causing his death by bribing a Dominican friar to give him a poisoned wafer in administering the sacrament; but there seems no just reason to credit this tale: his health began to sink under the effects of fatigue and suffering at the siege of Florence; perhaps even at Rome or under the walls of Brescia, and although he at last expired suddenly and unexpectedly the full extent of his malady was probably concealed while at Pisa and on the march, in order not to dishearten his soldiers.

Death saved the Italians from his sovereignty, but his life might have made them a strong, united, and ultimately an independent people: Florence also was saved, for such talents so supported must have finally triumphed.

Nevertheless the republic occupied a noble position. Putting themselves, says Sismondi, at the head of the Guelphic party, the Florentines embraced in their negotiations the politics of all Italy. Already leagued with Lucca, Siena, and Bologna they sought the friendship of Guido della Torre in 1311 before his expulsion from Milan by the Visconti and did not desert him in his misfortunes: they not only excited Brescia to revolt but supplied the inhabitants with money against the emperor who besieged it in person; they kindled a spirit in Padua that Can della Scala could not easily extinguish; they bribed Parma to make an open declaration against the German Prince and even sent troops to Rome to oppose his coronation. Lastly they extended their negotiations to the courts of France and Avignon and were apparently the first to conceive the notion of connecting together all the members of the great European republic by a balance of power that might secure the general independence. Those who now see nothing but inconvenience in the system of annual parliaments would do well to consider that these enlarged views and plans of universal politics, more or less followed by European statesmen ever since the fourteenth century, originated in a shopkeeping democracy whose executive government was changed six times a year in all its principal branches, and in which the ministers who commenced any negotiation or other important matter could scarcely have expected to be in office at its termination. Florence was small but free, and more than commonly enlightened for the age; its people of an acute and searching intellect, full of industry and elasticity, and perfectly comprehending the general interests of the commonwealth: its counsels were exclusively guided by the most able heads of those branches of commerce by which it was enriched: popularly chosen, they expressed the will of their constituents but did not allow the especial concerns of their trade to overlay those of the community, nor was there, save the national but impolitic principle of exalting manufactures above agriculture, any demand for exclusive protection from particular branches of industry; each ceded a little and the machine rolled smoothly on until extraneous accidents paralysed its more wholesome action. The leading trades were then at Florence what they now are in England, united and powerful bodies with many followers; but inclosed in the narrow precincts of a single city and sharing directly in the government they both imbibed and imparted knowledge at home while their feelers extending over all the known world directed a stream of riches and intelligence to the centre. Nor, until the Medici sapped the republic, after the aristocracy and Ghibelines fell, was there any party that from mere faction or love of political power vitiated the measures of the state in its exterior policy; because, with the exception of a certain number of noble families, every citizen might expect to be called in his turn to the head of affairs, while the regular emoluments were too small, the period of office too short, and the duty too severe to make public employment on these accounts alone the object of illegitimate ambition.

Florence showed great moral courage in her determined opposition to Henry VII but her military virtues, in the opinion of Sismondi, had already begun to decay; yet nearly four hundred gentlemen of the highest rank and most distinguished families (their names are still extant) perished or were taken prisoners in the bloody battles of Montecatini and Altopascio affording ample proof of their courageous spirit; and nearly six hundred more belonging to the contado may be added to the number who thus suffered for their country; all serving gratuitously!

Their tranquillity during the siege was calculation, not cowardice; they had double the emperor’s numbers, but the Germans were always more formidable troops than the Italians; a defeat would have lost the city where the party of their exiles was strong; yet their gates were never shut nor their usual business interrupted: the result justified this caution for public safety, not a brilliant victory, was their object.

The pernicious system of employing foreign mercenaries had nevertheless been long gaining ground amongst all the Italian states; they were at this period called “Catalan”, but although adopting the name were totally unconnected with that fierce company of all nations who under Roger de Flor still held together when dismissed in 1302 by Frederic of Sicily and carried terror and desolation through Greece and Asia. They may be considered as the first “Condottieri” having been employed by the Greek Emperor Andronicus against the Turks and Bulgarians: their less famous imitators, composed of French Spanish and other adventurers, sold themselves at a given price to any purchaser without having a spark of the nobler and more generous feelings of a soldier.

This system swelled gradually from the few retainers of turbulent citizens like Corso Donati, to the subsequent employment of large public armies; and the despicable character of men who thus sold their blood and conscience, together with the influence of increasing trade the natural enemy of war; besides other causes; gradually brought the profession of arms into disrepute at Florence: but it was not until after the middle of this century that the military spirit received its greatest shock; the warlike nobility was then completely subdued; long and expensive contests began with Milan, soldiers became more plentiful than money, and the military service of country gentlemen was allowed to be exchanged for an equivalent pecuniary contribution. This gradually deadened national spirit and encouraged the employment of mercenaries with all their train of necessary evil.

There are periods when the general cause of liberty may be supported on a foreign soil; when native tyranny may be best opposed in the ranks of a stranger; when the universal rights of man, of the weak and the injured, may be vindicated by assisting a country in which we have no apparent interest, or even where the art of war may be learned by those destined to defend their own. These are generous and legitimate motives for assistance; but the mere gladiator who changes sides as the scale preponderates, and kills for gold alone, is only a tolerated ruffian on a larger scale and disgraces the name of soldier.

With such companions the Florentines became everr day less inclined to serve, more especially as the general belief in their own opulence had raised the market price and therefore increased the difficulty of procuring their ransom far above that of any other Italians; so that various circumstances concurred to change the ancient military spirit and substitute foreign mercenaries for the unpaid valour of devoted citizens.

The sudden death of Henry VII elated the Guelphs as much as it depressed the Ghibelines and completely changed the political position of Italy: but the Pisans had most cause to mourn, for they joined him with a generous confidence, stipulated nothing for themselves, expended two millions of florins in his service, supplied him with ships and soldiers, made his cause their own with a zeal that springs only from unity and sincerity of heart; and after all this they found themselves exposed single-handed to the resentment of those they had provoked for his sake.

Perplexed but not daunted, they soon resumed their native energy and even endeavoured to retain the imperial army in their pay: but the Germans indisposed to war after the emperor died, were far more anxious to recross the Alps than remain any longer in Italy. Frederic of Sicily, who had landed at Pisa to ascertain the truth of what he had heard while at sea, was not bold enough to undertake their defence and declined the honours of the commonwealth; so after the Count of Savoy and Henry of Flanders had successively refused this dangerous distinction, the Pisans confided their city to the care of Uguccione da Faggiola then imperial vicar at Genoa and one of the ablest of Ghibeline captains, who with a thousand German horse cheerfully undertook its defence and fully redeemed his pledge.

Arriving at Pisa in September 1313 he immediately marched against Lucca and after ravaging the whole country mocked :md insulted the citizens even under their walls: civil discord between the Obizzi and Bernarducci repressed the wonted energy of Lucca and disgusted Florence, which thus bore all the burden of war on its own shoulders, for the King of Naples wholly bent on recovering Sicily was anxious for tranquillity in the north, and the Pisans in general far from being blinded by success were eager to be friends with a sovereign whose power was extremely formidable.

Robert was now senator of Rome, and besides Provence and Naples had been acknowledged Lord of Romagna Florence Lucca Ferrara Pavia Alexandria and Bergamo besides several fiefs in Piedmont; and the pope was about to create him imperial vicar in Italy during the vacancy of the empire. An ambassador was dispatched from Pisa to Naples and a treaty concluded which promising to reestablish general tranquillity, began by restoring the exiled Guelphs of that republic to their country.

But peace was not the object of Uguccione; his trade was war, and as Podestà of Pisa at the head of a thousand men-at-arms besides a private council of his own creation invested with all the powers of the state, he felt himself strong enough to rule it, and determined to renew the war with fresh vigour. Pisa could scarcely have selected a man more fitted to retrieve her affairs or extend her fame or usurp her liberties. Born, as is supposed, of an obscure but rather opulent family amongst those Apennines that border on the city of San Sepolcro he had been from childhood both a Ghibeline and a soldier; he took an active part in the civil wars of Arezzo and full of courage and ambition had proved himself one of the ablest men of his day either in the field or the cabinet. Of a fierce aspect, proud demeanour, and unrelenting heart, he was admirably adapted to the spirit of the age in which he lived: he wore more ponderous arms, was stronger and taller than the usual measure of man and as much celebrated for his personal prowess in the field as for the nobler qualities of a general and a states­man. His individual feats were sometimes magnified into superhuman exploits resembling the fabled deeds of ancient Paladins and excited the admiration of the soldiers as much as his military talents commanded their respect and confidence. In one battle we are told that being on foot, wounded in the knee, and alone amidst the enemy; he yet made good his retreat and rejoined his companions with a well-battered helmet and no less than four battle axes and thirteen arrows fixed in his long and heavy buckler. No chief was better fitted to restore confidence to a dispirited people than Uguccione da Faggiola, and all the power of Pisa was frankly intrusted to him: he was the first to discontinue the ancient mode of going out to war at fixed seasons and finishing the campaign at certain stipulated times; on the contrary, by keeping the field throughout the year and merely using the capital as a camp to retire upon he so harassed the Lucchese that they were compelled to sue for an ignominious peace, a peace too that disgusted Florence, not only by its hard conditions but more particularly by the restoration of all the Ghibeline exiles, with Castruccio Castracani at their head. Through their agency he subsequently mastered Lucca and plundered it for eight successive days without intermission or mercy, not even sparing the papal treasure deposited in the church of San Frediano; a crime considered of so dark a nature as almost to eclipse the rapine rape and murder of his licentious soldiery. The booty was enormous, the pope’s treasure alone amounting to a million of golden florins: but besides this the citizens were extremely rich, for Lucca was then equal if not superior to Florence in the number and opulence of her bankers who under the name of “Barattieri” fall peculiarly under the lash of Dante in the twenty-first canto of his Inferno. The capture of Lucca and sudden filling of Florence with the fugitives startled the community yet ultimately produced great benefit, for they brought with them superior knowledge in the art of manufacturing silk, and formed a new epoch in the annals of that trade amongst the Florentines as well as at Venice and Milan, and even in Germany France and England.

Before Henry VII’s death Robert had accepted the government and checked to a certain point the free republican action of Florence, for he was in a manner lord also of the national purse but far more interested about Sicily than Tuscany; nevertheless on the first alarm a Florentine army had been dispatched to the aid of Lucca but arriving too late to save that city turned into the Valdarao and secured most of the Guelphic towns while all Tuscany once more prepared for war. The king of Naples was intreated to send reinforcements and Piero his youngest brother arrived with three hundred men-at-arms on the eighteenth of August about two months after the devastation of Lucca: Piero soon won all hearts by his wisdom affability and personal graces, and so warm and general was the friendship of these democrats that if he had survived the war the lordship of Florence would probably have been conferred on him for life. A dangerous feeling, springing perhaps from an involuntary desire of repose after republican turbulence, whenever a chief could be found to whom the public liberty might be safely intrusted; yet an experiment the effects of which they had afterwards good cause to rue in the person of Walter de Brienne the titular Duke of Athens.

One of Piero’s first acts was to secure the neutrality of Arezzo by a treaty of peace with the Guelphic league so as to leave a fair field for the Pisan war which was making rapid progress: Uguccione had not only recovered all that portion of the ancient territory which had been held by Lucca since Ugolino’s time, but had also ravaged the country of Volterra, and even penetrated into that of Pistoia to Carmignano, only thirteen miles from Florence: he had besides overrun the Maremma, assaulted Samminiato, took Cigoli and other places of its district, and finally captured the Florentine town and castle of Monte Calvi. He also claimed half of Pistoia in right of conquest as Lord of Lucca and pursued his successful course by investing Montecatini, a well-defended fortress in the Val-di-Nievole which the Florentines had occupied ever since the downfall of that republic. This rapid succession of events created so much alarm that distrusting the extreme youth and inexperience of Piero when opposed to so formidable an enemy, the Florentines with his own consent again demanded assistance from Robert whose brother Philip Prince of Taranto was at their earnest request dispatched with five hundred men-at-arms, but against the king’s judgment, who knew him to be unwise, rash, and unfortunate in war.

Meanwhile Uguccione pressed the siege of Montecatini where besides the power of Pisa and Lucca he had assembled all the Ghibelines of Tuscany, the exiles of Florence, the Count of Santa Fiore and Maffeo Visconte’s auxiliaries; and notwithstanding recent treaties the independent Bishop of Arezzo also joined his ranks; so that his cavalry amounted to two thousand five hundred men-at-arms with a proportionate number of infantry making in all about twenty-two thousand seven hundred soldiers.

The Florentines summoned their adherents from Bologna, Siena, Perugia, Citta di Castello, Agobbio, Romagna, Prato, Pistoia, Volterra, Samminiato and all the other Guelphs of Tuscany, which added to eight hundred Neapolitan men-at-arms under the two princes, formed a body of three thousand two hundred mounted men and a very numerous infantry, the whole amounting as is said from fifty-four to nearly sixty thousand; but this is probably an exaggeration of the victors: thirty thousand of all arms, as stated by Pignotti, might perhaps come nearer to the truth.

With this fine army commanded by Philip Prince of Taranto his son and brother, did the Florentines march to raise the siege of Montecatini. The Pisan general expected them to advance by the Fucecchio road across the marshy plains of that district to cut oft his communications with the two capitals and force him to a battle on unequal terms with the hostile garrison of Montecatini in his rear: he had therefore occupied the passes in that direction but unnecessarily; for the allies having taken the road of Montesummano left his communications free and to his great satisfaction took up a position in front of the Pisan army on the left bank of the Nievole a small stream that now only divided the hostile forces. The Nievole was a great obstacle to men-at-arms in which the principal strength of armies then consisted; the Pisans were intrenched, and “Battifolli” or works of circumvallation, surrounded the place, by means of which Uguccione without wishing to fight determined to maintain the blockade and if possible prevent the besieged from receiving any assistance. Skirmishes were frequent, and neither party being willing to come to a general battle they remained several weeks in this threatening attitude, during which the Prince of Taranto detached a part of his army to occupy the country about Monte Carlo for the purpose of intercepting the enemy’s convoys and thus compelling him to raise the siege. San Martino the headquarters of Uguccione’s escorts was attacked and taken, all the passes occupied in his rear, the Guelphs immediately round Lucca were in arms, supplies stopped, and every direct communication with the besieging army entirely cut off while its commander was unable to spare a single soldier for the purpose of reestablishing them.

For two days the troops had been without any fresh supply. Uguccione was unusually thoughtful, and the army with all its confidence became alarmed when the order to retreat was given, not so much from fear of the enemy as from apprehension that with so powerful an encouragement to the Guelphic faction the safety of Lucca itself might have been endangered. On the morning of the twenty-ninth of August a little before daylight Uguccione broke up the camp and marched in order of battle but resolved not to seek it if the enemy would allow him to retire quietly on Pisa: his retreat was soon observed and gave fresh spirit to the allies who instantly attempted in a hurried disorderly march to occupy Borgo a Buggiano before him, but they moved on the arch, Uguccione on the chord, and he thus gained the position. Perceiving that a battle was inevitable he halted at La Selva de’ Trinciavelli opposite Buggiano where selecting a body of one hundred and fifty Feditori amongst the bravest of his followers, and forming his advanced guard into a second line of support, he suddenly gave the signal to charge ere the enemy was well in order, at the same time exclaiming that “as his adversary declined paving a road of gold for their retreat which he might more wisely have done, they would themselves endeavour to open one with their swords and show the prince that all his regal splendour was only a vain and useless bauble amidst the shock of soldiers and the clang of arms.” “To remind you of your duty,” he continued, “is superfluous, for no army was ever better known to its general than you to me, nor any captain better known to his army than I to you: to say nothing of older things, have we not together restored the Ghibelines to Lucca, taken most of her towns and maintained the authority and dignity of Pisa? we have now only to make Montecatini as glorious to the Pisans as Arbiato the Senese, and for once at least, humble the proud spirit of the Florentines; too vain at having twice baffled the attempts of two imperial Henrys. Nor will it be a trilling glory if after so many years we should revive in Tuscany the almost extinguished name of Ghibeline and open a road for future emperors to reestablish Italy in her antique grandeur under the Caesarian sway, by the unassisted strength of our own right arms.”

Thus saying he ordered his own son and Giovanni Malespini a Florentine exile, to lead the Feditori, and bade the charge be sounded. The attack was fierce and effectual; one chief carried his own and his father’s glory on his lance, the other fought to be restored to his country; they were followed hv the flower of Pisan gentlemen; the adverse line composed of troops from Siena and Colli, first bending to this storm, broke after a short struggle and uncovered the allies’ main battle where Piero Count of Gravina stood with all the Florentine chivalry. Spent and breathless the victors were now met by a line of daring soldiers armed like themselves, steady, fresh, and in superior numbers; this unequal contest was soon decided, but not a knight turned back, each fell in arms and died as he was, victorious; none shrunk from their leaders, the chiefs themselves fell bravely with their followers and nearly all were slaughtered.

Meanwhile four thousand Pisan cross-bowmen in three divisions sent a continual flight of arrows against their enemy; one mass charged their cross-bows while the next took a steady aim and the third shot, and thus left no respite to their adversaries, bolt followed after bolt in one unmitigated shower and horse and man reeled under the iron tempest. Uguccione seeing the enemy’s first line thus broken turned suddenly to his eight hundred Germans, saying, “The glory of the field is reserved for your nation.” They were the remnant of Henry VII’s army, all old soldiers well skilled in war and detesting the Florentines for past events and as was believed, for the untimely death of their emperor. Their charge was terrible; but proud of an ancient name and the presence of three royal princes in her ranks Florence remained unbroken; yet the rage of battle did not reach its full height until certain intelligence of his son Francesco’s death reached the Pisan general: all paternal emotions were at once enveloped in one deep feeling of revenge; at the head of his remaining horse Uguccione dashed madly into the thickest of the fight shouting out “no prisoners!” “no prisoners!” until his voice sank under the louder and deadlier tumult. The battle now became general and the allies struggled long and hard for victory, but the genius of Faggiola prevailed; the bravest knights and chiefs of Florence fell one after another and disheartened the survivors; their efforts gradually relaxed, they first wavered, then suddenly gave way and immediately a wild and universal flight proclaimed the victory and triumph of Pisa.

Many soldiers fell in the conflict, but more were lost in the Gusciana marshes as they fled towards Fucecchio; and it is related that the Nievole was so encumbered with dead bodies that instead of the fulness of its usual stream it crept sluggishly along in rivulets of blood!

The pursuit was closely followed up as far as the heights of Monsummano; two thousand men were killed in battle or drowned in the marsh, and amongst them one hundred and fourteen of the noblest Florentine families: fifteen hundred prisoners were taken, but chiefly after the action: Piero Count of Gravina who led the Florentine battle lost his life, and his body was never found; Charles the son of Philip shared his fate and Carlo Count of Battifolle with many other Italian nobles of the highest rank saw their last sun on this disastrous day: at Siena, Perugia, Bologna, Florence and Naples there was public mourning for the victims of Montecatini: Uguccione lost his son, Lucchino Visconti was wounded, and Castruccio Castricani, a man destined to eclipse even his master’s glory and to whom some ascribe the credit of this day’s victory, did not escape untouched.

The Prince of Taranto saved himself by flight and although too ill to command in person carried with him all the disgrace of this unfortunate encounter: the fugitives sought refuge in Fucecchio, Pistoia, and Cerbaia; Montecatini, which had been victualled by Simone di Villa during the first movement of the enemy, immediately surrendered; Monsummano was soon after taken; Vinci next fell; Cerretoguidi followed and the whole country trembled; yet Florence was not dismayed: rousing herself as was her wont, she made fresh levies reinforced her defences, quieted some peccant humours amongst the citizens, again demanded troops with a more experienced chief from King Robert and prepared for active war.

Misfortune is rarely unaccompanied by discontent and in great national affairs, whether unavoidable or not, always becomes the pivot of faction: the disaster of Montecatini though it neither damped the spirit nor even interrupted the usual business of the Florentines yet served to raise a strong opposition to the continued rule of Naples. The ancient alliance of the two states; the benefits received from the first Charles; the continued friendship of the second; the prompt and distinguished aid of Robert; all were now forgotten, and a powerful faction alike reckless of the foreign enemies and domestic strife whether from party or patriotism, determined to make a change. Count Novello d’ Andrea was about this time appointed Viceroy of Florence upon which the citizens immediately split into two factions each led by a member of the same family, one calling itself the friend, the other the enemy of Robert: the former was directed by Pino, the latter by Simone della Tosa with the Magalotti, and other popular families of great influence who then ruled Florence and who would willingly have renounced King Robert and expelled his party had not their apprehensions of Uguccione da Faggiola restrained them. Philip of Valois and the Count of Luxembourg were successively but ineffectually invited to assume the supreme authority and public defence, wherefore the ascendant party resolved to place a creature of their own at the head of affairs. The viceroy had but little influence against such opposition and on his arrival was compelled to promise that he would not meddle with the executive government of Gonfalonier and Priors, or any other official appointment; never to impede the execution of any law or order made by the citizens; and resign his own office at the end of four months instead of twelve.

Lando d' Agobbio a rapacious and merciless foreigner but a willing tool, was made Bargello or Executor of Florence with new and unlimited powers: this man was attended by five lictors with axes who waited at the palace gate, the ready instruments of his and his employers’ will: at a sign from the tyrants any citizen was dragged without pretence, trial, or formality, to instant execution while spies were stationed in every quarter like spiders to catch the unwary. No man dared speak to his neighbour; the whole population high and low, Guelph and Ghibeline lived in terror and suspicion, and such was the Bargello’s insolence that he coined base money on his own authority and issued it at one-half more than its value without a single citizen daring to raise his voice against the deed. At last Pino della Tosa and the king’s party sent secretly to demand Count Guido da Battifolli, a powerful neighbour, as royal vicar and he was so thoroughly Guelph, so generally respected and so well acquainted with Florentine affairs that their antagonists could make no reasonable objection to the appointment: but Lando the minion of the seignory being zealously supported by the Gonfaloniers of companies was still too powerful for bold and open war.

While thus tormented the daughter of Albert of Germany passed through Florence previous to her marriage with Prince Charles of Naples and was honourably received, especially by the king’s party, who seized this occasion for explaining to her the real state of Florentine affairs and the tyranny of Lando d’ Agobbio. Upon this Robert partly by threats and the aid of pope John XXII who resided at Avignon; partly by the influence of his own vicar backed by Lando’s enemies, succeeded in expelling that monster; but gorged with blood and treasure; and reestablishing his own authority.

This occurred in the month of October 1310 and by a reform which immediately followed, all Robert’s powers were continued for three years longer with a more pliant seignory, for as the seven priors were enemies six more were cunningly added on the king’s part, and these at the succeeding election managed to return the whole thirteen. This change continued but a short time when they were again limited to the original number of seven, and after the expulsion of Walter de Brienne augmented to twelve in order to admit four nobles; these . were however soon expelled and the number thus reduced remained permanent as will hereafter be noticed.

There is perhaps no such thing as unmingled evil, and the government of Lando d' Agobbio was not an exception to this rule, for a great portion of the city wall was completed and many private feuds entirely pacified by his influence or authority: this was no trifling or easy task, for enmities were deep; great families had great followings, and their dissensions often threw the whole community into disorder.

The public revenues had during this period of war and confusion diminished so much as to make an extraordinary supply necessary and the government adopted a not unusual mode of raising money which the continual revolutions of Florence rendered sufficiently effective. All persons, with some permanent exceptions, who were either in banishment, or in any wav condemned to pecuniary penalties were if Florentine citizens absolved and permitted to return on paying five per cent, of the original fine before a certain day, and half that amount if belonging to the contado or district, any friend or relation being allowed to pay the money on their behalf the sum being limited to a certain amount whatever might have been the first penalty. This and two other decrees of the same nature restored many exiles to their country while they supplied its immediate necessities; but being accompanied by a degrading ceremony the high-minded Dante disdained to stoop and preferred exile to acknowledging himself a culprit before the very men who had injured and persecuted him.

Prosperity when it seems to be most firmly riveted is often on the verge of destruction, and thus it was with Uguccione della Faggiola who after the battle of Montecatini becoming for a while almost absolute in Pisa dreamed not of sudden change, but on the strengthening of his power and extending his dominion over all Tuscany. When Corso Donati was accused of aiming at the lordship of Florence and the rest of Tuscany in conjunction with his father-in-law the notion was ridiculed by most of the citizens as chimerical, but the Aretines subsequent career opened their eyes to the possible achievements of talents and ambition, united in favourable times and circumstances. Pisa humbled and terrified by the emperor’s death cast about for a protector and found a master; expecting to be instantly crushed by her enemies she yet rose superior to all and conquered her bitterest foe; but no glory fell to the people; they felt that it was the work of a foreign master whose personal benefit became the end and object of all their efforts: Lucca was his, not theirs, the blood spilt at Montecatini ended in his aggrandisement, not their advantage. Liberty was nothing but a name; the tyrant’s power had bound her in her own ornaments, and with an outward respect to all the forms and trappings of freedom turned everything to his personal ambition. In Lucca he was also a tyrant but at the head of a faction, and a conqueror; but both cities loved their independence, felt their subjection, and hated him as a taskmaster.

This state of things was taken advantage of by two monks who had been concealed in that city since 1315 on a secret mission from Robert for detaching the republic from Sicily and reducing it to his own devotion. Being Guelphs themselves they were welcomed by that faction and an envoy was sent without the knowledge of the Anziani to treat with a monarch who without either genius or inclination for war was yet a formidable enemy. These men were sedulously endeavouring to undermine Uguccione’s influence by persuading the citizens that his aim was to be Tyrant of the republic, (for thus as in ancient Greece these Italian lords were denominated), the whole power of which was already in his hands. Their arguments were successful not only from their truth but because they touched the pride and passions of the people and had real grievances to work upon without which agitators can seldom make permanent impressions.

The chiefs of this opposition were Banduccio Buonconti a citizen of high rank and popularity and his son Piero then Gonfalonier of Justice, both actively employed in managing the treaty with Robert: this which contemplated the entire pacification of Tuscany, was after some difficulty concluded, to the great discontent of Florence as well as of many Pisans, but particularly of Uguccione himself, who was too deeply indebted to war willingly to relinquish the sword. As no powerful man is too wicked to have adherents all the popularity and influence of the Buonconti were required to force this treaty through the councils where it was impeded and denounced by Uguccione and his friends, perhaps not unreasonably, as an attempt to surrender the liberties of the republic into the hands of King Robert after the example of Lucca and Florence. When he saw no chance of preventing the ratification, which he finally signed as Podesta, he endeavoured to excite a tumult by shouting out treason, ordering his Germans and other troops under arms, himself carrying a living eagle, the Ghibeline emblem, about the streets on a lofty pole and furiously threatening the Guelphs with death as disturbers of public tranquillity. Success would probably have attended this if the Gonfalonier had not calmly opposed him by persuading the soldiers not to act without orders from the Anziani: meanwhile Banduccio met the German veterans and with a commanding resolute air and haughty words rebuked their audacity. His high rank and influence gave effect to his speech, upon which Uguccione at once arrested the agitation and returning to the public palace consulted with his council on the necessary steps to be taken. As it was an evident struggle between the Buoniconti and himself he quietly sent for them the following morning on pretence of discussing some public business and threw both into prison; then giving a traitorous signification to Banducci’s speech made it the foundation of a formal process by which he convicted them of conspiring to betray their country and deliver it into the hands of Naples. They were immediately beheaded; but two days after, alarmed at the universal disgust which his conduct had excited a general council was assembled in the cathedral, where by a short address he endeavoured to prove the necessity of such extreme rigour. “Believe not, O Signores,” said he, “that I either capriciously or vindictively have condemned the Buonconti but solely to deliver you from a great and impending ruin. Robert King of Naples has often, as you well know, attempted to possess himself of Pisa and never yet succeeded. It is known to me by many secret letters that the said Buonconti, and other nobles who hold the magistracy, had agreed to deliver the city into his power on conditions hurtful to the people because the nobility alone were to participate in the public honours and government; and in short, the Guelphs were to prevail and the Ghibelines be trampled in the dust and treated like slaves. Wherefore I having detected this conspiracy exerted myself to arrest its progress, but perceiving that nothing else would do I resolved to crush it at once by the death of the two Buonconti in order to avoid the certain ruin winch their machinations had prepared for us. Neither had I ever an idea of usurping “ your liberties and making myself tyrant of your city, but rather to preserve it as the future effects will certify. Be ye therefore vigilant and with keen regards watch narrowly the proceedings of your country’s enemies, and do not allow yourselves to be deceived”. Whether Uguccione was right or wrong he failed in convincing the Pisans and therefore artfully changed the mode of electing the seignory, which he knew was extremely unpopular, by restoring the ancient form, restricting as in Florence all public honours to tradesmen alone; and he moreover made it incumbent on future candidates to prove that they had always been Ghibelines. This very popular and important reform lulled the murmurs of the citizens while it exasperated the nobles, few of whom condescended to trade, and sharpened their enmity against him. The city was therefore ripe for revolt because the people though pleased with the restoration of their rights were no less inimical to the reformer, and a timely insurrection at Lucca which was probably concerted with the Pisan malcontents soon offered a favourable occasion.

Castruccio Castracani of the Interminelli family after thirteen years of banishment adventure and military knowledge in France and England, was restored with the other Ghibelines in 1314 and very soon acquired an extensive influence over his countrymen, for he was the ablest man of the age and with a longer life would probably have subjugated Italy. Macchiavelli says that he equalled Philip of Macedon and Scipio, and would have surpassed both had he had as wide a field of action there is so much error or imagination mixed up with the truth in this great man's romance of Castruccio that it cannot be easily quoted except for extreme beauty of style: but such an opinion from the Florentine secretary would have been alone sufficient to immortalize the Lucchese hero if every record of his own actions had been obliterated.

A shrewd experienced soldier like Uguccione must have very soon detected the ambitious nature and extraordinary talents of his officer, and after the late victory, to which Castruccio mainly contributed, his increasing influence at Lucca gave much uneasiness; for besides the possession of that city he probably owed much to Castracani’s ability; and the consciousness of obligation to a possible rival whose superiority he must have felt would have been even still more irksome and more willingly got rid of than is usual.

After the battle of Montecatini it does not appear that Castruccio enjoyed any public command; but rich, powerful, and confident, he was not long in giving justifiable cause of offence: the people of Camajore or Massa del Marchese had in some manner injured him and he took a bloody revenge by killing twenty-two of them who had taken refuge in a church. It suited Uguccione to be indignant at this breach of the peace, but as there was danger in braving Castruccio he directed Neri to invite him to an entertainment and in this way he is said to have been treacherously arrested; according to Macchiavelli it was because he gave protection to the murderer of a gentleman who was much respected in Lucca and repelled the officers of justice until the former escaped : both are probable, more especially as Villani asserts that he committed many robberies and murders against the will of Uguccione.

On hearing of his arrest the latter marched from Pisa at the head of a strong detachment of Germans with the intention of executing his prisoner, but a mutual understanding between the malcontents of either city, which are only ten miles apart by the nearest road, defeated Ids plan. He had scarcely arrived at the baths of St. Julian about three miles from Pisa when the conspirators flew to arms and letting loose a bull which they kept in readiness at the gate of St. Mark chased him with arms concealed under their cloaks, through the street of Saint Martin crying out “The Bull, the Bull” until a dense crowd had collected; then changing their tone and brandishing their arms they with one voice shouted “Liberty, liberty, long live the people and let the tyrant die”. The flame spread rapidly and Uguccione’s palace, which was in the Via Santa Maria at the corner of Lo Scotto, with all its inmates soon fell a prey to their fury: the public palace of the Anziani next surrendered after much fighting; the commander of the Pisan Masnade while preparing to do his duty was persuaded to remain neuter, and the revolution became complete, as all the other troops had submitted. The Lucchese revolted the same day, either before Uguccione’s arrival or after he had quitted it to repress the Pisans, and with loud cries demanded Castruccio who was at once given up to them or else rescued from prison by force of arms: but being still in fetters they were instantly broken and served as a standard of triumph for his countrymen in their attacks on Neri della Faggiola, who was finally expelled. Neri joined his father and both ultimately became refugees in the court of Can della Scala at Verona where in company with Dante Alighieri they had full leisure to moralize on the instability of fortune.

The Pisans immediately elected Gaddo della Gherardesca as their chief magistrate while Lucca appointed Castruccio to a similar office for one year; both subscribed to the general peace and for a while were quiet; but Castracani’s ambition was too fierce to smoulder, and he soon became ono of the bitterest foes that Florence ever experienced, except her own citizens, as will be shown in the following chapter.

Contemporary Monarchs.—Edward II, England.—Scotland: Bruce’s wars. —France: Philip the Fair [IV], (to 1314), Louis X, (to 1316).—Aragon : Jacob II.—Castile and Leon: Ferdinand IV, (till 1312), Alphonso XI.— Portugal: Dennis.—Germany: Albert I, son of Rudolph, (until 1308), Henry of Luxembourg (from 1308 to 1313).—Naples: Charles of Anjou [II] (till 1309), Robert (the Good).—Sicily: Frederic II. of Aragon.— Greek Empire: Andronicus Palaeologus.—Ottoman Empire: Orkhan.— Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, established at Rhodes (1310).

BOOK THE FIRST. CHAPTER XVI. 1317 - 1326

READING HALL

THE DOORS OF WISDOM