BOOK THE FIRST.
CHAPTER XIII.
FROM
A.D. 1293 TO 1300.
Continual wars
had in some measure repressed the spirit of civil discord in Florence; but as
outward enemies became weaker and the republic stronger; as trade augmented the
general wealth, and plunder enriched individuals; the same weapons which had
been blunted in external conflict were soon readjusted for internal quarrels.
The mass of people wishing as was their interest to live under the law, while
the great struggled to get above it, long-continued harmony was impossible:
hitherto the fear of Ghibeline government had partially stifled all other
disorders, but the moment that party ceased to be formidable bad blood broke
loose and scarcely a week passed without some insolence or injury to a weaker
neighbour.
Proud from
their wealth, fierce from their warlike habits; sudden and quick with their
weapon, and careless of blood; wounds and death were common incidents amongst
nobles whose power defied the law and insulted its ministers: there was no
individuality in crime when a whole family, its friends and kinsmen, espoused
the cause of a culprit; not in the tribunals, but armed cap-a-pie, with lance
in hand and helmet on the head. The penalty of crime was exacted, severely
exacted, by the private vengeance of noble families, but the hand of law was a
mere shadow, and public example worse than a nullity. While respect for each
other produced some show of order amongst themselves it imposed no restraint on
their insolence or violence to weaker and less opulent citizens; so that
contumely, outrage, spoliation, and even personal chastisement were common
occurrences amongst these lordly republicans. The people had frequently tried
to abate this, and bit by bit some little was accomplished, but more in form
than substance; for while their political privileges were nominally diminished
by creating Priors as well as by the recent incorporation of minor trades; the
anger and insolence of great families were proportionably augmented. Something
more became necessary to curb the power of clanship and overcome an habitual
respect for ancient blood, heightened as it was by military services, an
audacious spirit, and the power of wealth and numbers: few therefore were bold
enough to accuse a noble, still fewer dared to bear witness against one; and
even when condemned by the tribunals the judges would rarely venture to execute
a sentence. Thus while the people cried aloud against this grievance and
demanded redress, not one was found hardy enough to lead the cause of justice
against aristocratic tyranny; and even when the question was discussed in
popular assemblies, the mode of relief was not so easily discovered. The
nobility ridiculing such scenes of impotent declamation continued to domineer
over the many; that many dreading aristocratic resentment even more than the
loss of their own individual property; and abject slavery would probably have
succeeded if dissensions amongst the nobles themselves had not saved the
country. Yet that country was called a republic, and was a republic as far as
this; that the power of choosing the form of government and making their own
laws was in the hands of the people: but the enacting of good laws, and the
power of executing them afterwards, are wide asunder; and it was in the latter
that Florence failed and suffered. She was compelled to be unjust to secure
justice; cruel to insure humanity; and tyrannical for the enjoyment of liberty.
The crisis required this, for when men place themselves above the law a power
beyond the law becomes necessary to restrain them, and the severe but honest
spirit of the Florentine reformer can scarcely be questioned: extreme cases
need extreme remedies, and generally produce those who have the head to
conceive and the hand to administer them. Such was Giano della Bella a
patrician of ancient race, of some opulence, and a respectable following; but
enrolled amongst the citizens and devoted to popular government: a gross
personal insult from Berto Frescobaldi first kindled the spirit of this patriot
into action, and his sense of human dignity revolted from the imperious
domination of the nobles, whose pride he resolved to humble while he raised the
people’s authority to its legitimate standard.
For the sake of
perspicuity it may be now mentioned that the whole population of Florence was
at this time separated into two great classes, the “Grandi” and the “Popolo”:
or the Nobles and People: but as the latter was itself subdivided into “Popolani” and “Plebei” three
distinct classes really existed, namely “Grandi” “Popolani”
and “Plebei” or Nobles, People, and Plebians, by
which names they will for the present be distinguished. The first were
denominated “Grandi” from a feeling of reproachful envy: the second were rich
merchants, traders, and other professional men who usually shared in the
government: the third was the mere “Plebs” for whom every access to public
honours was virtually closed. These last naturally sided with their immediate
superiors, more perhaps from common hatred to the nobles than any peculiar
attachment or cordiality of feeling, as they afterwards proved when
disappointed in their more sanguine expectations.
In this state
of things Giano della Bella, who is described by his friend Dino Compagni as a
“wise, valiant, and good man,” began to accomplish his work: privately
reasoning with every individual of spirit or influence he dwelt painfully on
the increasing arrogance of the nobles and corresponding apathy of the people;
he endeavoured to convince each auditor that tamely bearing such wrongs in his
own person was a virtual aid to the aristocracy in abasing the whole nation,
which was rapidly sinking into servitude by the action of this most poisonous
influence. The evil though augmented had not yet become too inveterate for
cure, but if one stood idly waiting for another they would all be overtaken by
irreparable ruin. These words worked silently through different ranks until the
whole popular mass fermented and a common spirit of resistance agitated the
commonwealth. Public feeling being thus prepared, Giano, then one of the
Priors, in conjunction with many powerful citizens assembled the people and
harangued them on the general ineptitude of Florentine government for
repressing aristocratic licentiousness which intimidated judges, despised rule,
scared witnesses, dragged plaintiff and defendant by armed force from the
tribunals, and with an inflated spirit soared proudly above every law of the
commonwealth. “If I were not,” said he, “to judge of your condition by my own,
which notwithstanding my rank, my power, and my following, has not escaped the
insolence of the great, I certainly would never have meddled with this
enterprise, because I should have found a fitting opportunity to revenge my
private injuries; but well knowing your helplessness and unable any longer to
look calmly on the destruction of our state, which preserving delusive forms,
has lost all the substance of freedom, and is in a worse condition than those
miserable cities that are ruled by the caprice of a single tyrant: for instead
of one, we tremble at the nod of many; and where they have hope that the death
of a monster may one day end their sufferings, we on the contrary have no such
consolation, for our tyrants hydra-like are continually sprouting and thus
rendering our pains immortal. Let us then instantly quit all womanish
complaining and scotch this serpent ere it gather strength enough to strangle
us. As all our wo proceeds from evil government, from a combination of weakness
in the judges and strength in the culprits, we must reinforce the one while we
diminish the power of the other, for not until we do this will our sufferings
terminate. I know well the danger of my words, but a citizen’s duty is to speak
boldly, ay and act so too when the good of his country demands it: Public
liberty is composed of two ingredients; of good laws and their just
administration; when these are stronger than individuals then is liberty
maintained; but when there are citizens powerful enough to defy both, then is
it abandoned. Such truths will be best appreciated by those who have the great
for their neighbours either in town or country, for what things have we that
they have not coveted? And once longed for by what law have they ever been
restrained from robbing us? Nor are our persons less in danger: have we not
seen the citizens scourged, and driven barbarously from their homes; have we
not beheld rapine, fire, wounds, and even death itself inflicted with perfect
impunity by this dangerous nobility? the culprits are known! Reckless,
insolent, contemptuous, they ride through our streets dreaded even by the chief
magistrates of the republic; and this is what some of us call liberty! You have
numerous laws existing against violence, murder, robbery, and other outrages,
let these be called into immediate action and let more be added if requisite.
They will be requisite; for you cannot bind a giant with pack- thread: cords
therefore for the little, but chains and cables for the great, as our present
ties are too feeble to restrain them. Be neither cold nor negligent, neither
make complaints of your legitimate
rulers if you will not step forward to support us. Let us bestir ourselves, the
government requires a head; let us create one to whom the standard of justice
shall 4be intrusted as well as the power to make it respected. Let a thousand
citizens be enrolled as his guard, taken in succession from every sesto, who will compel the great to obey those
long-neglected laws which from time to time have been promulgated to curb their
insolence and repel their audacity. Let them be deprived of every public honour
and office, that to their private prepotency may not
be added the weight of public authority: let public fame be sufficient to
condemn them who by terror drive every accuser and witness from the courts, and
let each individual be responsible for the crimes of his kinsman, since all
unite in opposition to the laws. Such laws would be cruel in any well-ordered
society but in extreme evils pity is more dangerous than rigour. Would to
heaven that we could all live amicably; but this proud aristocracy not only
scorns our society and tramples on our laws, but like some wild ferocious
animal lashes its own sides and roars with ungovernable fury: look at its own
fierce conflicts and deadly feuds, struggles for power led on by private hate :
look at the broils, the wounds, the murders hangs on our frontier to divert attention
from domestic good, let us therefore improve an occasion the neglect of which
may doom us to everlasting sorrow.”
This address
was heard with that deep interest which a common sentiment of danger instils
into the multitude, filling each individual heart with a general spirit of
resistance to the oppressors: a commission was immediately appointed to revise
the statutes and report on the efficiency of existing laws for the maintenance
of order and prompt execution of justice. Such commissions were not new; by an
ancient custom of Florence these courts, then called “Ordini d’ Arbitrate” or “courts of arbitration,” were periodically formed with
complete legislative authority for such a revisal and
alteration of the laws as the progress of society or other change of
circumstances rendered necessary. The Podestà Taddeo de’ Bruxati of Brescia and Currado da Soncino of Milan, captain
of the people, were joined to the Priors in this office and the result of their
labour was a code of regulations called the “Ordinances of Justice” (Ordinamenti della Giustizia)
by which the aristocracy was at once reduced from its palmy state of insolence
to complete subjection. It was decreed that none but real merchants or
tradesmen should thenceforth be elected priors, and that every nobleman, even
every family, if any of its members enjoyed the dignity of knighthood, should
be excluded from the government: the office of prior could not be refused, and
an oath faithfully to execute its duties was ordered to be taken before the
Captain of the People who with the old priors, the consuls of the superior
trades, and the assistance of such respectable citizens as they pleased to call
in, was to elect a prior from each sesto every
two months as usual. Two members of the higher trades were joined with the above
from every sesto and from amongst them was
elected the gonfalonier of justice, but by secret vote, which became null if
any of his family were amongst the seignory. Thirty-three of the noblest
families of Florence were permanently excluded from the office of prior without
even the power of recovering their civic rights by the exercise of a trade; and
the government was authorised to add the names of any others who by their
conduct should render themselves subject to the action of the new law, so that
the list soon augmented to seventy-two families. This exclusion from political
power was founded not only on their lawless insolence and contempt for every
social obligation, but also on their partiality as ministers of the country
wherever their own order was in question; and it became a common subject of
complaint with the people that no energy was ever displayed by the priors while
a nobleman was amongst them.
When a crime
was committed by one of the aristocracy public fame alone, as Macchiavelli
seems to assert, or the notoriety of the fact supported by two witnesses as we
learn from every other writer, were sufficient to condemn him, and his
relations became answerable for his crime: if fined they were forbidden to aid
him in discharging the penalty, and a subsequent peace with the offended party
did not save the culprit. If the punishment were pecuniary five years’
prohibition from office was added; but if a citizen were killed or badly
wounded the gonfalonier and podesta with all the civic guard were ordered to
proceed to the offender’s house and destroy it without mercy.
Finally to
secure the liberty of accusation without fear of personal consequences, two
boxes called “Tamburi” were placed at the residences of the podestà and captain
of the people respectively for the reception of secret charges against the
great; and the latter in consequence of their own quarrels were unable to
oppose such injustice.
These laws were
unjust because they entailed the offences of criminal fathers upon unoffending
children, and they were impolitic in leaving no room for repentance, but on the
contrary they exasperated even to desperation a high-spirited and powerful body
whose faculties might have been employed to the public advantage; still they
show how sharply the community had been goaded into this course of vengeance
when a man of Giano’s character became the author of so rigorous a decree.
A sheet of
parchment filled with even the most admirable regulations is still mere
parchment unless supported by an armed force, or else by public opinion, of
which it is or ought to be the concentrated expression; but in this instance
both were necessary, and one produced the other. The citizens were divided into
twenty companies of fifty men each, afterwards increased to a hundred, and
ultimately to two hundred; making a national guard of four thousand men under
the Gonfalonier of Justice, so called from the “gonfalon” or standard of
justice by which he was always preceded. This banner was marked with a red
cross in a white field and was substituted for the two ancient “Vexilli” or flags of justice, as the present guard was for
the two thousand infantry previously attached to them: each company had smaller
flags with a similar device, and at the sound of the Campana all were bound to
assemble in arms (provided at the public charge) under the window of the
Gonfalonier where the great banner of justice floated.
This magistrate
was essentially civil, not military, though encompassed by all the circumstance
of war: his force was the embodied will of the community arrayed against the
enemies of justice and the disturbers of public tranquillity. It was necessary
to have attained the age of forty-five before a citizen could be elected to the
office of gonfalonier of Florence, the highest dignity of the republic: he was
obliged to live with the priors but had no power beyond them in debate; his
great authority being at the head of armed citizens in execution of the laws.
Thus aristocratic vice not only strengthened the freedom it was endeavouring to
destroy but laid the foundation of its own ruin, for the rank of noble now
became a positive detriment and almost a mark of infamy: it is possible that
even the most guilty amongst them may not have deserved such treatment, (yet
there is an old prejudice in favour of ancient lineage and illustrious birth
that tells strongly for the people) but it shows how solicitous any privileged
order should be to conceal those offensive powers which an intelligent public
only suffers while unmolested by their exercise; when made more prominent by a
contemptuous demeanour, without any peculiar excellence in parties, they will
undermine what they are meant to support and ultimately ruin the edifice.
The first
decided act of the new government was against the powerful family of Galigaj one of whom in France had killed a member of
the ignoble house of Benivieni: on the news of this
Dino Compagni the historian, who was the third gonfalonier, immediately
proceeded to the dwellings of that family and destroyed them. This was a sharp
beginning and not universally approved of by the capricious spirit of the time,
so that it became difficult to act; for when property was totally demolished
according to law, it was exclaimed against as cruelty, and if partially spared the
gonfalonier was a coward: justice was therefore frequently sacrificed to
personal fear.
Although the
great were so reprehensible the people themselves were far from immaculate; the
former were bold, insolent, tyrannical, but open; many of the latter unjust,
cunning, selfish and dishonest; as well as turbulent proud and ambitious : the
legal profession in every department was especially noted for its misdeeds, and
the judges interpreted the laws as suited their own convenience; the whole
fraternity of butchers was particularly notorious for its insolence, brutality,
dishonesty and turbulence. To such people the conscientious and impartial, but
searching reforms of Giano della Bella were anything but welcome after the
great aristocratic enemy had once been humbled: many therefore who had joined
him against the nobles began to tremble when the course of his public measures
was likely to impinge upon their own peculations; jealous adversaries started
up on every side and the aristocracy was much too sagacious not to take
advantage of the occasion. The nobles hated him as a deserter from his order and
the destroyer of their power, and this hate was augmented by his increasing
severity; for the people exulted in their humiliation and the biting character
of the laws against them, the effects of which became so powerful and
indiscriminate that no accused person could now escape punishment without the
government being abused for its partiality; thus the simple act of accusation
was virtually sufficient to condemn a noble.
Indignant at
this injustice the aristocracy complained that “if a nobleman’s horse happened
to whisk its tail in the face of a citizen; or if one pushed another by
accident in a crowd, or even if children of different ranks quarrelled at their
amusements, accusations were instantly preferred: and were their houses to be
demolished for such trifles?” But hate had destroyed justice, humanity, and
sound policy, and their grievances were utterly disregarded: Giano seems to
have pushed rigour to excess, and it is even asserted that in one instance his
public authority was made subservient to private and personal revenge : whether
this charge be just or not is now difficult to prove; he probably was not
perfect; but he belonged to the unhappy race of reformers and fell a victim to
the malice of implacable enemies and the treachery of pretended friends: he
fearlessly attacked abuses that others shrunk from, and defended measures that
others cowardly abandoned, but all in the cause of justice; wherefore being as
much feared by his political enemies as he was honoured by the people he pushed
boldly forward in the cause of freedom and reform.
Thus tormented,
the great were deep in their threats of vengeance, and these being reported,
both fear and anger united in giving a keener edge to the sword of retributive
justice. The Magalotti, a powerful race and kinsmen
of Giano, were at the head of the Popolani, many of
whom although unadorned with the title of nobles were ranked amongst the great
in consequence of their wealth and influence; and some of them as forward as
the genuine nobility themselves, to ruin Giano and trample on their humbler
countrymen. These faithless citizens and indignant nobles held separate
councils for a common object: the first idea of both was to kill the reformer;
but as bis works were more formidable than his person and their fear of the
plebeians great, a more effective and subtle course was resolved on in both
conclaves.
It so happened
that the principal conspirators amongst the Popolani were united with Giano della Bella in the commission, then sitting in the
church of Ognissanti, for the revisal and reform of the laws; and there, while absent, it was resolved to make use of
his public virtue for his own destruction. “He is a just man” they cunningly
exclaimed, “let us explain to him the wicked actions of the butchers, an
evil-disposed race and fruitful in villany.” At the
head of this trade was a rich butcher or cattle-dealer, called Pecora, who
supported by the Tosinghi family displayed infinite
arrogance, menaced the priors and openly practised every sort of deceit, to the
great detriment of the community. These things being brought under the peculiar
notice of Giano he impatiently exclaimed “Perish the city sooner than tolerate
such villany”, and immediately devised new laws to
restrain them. A similar appeal was then made to his sense of justice against
judges, notaries, and all the legal profession, who intimidated the syndics
that periodically investigated their official conduct, and menaced those that
would expose their peculation and punish their misdeeds; who procured new and
unnecessary appointments, and maintained causes in court for three and four
years without giving judgment; so that even if wishing to relinquish a suit,
parties could not do it in consequence of the dexterity with which they
entangled the proceedings and drew their profits from delay. “Let new laws be
made to bridle so much iniquity” replied Giano indignantly; whereupon
information was instantly given to the lawyers and butchers of Florence that he
was preparing for their destruction. Thus the train was laid.
This eagerness
of lawyers to reform the very abuses by which they throve, probably excited
suspicion in their colleague Dino Compagni who quickly detected the conspiracy
and informed della Bella; at the same time advising him not to play their game
by pushing these laws further for the moment, but attend to his personal safety.
“Rather let the city perish than suffer such iniquity to continue”, was still
the fearless answer of Giano.
Those of the
commission who were not in the plot wished to examine further ere they
legislated; but “with more boldness than wisdom,” says Dino Compagni, Giano
threatened them even with death and imprudently hurried the affair. Meanwhile
the nobles were discussing this same subject in the church of Saint James
beyond Amo, Messer Berto Frescobaldi, who had formerly insulted della Bella,
giving his voice for death. “These dogs of the people” said he, “have deprived
us of honours and office, and not daring to enter the palace we cannot plead
our own cause; nay if we even venture to chastise a servant our houses are
instantly demolished! Wherefore I advise that we should break away at once from
such disgraceful bondage: let us arm for the attack and slaughter friend and
foe amongst the people, nor hold our hand as long as we can find any to slay,
so that neither ourselves nor our children may be overcome by them.” This
advice although approved and applauded was thought too hazardous and they
resolved to try and disunite the community by propagating the factious cry of
“The state being in danger from the Ghibelines ” and the establishment of
secret agents to corrupt the people and set them against Giano della Bella.
These
machinations continued working until the beginning of 1295 when a sudden
movement of the populace brought everything to a crisis: Corso Donati in a
private feud had killed and wounded some of the followers of Simone Galastrone, and complaints were made to the Podestà by both
parties; but either from the corruption of that officer or his judge, Corso was
acquitted and Galastrone whose servant had been
killed, was condemned. The citizens saw this injustice, attributed it to
bribery, denounced the Podesta as their enemy, ran to the palace with fire in
their hands, and cries of “Death, death to the Podestà!”, and soon destroyed
everything within the building. Corso Donati and the magistrate escaped by the
roof but the whole tumult is said to have been more the effect of hatred to the
former than any regard for justice.
Giano della
Bella who was with the priors when this riot began instantly mounted his horse
and attempted to save the Podestà, confident that the people would listen to
him; but on the contrary he too was threatened and compelled to retire: the
confusion lasted until next day, while nobles, judges, and notaries, with many
of the more powerful citizens, all detesting Giano, were industriously laying
the blame entirely to him. New priors were suddenly elected, even before the
old had finished office, and all enemies of the reformer. No sooner were they
installed than an accusation was preferred against Giano for insurrection, for
attacking the Podestà, and other infractions of his own ordinances of justice:
the populace armed to protect him, and his brother had already put himself at
their head when Giano perceiving that he was betrayed by those he most trusted,
urged by his kinsman Magalotti who was secretly
jealous of his power, and being moreover averse to commence a civil war,
retired on the fifth of March 1295 not without expectations of being recalled
by a people for whom he had thus sacrificed himself. He was condemned with all
his family, and died in exile! His houses were ruined and several other
citizens shared his fate; whence, says Villani, “Much mischief accrued to our
city; and especially to the people, because he was a more loyal and
straightforward ‘Popolano’ and lover of the public
good than any man in Florence, and one who added to the common prosperity
without subtracting anything from it. He was presumptuous, and vindictive, and
revenged himself on the Abati his neighbours with the power of the community:
and it may be that for these transgressions he was, by his own laws, unfairly
and without a crime condemned by the unjust. And this is a striking example for
those citizens who are to come, to beware of attempting to make themselves
masters over their fellow citizens and of being too presumptuous; let them be
content with an equality of citizenship. For the same people who assisted them
to ascend will certainly betray them and try to pull them down: and in ancient
and modem times it has ever happened at Florence that whosoever made himself
head of the people has always been humbled by the same people, who are never
inclined to give due praise or acknowledge merit.”
Many of Giano’s
friends were fined, others banished like himself for contumacy: he was praised
and blamed by the citizens as suited their faction or character, but sincerely
lamented by the poor who in his fall saw the ruin of their own influence and
the loss of their only disinterested advocate.
From that time
all the authority of government remained in the hands of the powerful and
wealthy burgesses or “Popolani Grazzi”
as they now began to be called, and so bitter was the feeling of the leaders of
this faction against their exiled countryman that not being content with
setting a price on the head of him and his adherents, they even included his
daughter Caterina, wife of Galassino de’ Castellani,
in her father’s condemnation.
During these
important transactions the substance of Florentine peace and prosperity seems
to have been scarcely affected; a few prominent actors opposed by a distinct
faction, although unsteady in their several parts performed a drama of deep and
agitating interest; but except at intervals, the great body of the people were
off the stage, as mere spectators, or following their own private occupations.
Peace was concluded on favourable terms with Pisa, the war of Arezzo had
virtually ceased, and Tuscany was once more in profound tranquillity: the
Guelphs and Count Ugolino’s family were restored,
Guido of Montefeltro was ungratefully dismissed by the Pisans, and a Podestà or
captain of the people placed by the members of the Guelphic league for four
years over that republic. A reciprocal exemption from all tolls and duties
whether on goods or person (a remarkable feature in all Florentine treaties)
was agreed to by Pisa and the cities of this confederacy. Thus peace and
commerce were reestablished, and so little interrupted by the internal broils
of Florence that its gates were thrown open by day and by night; no tolls were
demanded; and the government in order to avoid new taxes sold the ancient walls
and certain lands within and round the town to those whose possessions were
contiguous. Besides this the republican dominions were increased by the
submission of Poggibonzi, Certaldo, Gambassi, and Catignano; by
the capture of seven towns with their respective territories from the Counts
Guido, and many more in the Mugello unjustly retained by that family, as well
as the Ubaldini and other rural chieftains. New hospitals were founded, new
gates opened, new churches erected, aqueducts constructed, the Baptistry
repaired and beautified, and the convenience of the city improved; all signs of
a strong current of national prosperity beneath the troubled surface, for the
new walls alone were a work of exceeding cost and labour, and the enormous
fabric of Santa Croce was a monument only surpassed by the more splendid cathedral.
Powerful, energetic, and feared by the neighbouring states Florence led the
Tuscan chivalry and submitted to no appearance of indignity. A criminal had
absconded and taken refuge at Prato; upon this a single messenger was sent to
demand the culprit under the penalty of 10,000 lire for any unnecessary delay:
the people of Prato, to assert their independence, and probably under some
secret influence from Florentine faction, showed no sign of obedience, upon
which the republican troops were rapidly armed and ready to enforce submission
when the malefactor was delivered up and the fine immediately paid.
Amongst other
regulations of this period the year 1294 was remarkable for the promulgation of
a law which forbade women to appear personally in any court of justice, and the
Podestà, Captain of the People, or any other functionary were prohibited under
a severe penalty from listening to them, because they were “a sex esteemed to
be very dangerous in disturbing the course of justice”. But there were other
impediments besides women; the statutes of the city courts had become so
numerous and contradictory that under the eleventh Gonfalonier Buonaccino Ottabuoni a committee
of fourteen citizens was appointed to reduce them to order and perspicuity by
diminishing their number and reconciling discrepancies.
In July 1291
the empire became vacant by the death of Rodolph of Habsburg and considerable
dissension arose between the supporters of his son Albert Duke of Austria and
those of Wenceslaus King of Bohemia; but the dispute was settled by the
Archbishop of Metz through whose influence Adolphus Count of Nassau was raised
to the dignity of King of the Romans in May 1292.
In the month of
April 1292 while indulging in thoughts of eastern wars and sacred conquests
like many of his predecessors, Pope Nicholas IV was surprised by death: he is
represented as attached to the Ghibelines, perhaps because he was less of a
partisan than other pontiffs, but his actions do not support this assertion.
The Holy See remained unoccupied until July 1294 when Pietro Moroni a poor
hermit of the Abruzzi mountains, a man of great sanctity, was chosen and
assumed the tiara under the name of Celestine V but from his extreme age and
inexperience, his habits of solitude, and contempt of worldly grandeur; he
renounced the papacy in the following December and returned to his cell.
Celestine was succeeded by Benedetto Gaetano a man of learning and sagacity who
took the name of Boniface VIII played a conspicuous part in Italian story and
was damned, while yet living, by the bitter pen of Dante.
After the fall
of Giano della Bella the seignory renewed the Guelphic League principally
through fear of a French knight of bold and enterprising character called Jean
de Chalon who .being sent with the Pope’s approval as
imperial vicar in Tuscany had joined the Ghibelines of Arezzo: he was
originally introduced by the nobles with five hundred followers into Florence
to assist them against Giano; but this aid proving unnecessary they attempted
to defraud him of his reward; he then joined the Aretines and with the Pope’s
interference ultimately succeeded in gaining the above post: in return he
agreed to betray the Aretines, but on being discovered retired with all the
wealth he had amassed into Burgundy.
The nobles were
now fully convinced of the pernicious effects of disunion and hastened a
general reconciliation, being determined to vindicate the rights of their
order: wherefore assembling their retainers, or “Fedeli” as they were then
called, and adorned in all that pomp and magnificence of arms then so
prevalent, they demanded as a matter of form some mitigation of the ordinance
of justice; but having already alienated the plebeians from the “Popolani Grassi” on account of the latter’s desertion and
betrayal of Giano, they hoped to have the support of the former against a
government which had so deceived them, and moreover kept all the power to
themselves. The nobles were too sagacious to believe that the popolani were really inclined without compulsion to
relax these laws, merely because they had found it convenient to unite with
them in ruining Giano della Bella; but they entirely mistook the temper of the
plebeians who though more easily led astray by appearances are yet generally
correct in their object, and now suspected a coalition of both parties against
themselves; wherefore having previously sent six trusty men to join in and
watch the deliberations of the priors, one from each sesto,
and resolving to withstand the nobles, immediately took to their arms.
The nobles also
assembled in three divisions: at the Mercato-Nuovo under Geri Spini, at the
church of San Giovanni under Forese degli Adimari; and under Vanni de’ Mozzi at
the piazza of that family beyond Arno which commanded the bridge of Rubaconte. The citizens drew up at the palace of the Podestà
opposite to the Abbey, and at that of the priors who then occupied the houses
of the Cerchi behind San Brocolo: the nobles were
superior in cavalry, arms, and military skill; the people in numbers and
determination, yet both were doubtful of the event. At this crisis some friars
and other moderate men came forward as the friends of either side and effected
a reconciliation: the nobles were reminded that they had lost their power; not
from the presumption of the people but their own crimes which had driven the
latter to extremities; that the attempt to recover by violence what had been
forfeited by misconduct was an error worse than the first and would only ruin
the city without gaining their object; but on the contrary tend to render their
condition worse: for as nobility was only a name;—a mere opinion,—sustained by
reputation, not force; the very moment that a people suffering from its misused
power lose their habitual reverence for its antiquity, it becomes a gaudy
bubble and breaks with the breath of an infant. The plebeians on the other hand
were advised to consider the claims of the nobles; to reject any that
threatened their own liberty, but not to shut their ears to the rights of
justice and lenity which was all that their adversaries now demanded: the
former however were not so easily convinced, they had been oppressed by one and
deceived by the other party, and it was only the authority of the Priors and
Gonfalonier Veri Baldonini that finally succeeded in
restoring peace with this slender concession; namely, that for the future three
witnesses should be necessary to prove the notoriety of aristocratic crime;
even this was too much for the plebeians and shortly after annulled, yet it
completely unveiled aristocratic weakness and the growing strength of the
people. Both parties thenceforward only sought the means of overcoming each
other, the people being ever uppermost, and for further security partly
disarmed the nobles by compelling them to sell their large cross-bows, (a very
expensive and much prized weapon) to the republic.
All this
induced many of the quieter and less powerful aristocrats to demand admittance
into the class of popolani, a favour willingly
granted to those who could be trusted, because it thinned the opposite ranks
and increased general security. The plebeians, angry and disappointed at any
compromise haring been made with the great, insulted the seignory when they
retired from office and called aloud for the return of Giano della Bella : this
alarmed the Popolani so much that the Pope’s
interference was implored, and Boniface who hated Giano for some bold
proceedings against the church when Podestà of Pistoia, threatened every body
with excommunication who presumed to advocate his cause.
Things however
generally remained tranquil and the country improved in commerce and prosperity
until the year 1300 when the spirit of civil discord again spread its sable
pinions: taking advantage of this calm, and fearful of an alliance between the
nobles and the potent families of Pazzi and Uberti in the Upper Val d'Arno, the
government resolved to hold them in check by the erection of two strong towns
on their frontier; the first between Figgine and
Monte Varchi which after the tutelar saint was called San Giovanni; the other
on the Arno over against the states of the Uberti, named Castlefranco:
to the inhabitants of both was granted an exemption from all public
contributions for ten years which soon nursed them up into places of
considerable size and importance.
Troops were
sent in 1296 to the defence of Bologna which had been for some time in
hostility with the Marquis of Ferrara, but being fearful of new troubles, with
the express condition of not being employed in offensive warfare. The next year
a treaty of alliance was concluded with Perugia; the Guelphic League was
renewed, and the strong castle called the Palazzo Publico (now Palazzo
Vecchio) was commenced in 1298 for the residence and security of the seignory,
which in the late disturbances had been exposed to the attacks of the nobles.
By demolishing the houses of the Uberti and other Ghibelines, and purchasing
the dwellings of the Foraboschi, space was gained for
the present palace and the square before it: the resources of Florence must
have been at this time immense, when notwithstanding wars and domestic broils
she was able to carry on nearly at the same time the building of Santa Croce,
the cathedral, the church of Ortosanmichele, the Palazzo Vecchio and the vast
circuit of with all their numerous and lofty towers, besides several other
minor improvements. These walls had been discontinued after 1285 but were now
resumed with fresh ardour in conjunction with the other great works which still
remain, to excite our admiration of their grandeur solidity and beauty.
The city, says
Macchiavelli, was never in a more flourishing state than at this epoch; full of
people, riches, and reputation; all Tuscany, as friends or subjects, obeyed
her; thirty thousand citizens able to carry arms in the capital with seventy
thousand more in the rural districts were ready to take the field at the
slightest signal from the government: and although anger and suspicion
separated the nobles and the people, their effects were slight, scarcely even
perceptible, and the great body of inhabitants lived in peace and unity.
The result of
this tranquillity was, that literature flourished, men of talent appeared,
painting revived, the arts were cultivated, the citizens vied with each other
in the splendour of their domestic architecture, and the name of a Florentine
merchant became respected throughout the world: Florence feared neither her own
exiles nor the imperial power, nor any single state in Italy; but strong in her
democratic rule and free institutions, would have rolled smoothly forward if
her path had not been once more broken up by the violence of domestic faction.
Cotemporary
Monarchs.—England : Edward I.—Scotland : John Baliol, (1292).—Interregnum to 1306.—France:
Philip IV., (1225).—Castile and Leon : Sancho IV. Ferdinand IV., (1295).—Aragon
: James II., (1291).— Portugal: Dennis, (1279).-—Germany : Adolphus, (1292).
Albert I., (1298). Popes: Nicholas IV., (1287). Celestine V., (1294). Boniface
VIII., (1294). Greek Emperor: Andronicus, (1281).
|
