READING HALL "THE DOORS OF WISDOM" 2024

CREATION OF THE UNIVERSE ACCORDING GENESIS

HISTORY OF ALASKA.

CHAPTER XXII.

SEVEN MORE YEARS OF ALASKAN ANNALS. 1806-1812.

Three years had now elapsed since the chief manager had sailed from Kadiak, and at the end of September 1806 he returned to St Paul, leaving Kuskof in command at Novo Arkhangelsk, with instructions to hasten the completion of certain buildings and ships then in course of construction. In March 1807 a fine brig named the Sitka was launched, and two months later she arrived at Kadiak. During the following summer a three-masted vessel of three hundred tons, christened the Otkrytie, or Discovery, was also built at Novo Arkhangelsk, and at the same time the keel was laid for a schooner, to be named in honor of the discoverer Chirikof. A few days after the arrival of the Sitka, the English ship Myrtle anchored in the harbor of St Paul, in charge of Captain Barber, of whom mention has been made in connection with the Sitka massacre. Although no friendly feeling existed between him and Baranof, so greatly was the latter in need of vessels, that the ship was purchased, together with her cargo, and renamed the Kadiak.

In September 1807 the Neva arrived at Novo Arkhangelsk on her second voyage from Kronstadt, in command of.Lieutenant Hagemeister, who, as we shall see, was appointed some years later Baranof’s successor, and in the following spring the ship was added to the company’s fleet. By this vessel the chief manager received news that the imperial government had bestowed on him, as an additional reward, the order of St Anne of the third class, while on Kuskof was conferred the rank of commercial councillor.

Meanwhile the Kadiak had been despatched to Yakutat by way of Novo Arkhangelsk, her commander being instructed to rescue the survivors of the massacre who were still in the hands of the Kolosh. A foreign flag was hoisted in order to deceive the savages, and thus two of them were induced to board the ship, and were secured. Negotiations were then opened, and the commander’s widow and children with several others were released from captivity,

During the winter of 1806-7, the Kolosh again assumed a threatening attitude, encouraged chiefly by the absence of Baranof. Reports of intended attacks reached Kuskof at various times. Under pretext of engaging in herring fishery, they assembled on the islands of Norfolk Sound, with more than four hundred large war-canoes, while the number of warriors was not less than two thousand. The Kolosh women, who cohabited with the promyshleniki of the garrison, aided in spreading alarm by exaggerated reports of the intentions of their countrymen. Deeds of violence were of daily occurrence, and at last a party of Aleutian fishermen were captured and killed. Prompt action was now required; but as the Russians were not strong enough to attack the enemy, or even sustain a siege, Kuskof resolved to try the effect of peaceful measures. He invited to the fort the most powerful of the chiefs, feasted them, flattered them, plied them with rum, and by a liberal distribution of presents, finally induced them to leave the neighborhood.

The year 1809 witnessed the most formidable of the many conspiracies hatched by the promyshleniki and Siberian ex-convicts against the chief manager. A few headstrong ruffians of the latter class, having been detained for some time at Kamchatka on their journey to America, had there learned the details of Benyovsky’s famous exploits, doubtless exaggerated and embellished by transmission from one generation to another. One of these unruly spirits, Naplavkof, who had been originally exiled to Siberia and subsequently permitted to enter the company’s service, conceived the idea of imitating the venturesome Pole, and forming a secret society for the purpose of overthrowing existing authority. His most trusted confidant was a peasant named Popof. By the time these two worthies reached Novo Arkhangelsk, they had admitted into their confidence eight or ten others, assuring them that as soon as the first blow was struck the whole colony would rise in revolt.

The object of the conspiracy was to put to death the chief manager, who had now returned to Novo Arkhangelsk, and seize the arsenal and fort on some day when Naplavkof, who was then acting as a subaltern officer in the garrison, should be on duty. The conspirators then intended to plunder the storehouses and barracks, and to load the ship Otkrytie with provisions and the most valuable of the goods. Each of the conspirators was to select one of the women for his mistress, and in addition, fifteen female natives were to be taken as servants. On leaving Novo Arkhangelsk they purposed to sail for Easter Island, or to some uninhabited spot still farther south, where they could form a settlement, calling on the way at the Hawaiian Islands to exchange their furs for provisions and other necessaries.

Few as were the conspirators in number, no less than three of them, each independently of the others, revealed the secret to Baranof. Two of these traitors were Poles, named Leshchinsky and Berezovsky; the third a Russian, called Sidorof. From these men the chief manager learned that the party met at Leshchinsky’s quarters, and that all the members were about to sign a written pledge, wherein each agreed to carry out the plans of the rest, and to subscribe to a code of rules and regulations. In expectation of this event, Baranof ordered Leshchinsky to keep him informed when the date was fixed for the proposed meeting, and supplied him with a keg of brandy, wherewith to make merry with his comrades.

On the 6th of August the conspirators met at the usual rendezvous, which was close to the residence of the chief manager, in order to affix their signatures to an agreement drawn up by Popof from Naplavkof’s dictation. When the object of the meeting had been accomplished, and the brandy freely handed round, Leshchinsky, according to a preconcerted signal, began to sing, whereupon Baranof, with a large force of armed men, rushed into the building. Naplavkof, a sabre in one hand and a loaded pistol in the other, made a show of resistance, while Popof hastily thrust the document into the oven. So sudden was the onslaught, however, that all the party were seized and bound before they could make use of their weapons. The document was recovered, almost intact, but the only additional information obtained from it was that Popof had been elected chief of the society under the assumed name of Khounshim, and that it had been agreed to do nothing until a hunting party, which contained some of their number, should return from Chatham Strait. The ringleaders and four others were ironed, placed under guard, and finally sent to Kamchatka for trial; and thus ended the plot, without further result than to increase the chief man­ager’s desire to be relieved from office.

Baranof’s wish was not fulfilled until several years later, though, as we shall see, through no neglect on the part of the directors. There were none of his subordinates to whom be dared to intrust the control of affairs, and he had no alternative but to remain un­til a successor should arrive. Meanwhile he was relieved for a time from all anxiety as to further revolt among Russians or Kolosh by the arrival, in June 1810, of the sloop-of-war Diana, commanded by Captain Golovnin.

The captain, who, like other naval officers, was not predisposed in the company’s favor, thus describes his arrival: “It was 10 p. M., and dark. We fired a gun to call the pilot; lights were hung out, and we lay at anchor until midnight; we could then hear the noise of oars, but it was too dark to see the boat. At last Russian voices became audible, and we could doubt no longer that some of the company’s promyshleniki were approaching, but for all that we did not neglect any precautionary measures. It was well known to me that this class of the company’s servants consisted chiefly of criminals; and also that this class of scoundrels, having come from exile under false promises and expectations, found life in America even worse than that of a Siberian convict, and therefore were always ready to profit by any opportunity to throw off the yoke of the Russian American Company. They would not have hesitated even to surprise a ship of war and take possession of the country. All arms were kept at hand, and the crew on the alert. I then hailed the boat. They stated in reply that they were sixteen unarmed men, who had been sent by the chief manager to our assistance. I ordered them to board, and while they were standing in line I questioned them, the answers being evidently given in fear. During this time the officers of the Diana stood motionless at their posts. Not a voice was heard but my own and that of their spokesman. They had never witnessed such discipline before, and, as I subsequently heard, were laboring under the belief that they had been captured by some European man-of-war, on which I alone could speak Russian. But as soon as I had learned all I cared to know, I told them they might talk to their countrymen, and when they heard the Russian language spoken on all sides, they were almost beside themselves with joy. Only then they confessed that they had come armed with pistols, spears, and guns, which, suspecting us to be English, they had concealed in the bottom of the boat.”

On the following morning the Diana was towed to the anchorage under the fort and saluted with eleven guns. After a ridiculous discussion between Baranof and Golovnin as to the number of guns to which each was entitled, the salute was returned. The captain was then invited to dinner, together with his officers and the commanders of several American vessels then in port. He thus relates his impressions: “In the fort we could see nothing remarkable. It consisted of strong wooden bastions and palisades. The houses, barrack magazines, and manager’s residence were built of exceedingly thick logs. In Baranof’s house the furniture and finishing were of fine workmanship and very costly, having been brought from St Petersburg and England; but what astonished me most was the large library in nearly all European languages, and the collection of fine paintings—this in a country where probably only Baranof can appreciate a picture, and no travellers are apt to call except the skippers of American trading vessels. Mr Baranof explained that the paintings had been presented to the company at the time of its organization, and that the directors had considered it best to send them to the colonies; with a smile, he added that it would have been wiser to send out physicians, as there was not one in the colonies, nor even a surgeon or apothecary. I asked Mr Baranof how the directors could neglect to send surgeons to a country the climate of which was conducive to all kinds of diseases, and where men may at any time be wounded by savages and need surgical treatment. ‘I do not know,’ he said, ‘whether the directors trouble themselves to think about it; but we doctor ourselves a little, and if a man is wounded so as to require an operation, he must die.’ Mr Baranof treated us to an excellent dinner, during which we had music which was not bad.”

During his stay in Russian America, Golovnin displayed in a somewhat ridiculous aspect his jealousy of the Russian American Company and of foreign traders. A short time before, the American ship Enterprise, in charge of Captain Ebbets, had arrived at Novo Arkhangelsk, laden with trading goods. The captain handed to the chief manager a despatch from the owner of the vessel, John Jacob Astor, wherein the latter stated that “for twenty-five years he had been established in New York and engaged in foreign trade; that he had done business with the Canadian Company and exchanged goods with Europe and Canton, and that he now sent his first ship to the north-west coast of America in charge of Captain Ebbets.”

If we can believe the chief manager’s biographer, Dashkof, the Russian consul-general for the United States, being informed that Baranof was in want of supplies, had been recommended to inquire of Astor what was most needed, and by his advice had purchased a full cargo for the colonies. “I was very glad to oblige Mr Dashkof,” continues the New York merchant, “and have loaded the ship with such useful commodities as will be best adapted to trade in the colonies. I send the vessel direct, giving full power to Captain Ebbets to make agreements and contracts, if he should see fit, and I am prepared to send, each year, two or three vessels specially for that trade.”

Baranof purchased goods of Ebbets to the amount of twenty-seven thousand piastres, but declined to buy the entire cargo. In reply to Astor’s letter, he wrote that “he had reason to believe from private information that he would soon receive supplies, and that he could not make contracts for the future, as he expected to be relieved. But he would always be able to take the cargoes of one or two vessels each year, if the price were not too high.”

The Enterprise was now despatched with furs to Canton, the proceeds to be invested in Chinese goods, and after a prosperous voyage Ebbets returned in May 1811. He had sold his peltry at fair rates, and purchased his cargo at low prices. Baranof inspected the bills of sale and the papers relating to the several transactions, and so pleased was he with the result, that he soon afterward despatched the vessel on a second trip to Canton, with a cargo of English goods which had been purchased during her absence.

All this appears to be a very simple and straightforward transaction, though doubtless matters were concealed by the chief manager’s biographer which he did not care to bring to light. But now let us hear Golovnin’s account of the matter. “Ebbets brought a despatch from Dashkof,” writes the captain of the Diana, “with a contract with Astor, and a second letter written by Astor himself with similar proposals, in terms very flattering to the chief manager, calling him ‘governor,’ ‘count,’ and ‘your excellency’ on nearly every line, and showing that even the republicans know how to bestow titles when their interest requires it.” He then makes the questionable statement that the letter was written in French, and that as Ebbets understood only English, and there were no interpreters, matters were at a stand-still when the Diana arrived. “An American sailor,” he continues, “who was teaching English to the boys at Kadiak, without understanding Russian, a Prussian skipper of one of the company’s vessels, and a relative of Baranof’s who had picked up a few hundred English words, composed, previous to our arrival, the diplomatic corps of the Russian American Company; but as the first two were absent, and the third could only speak of subjects at which he could point with his fingers, Baranof could not communicate with the foreigners. Ebbets had already decided to leave without accomplishing anything, but when he heard that we could speak both English and French, he asked for our cooperation, which was freely promised, myself and Lieutenant Ricord acting as interpreters. We translated all the letters and documents and drew up the contracts.”

Golovnin, in his account of these transactions, claims to have discovered that some deep-laid plan was contemplated by Astor, and thus gives his reasons for such an assertion: “Ebbets, desiring to let me know how much it had cost Astor to complete the Enterprise and fit her out for the expedition, gave me three books to look over. Two of them contained the accounts mentioned, but the third was evidently given by mistake, and contained supplementary instructions to Ebbets, in which he was directed to call at certain Spanish ports on the American coast and endeavor to trade with the inhabitants. If he succeeded, he was to go to Novo Arkhangelsk in ballast and trade with Baranof, and in case the latter should ask why he brought no goods, he must give as an excuse that he had heard the colonies were fully supplied. He was also told to obtain most minute details of the trade and condition of the Russian colnies, their strength and means of protection, the actual power of Baranof, and the relations between the company and the government. In brief, Astor wished to ascertain the feasibility of a seizure of the colonies by the United States. I returned the books to Ebbets without saying anything, but immediately wrote down the gist of the instructions and laid them before Baranof, who thought it best to forward them to the board of managers, who, with their usual policy, will no doubt, in course of time, make the best use of this information for themselves.”

Whether the captain’s view of the matter was right or wrong, he does not appear to have been actuated by very patriotic motives; for, without heeding Baranof ’s urgent request to prolong his stay in the colonies on account of the danger threatened from English privateers, he at once took on board a cargo of furs and trading goods for the company’s commissioner in Kamchatka, and was ready for sea on the 2d of August. On that day Captain Winship, a Boston trader, entered the outer harbor in the ship O’Cain. Ebbets, anxious to communicate with the new-comer, sent off a boat, which was stopped by a shot from the Diana, much to Baranof’s satisfaction, who was glad to see the Russian authority maintained in this manner. Golovnin afterward sent a formal communication to Ebbets and Winship, stating that no one must communicate with an incoming ship until the harbor authorities had done their duty.

Late in August 1812, the American ship Beaver, fitted out by Astor, arrived at Novo Arkhangelsk, having on board his confidential agent, Wilson B. Hunt, who was instructed to treat with Baranof for the establishment of permanent relations between the American and Russian fur companies. Hunt executed his commission with some difficulty. He succeeded, however, in disposing of his cargo on advantageous terms, but was obliged to go to the Prybilof Islands for his payment in seal skins.

Considering the relations that were now established between Baranof and Astor, one may indulge in some speculation as to what would have been the result of this alliance had the enterprise of the latter been successful. In that case, the Hudson’s Bay Company would probably not have remained the chief factor in shaping the destinies of the north-west coast, and the British flag might not today float over the province of British Columbia. But it is probable that the shrewd New York merchant was outmatched by the chief manager, whom Irving describes at random as “a rough, rugged, hospitable, hard-drinking old Russian; somewhat of a soldier, somewhat of a trader, above all, a boon companion of the old roistering school, with a strong cross of the bear, but as keen, not to say crafty, at a bargain as the most arrant water-drinker.”

Nevertheless, Astor had no cause for complaint against the Russian American Company. After abandoning his trading-post at the mouth of the Columbia, on the outbreak of war in 1812, his claim for damages was not disputed. His agent, Russell Farnum, being despatched to Astoria, found that the person whose evidence was necessary to prove the claim had gone the previous year to Novo Arkhangelsk. After waiting a year for a vessel, the agent followed him, only to find that he had crossed over to Kamchatka. Reaching Bering Strait, Farnum made the passage between the ice-floes in an open boat, and at length overtook the man of whom he was in search. After obtaining the necessary proof, he made his way through Siberia and northern Russia to St Peters­burg. “There,” says Thomas Gray, who, while residing at Keokuk in 1830, heard the story from Farnum’s own lips, and recently furnished me with a statement of his adventures, “he met the head of the Russian Fur Company, adjusted the claim, and received an order on the London branch of a Russian bank in favor of Astor for the amount.” Farnum returned to New York, and after an absence of three years, presented himself to the astonished Astor, who had long since given him up for lost.

On the day of Winship’s arrival at Novo Arkhangelsk, the Juno returned from a cruise in the interior channels of the Alexander Archipelago, where she had been attacked by the Kolosh. Several of the crew had been wounded, and were treated by the surgeon of the Diana. After remaining in port for nearly a month, the vessel sailed for Petropavlovsk, on what proved to be her last voyage. “Sailing from Novo Arkhangelsk,” writes her captain in his log­book on the 14th of November, “with the ship placed under my charge, I find myself in sight of land in the most miserable condition. For three months we have been battling with continuous gales, and for nineteen days we have been within sight of the coast, with only three good sailors on board, and those entirely exhausted, and five young apprentices who have been intrusted to my care. Two of the latter who are more robust than the others are doing sailors’ duty, while the rest can only assist at the rudder and in pumping the ship, for we are making five inches of water per hour. They help me to haul the log and to keep my journal. The management of the ship with these eight persons is exceedingly difficult; the remainder of my command—” With this broken sentence the report ends.

The gale continued, and a few days afterward the greater part of the bulwarks were carried away, the rudder was unshipped, and the Juno drifted in shore. Anchor was cast in thirty fathoms, but still the vessel drifted helplessly shoreward; a second anchor was thrown out, but this also gave way, and now the ship was dashed on a reef parallel with the coast. Here she lay till the incoming tide cast her on an inner reef. All through this chill November night the men stood waiting for death, lashed to the rigging, and drenched with the ice-cold waves. One huge breaker swept away six of the company, among whom was the captain, and even their fate was a merciful one, for when the vessel was finally carried into the mouth of the river Viliuya, only four reached the land out of twenty-two men who had sailed from Novo Arkhangelsk.

Six hours after being cast on shore the vessel broke to pieces. One of the survivors was struck by a falling mast. He was wrapped in such articles of clothing as his shipmates could spare; but knowing that he could not live, crept to a projecting rock and threw himself headlong into the waves. His comrades tried to save him, and twice he was almost within reach. Then the recoil of a wave carried him beyond their grasp, and he was seen no more.

The three Russians now set forth on their way along the bleak Kamchatka coast, with little hope of meeting any living creature, save the wolves and bears which infested that wintry solitude. Their sufferings during this journey I shall not attempt to describe. All that men can suffer from cold and hunger they endured. Crawling gaunt and half naked to the banks of a neighboring stream, they were fortunate enough to catch some fish, and near by a few sables, which furnished food and clothing; and thus toward Christmas of 1811 they made their way to Petropavlovsk.

CHAPTER XXIII.

FOREIGN VENTURES AND THE ROSS COLONY.

1803-1841.