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READING HALL "THE DOORS OF WISDOM" 2024

DIVINE UNIVERSAL HISTORY OF JESUSCHRIST

CREATION OF THE UNIVERSE ACCORDING GENESIS

 

HISTORY OF ALASKA.

CHAPTER XV.

STRIFE BETWEEN RIVAL COMPANIES. 1791-1794.

 

 

Like the Spaniards in Central America and Mexico, no sooner had the Russians possession of their part of America than they fell to fighting among themselves. In 1786 the Sv Pavl, of the Lebedef-Lastochkin Company, had come to Kadiak with thirty-eight men, commanded by Peredovchik Kolomin. Jealous of intrusion on their recently acquired hunting-ground, the Shelikof party gave the new­comers a hint to move on, and incautiously pointed to Cook Inlet or the gulf of Kenai as a profitable region. The result was a permanent establishment in Alaska, on Kassilof River in that inlet. It consisted of two log buildings protected by a stockade, and bore the name of St George.

The Shelikof Company already possessed, near the entrance of the inlet, a fort named Alexandrovsk, which had a more pretentious appearance. It formed a square with poorly built bastions at two corners, and displayed the imperial arms over the entrance, which was protected by two guns. Within were dwelling and store houses, one of them provided with a sentry-box on the roof. The situation of the other fort higher up the inlet, near the richer fur region, gave it the advantage in hunting; yet, for a time, friendly relations continued to exist between the rivals as well as with the natives.

In August 1791 the ship St George, also belonging to the Lebedef-Lastochkin Company, arrived in the inlet. The commander of this second expedition was one Grigor Konovalof, and his advent seems to have been the signal for strife and disorder. His proceedings were strange from the beginning; he did not land at the mouth of the Kassilof River, where Kolomin was already established, but went about twenty miles farther, to the Kaknu, landed his crew of sixty-two Russians, discharged his cargo, beached his vessel, and began to erect winter quarters and fortifications surrounded with a stockade and defended by guns. This fort was named St Nicholas. All this time he neglected to communicate in any manner with the other party of the same company. Kolomin at last ventured to inquire to what company they belonged. The answer was brief and insolent, Konovalof claiming that he had been invested with supreme command, and instructed to seize everything in the hands of Kolomin, who must henceforth report to him. While ready to believe that such authority had been conferred, the latter did not choose to surrender either his men or his furs; but as his term was about ended, he prepared to close his affairs and transfer the company’s business to his successor after the winter, in the expectation of sailing for Okhotsk in the spring. While thus engaged, Kolomini’s party was surprised by the arrival of a large bidar sent by Konovalof, and commanded by Amos Balushin. Without making any excuse or explanation, Balushin proceeded a short distance up the Kassilof River, to where Kolomin’s winter supply of dried fish was stored, and carried all away.

Shortly afterward a party of natives, en route to St George, were intercepted on the Kaknu by Konovalof’s men and robbed of all their effects. This outrage was repeated on a party from Toyunok, a village on the upper part of the inlet, no compensation whatever being tendered for the furs taken. Being anxious to come to some understanding, Kolomin went out to meet his rival, but the interview was brought to an end by Konovalof firing off his pistol, without injury, however, to any one. After this Kolomin considered the country in a state of war, kept constant watch, and posted sentries. Moreover, there was fear that the savages, who could not fail to notice the quarrels between the Russians, might attack the weaker with a view to capturing the furs gathered by Kolomin during his residence of four years among them. Konovalof aggravated the situation by sending men to press some of Kolomin’s kayurs, or native servants, into his own service, and the former on meeting with objections threatened to fire on the other party. The ease with which this outrage was perpetrated encouraged another attack with a larger force, during which the remaining servants and the hostages were carried off, so that Kolomin had to send both for fresh recruits and for provisions. Even in this effort he met with trouble, for Lossef, the faithful lieutenant of Konovalof, dogged his footsteps, intercepted most of the levy, and maltreated the messengers.

Kolomin had already complained to the Shelikof Company of this persecution, and as soon as the ice broke up on the inlet he proceeded to Kadiak, to confirm his previous report and urge Baranof to occupy the whole gulf. He advanced the opinion that, unless some responsible power interfered at once, all which he and his men had accomplished toward pacifying the natives and building up a profitable trade would be lost. Baranof by no means felt inclined to interfere between rival agents, particularly since the aggressive party would evidently not hesitate at shedding the blood even of their own countrymen; not that he lacked the courage, but he feared to risk his company’s interests and men in fratricidal war, which might also arouse 'the natives. Moreover, his patron Shelikof possessed shares in the other company, and he preferred to report to him so that the matter might be settled by the principals. At the same time, however, he sent a warning to the St Nicholas people that he, as representative of one of the partners in the Lebedef Company, could not allow any aggressive measures that might be prejudicial to trade. This had the effect of greatly tempering the feeling of the St Nicholas party against Kolomin’s men as of their own company, but directed their hostility against the rival company. They declared that the whole territory bordering upon the gulf of Kenaï belonged exclusively to the Lebedef Company, ignoring all previous arrangements between their acknowledged head and Shelikof. They certainly controlled nearly all the trade, and to this end they had erected another station higher up the inlet, on the western shore, and placed there a score of Russians.

Robbery and brutal outrages continued to be the order of the day, though now committed chiefly for the purpose of obtaining sole control of the inlet, to the neglect of legitimate pursuits. Meanwhile Kolomin’s men managed to hold their own, and, as the persecution of the Konovalof party gradually relaxed, their sympathies actually turned toward the latter in their effort to oust the Shelikof men from the field.

Thus the history of Cook Inlet during the last decade of the eighteenth century is replete with romantic incidents—midnight raids, ambuscades, and open war­fare—resembling the doings of mediaeval raubritters, rather than the exploits of peaceable traders. The leaders lived in rude comfort at the fortified stations, surrounded by a dusky harem containing contributions from the various native villages within the peredovtchik’s jurisdiction. Offences against the dignity of the latter were punished quickly and effectually with the lash or confinement in irons or the stocks, if the offender had not too many friends among the Russian promyshleniki, and with extreme severity, verging upon cruelty, in cases where the culprit belonged to the unfortunate class of kayurs. The Russians did little work beyond the regular guard duty, and even that was sometimes left to trusted individuals among the native workmen and hangers-on of the station.

All manual labor was performed by natives, especially by the female ‘hostages,’ and children of chiefs from distant villages left at the stations by their parents to be instructed in Russian life and manners. The training which they were forced to undergo, far from exercising any civilizing influence, resulted only in making them deceitful, cunning, and more vicious than they had been before. Every Russian there was a monarch, who if he wanted ease took it, or if spoils, the word was given to prepare for an expedition. Then food was prepared by the servants, and the boats made ready, while the masters attended to their arms and equipments. The women and children were intrusted to the care of a few superannuated hunters left to guard the station, and the brave little band would set out upon its depredations, caring little whether they were Indians or Russians who should become their victims. The strangest part of it all was, that the booty secured was duly accounted for among the earnings of the company.

Affairs were assuming a serious aspect. Not only were the Shelikof men excluded from the greater part of the inlet, but they were opposed in their advance round Prince William Sound, which was also claimed by the Lebedef faction, though the Orckhof and other companies were hunting there. The station which the Lebedef men made their base of operations was situated on Nuchek Island, at Port Etches, and consisted of the usual stockade, enclosing dwelling and store houses.10 In support of his claims, Konovalof declared that he possessed government credentials granting to his company exclusive right to all the mainland region. Yet he refused to exhibit even copies of such documents. Finding the Shelikof men disposed to yield, the others began to encroach also on the limited district round the Shelikof settlement, near the entrance to Cook Inlet, by erecting a post on Kuchekmak Bay, and the natives were forbidden, under pain of death, from trading with their rivals. From this post they watched the movements of the Shelikof men with a view to circumvent them. Forty bidarkas under Kotelnikof were intercepted, and although a number escaped, a portion of the crew, including the leader, was captured. Another party under Galaktianof, on the way from Prince William Sound, was chased by a large force, and efforts were made to attack Baranof himself. It was not proposed to keep the Russians prisoners, but merely to seize the furs and enslave all natives employed by Shelikof in the interdicted region. Fortunately Baranof had left the sound before the raiders arrived, and they passed on to the eastern shore, there to encroach on the trade established with the Yakutat Kaljushes by the Shelikof men, who held hostages from three of the villages. Not long after came Balushin with a stronger force; and one day, when the chief of one of the villages had set out upon a hunt with nearly all the grown males, the Russians entered it and carried off the women and children to a neighboring island. They also made inroads on the northern part of the Alaskan peninsula which had been brought into friendly relations through Bocharof. Out of four friendly villages in Ilyamna and Nushagak, they plundered two and carried the people into captivity.

Their success was due partly to the personal bravery and superior dash of the men. Baranof freely acknowledged in later years that, individually, the promyshleniki of the Lebedef Company were superior to those under his command at the beginning of his administration; and according to Berg, he ventured to assert that, had he commanded such men as Lebedef’s vessels brought to the shores of Cook Inlet and Prince William Sound, he would have conquered the whole north-western coast of America.

Toward the end of 1793 Baranof had received a small reenforcement with the Orel, so that after deducting the loss by drowning and other casualties, one hundred and fifty-two men were left to him. The number of the Lebedef men is not recorded, but it cannot have been much inferior, for reenforcements had come in the Sv Ivan. The latter occupied an admirable strategic position, with control of two great navigable estuaries and other places offering easy communication and access to supplies. They were also better provided with goods and ship-stores than Shelikof’s company.

It was not so much these advantages of his assail­ants, however, that kept Baranof from energetic measures against them, but rather a consideration for the different interests of his patron, and for the lives of his countrymen. He was awaiting an answer to his reports from Siberia. This forbearance served only to encourage the other party, as we have seen, till at last Baranof’s patience was exhausted. With the report of a fray between the rival posts on the inlet came the rumor that the shipyard at Voskressenski Harbor was to be taken, and this appeared probable from the special animosity shown to the Englishmen there engaged. When not absolutely needed at the yard, they were sent to explore; and on several of these occasions they had been set upon, robbed, and ill-treated, sometimes narrowly escaping with their lives.

Baranof now hastened to the spot, and observing the need for interference, assumed the peremptory tone of one invested with authority. He sent a letter to Konovalof, then at his stockade at St Nicholas on the Kaknu River, with a summons to appear at once before him, stating that he had been authorized by the governor of Siberia to settle all disputes between rival traders. He expected soon to be invested with such powers, in answer to the urgent petitions of Shelikof and his partners, and thought that he might exercise the privilege in advance. This had its effect. Without suspecting that the order had no more foundation than his own boasted rights to possession, the conscience-stricken man hastened to obey what was supposed to be an official summons. He appeared before Baranof and offered apologies for his conduct, but the latter would listen to no explanation; he placed him in irons, and kept him under close guard until Ismailof arrived with his vessels, when not only the ringleader but seven of his companions who had also tendered their submission were taken to Kadiak and placed in confinement.

Finally Konovalof was made to answer at Okhotsk, but before a lenient committee, so that he readily managed to clear himself, and was restored to a command in Alaska. Meanwhile Stepan Zaikof had succeeded him as chief at St Nicholas. Kolomin still held his command and Balushin controlled the establishment on Nuchek.

While Baranof’s firmness served to check the perpetration of extreme abuses, a certain hostility continued to be exhibited for some time. The evil was too deeply rooted to be eradicated all at once, but harmony was gradually restored, partly through the influential mediation of Archimandrite Ioassof, who arrived soon after as leader of a missionary party. At the same time came a large reenforcement for Baranof, with authority to form settlements in any part of Alaska, and right to claim the country for five hundred versts round such settlements, within which limits no other company could set foot. Against such power the Lebedef faction could not possibly prevail, particularly since Shelikof positively instructed Baranof to use both force and cunning to remove the rivals. Reverses also overtook them, and a few years later they abandoned the field.

It was indeed time that Baranof should assert himself, for the insolence and outrages of the aggressors had created general discontent among the tribes. Those of Lake Skilakh were actually plotting the destruction of all Russians on the Kenaï peninsula, and to this end they endeavored to bridge over the old feud between them and the Chugatsches of Prince William Sound; receiving also encouragement from the treacherous tribes on the other side of the inlet, from Katmai northward, who had successfully opposed all attempts to form Russian settlements in their midst. The measures now taken by Baranof to maintain better order and reassure the natives, as well as the coup de main with Konovalof, which added  not a little to advance his influence, served to check the threatened uprising. His assertion of authority was equally necessary among his own subordinates, whose loyalty had been corrupted by the insinuations of emissaries from the other camp, and whose respect for their chief had begun to wane under his forbearance toward the rivals, whereby numerous hardships were entailed upon them through loss of trade and curtailment of rations. He assembled the men, represented to them the obligations to which they had voluntarily subscribed when engaged, and showed the evil they were inflicting also on themselves by discontent, want of harmony, and refusal to do the required work. He had full power to arrest those who refused implicit obedience, and he would use that power. Those who had complaints. should present them, and he would seek to redress their wrongs. This firm speech, together with a liberal distribution of liquor, had a wonderful effect, and thus by means of a little determined self-assertion Baranof established for himself an undisputed authority, with a reputation as a leader of men.

The party war ended, Baranof breathed freely once more, and 1794 witnessed a decided impulse to his different enterprises. The most notable of these was the one intrusted to Purtof and Kulikatof for operating in Yakutat Bay, of which a preceding visit had brought most encouraging reports. Preparations were made on a large scale. The station on Cook Inlet had been appointed as a rendezvous, and on the 7th of May a fleet of five hundred bidarkas assembled there, bringing natives from Kadiak, Kenaï, the Alaskan peninsula, and the nearest Chugatsch villages. More boats and men were to be collected at Prince William Sound, where Baranof had gone in person to levy forces. All these were arranged in subdivisions, each in charge of a Russian.

At Voskressenski Bay the Yakutat expedition was furnished with additional trading goods and some guns and ammunition. After being delayed at Grekof Island till the 22d of May, Purtof set out with his whole fleet for the mouth of Copper River, intending to pass by Nuchek Island, where the Lebedef Company was then established. At the eastern point of Montague Island they were intercepted by some Lebedef hunters in bidarkas, who presented a letter from Balushin and Kolomin. This document warned Purtof not to encroach upon any territory already occupied by the other company. The messengers were instructed to add, that they had established an artel of twenty Russians at Tatitliatzk village on the gulf of Chugatsch, and also at the mouth of Copper River, and that the Shelikof hunters must not advance in that direction. Without allowing himself to be intimidated, Purtof informed the messengers that he was on his way to the American continent in pursuance of secret orders from the government. In hunting sea-otters he would not touch upon any ground occupied by others.

The following evening, while preparing to camp for the night on a small island adjoining Nuchek, he discovered a party of eight Lebedef hunters near by and invited them to supper, after which the time passed in friendly exchange of news. Early in the morning, however, before the Lebedef men were stirring, Purtof moved silently away with his force and made a quick passage to the second mouth of Copper River, and there fell in with Chugatsches who had been trading with the Lebedef men at Nuchek. Finding that no station or regular hunting party of the Lebedef Company existed here, he took his party to Kaniak Island, near the river, purposing to lay in a supply of halibut as provisions, and to hunt sea-otters. Over a hundred skins were obtained the fist day, but the second day’s hunt proved entirely futile and the expedition moved northward along the coast of the mainland.

On the 31st of May the whole party encamped on the beach, and within a short distance of a large Aglegmute village, though without being aware of the fact. During the night some of the hunters became alarmed at the sound of numerous voices proceeding from the woods. An armed detachment composed of the most courageous ventured to penetrate into the forest, and, guided by the smell of smoke and the cries of children, made their way to the village, which was situated on the opposite side of a river. During the confusion occasioned by their unexpected arrival, they succeeded in capturing the chief and his brother, and then made good their retreat to the camp. One of their number, however, a Kadiak interpreter, was intercepted and killed by the natives. The chief and his brother were taken to the camp, treated to food and drink, and piled with presents, until they promised to call together their people the following day to negotiate with the Russians. The brother was commissioned to arrange o the matter, and by the 3d of June all of the Aglegmute tribe dwelling in that vicinity came to the camp. With the help of a judicious distribution of presents, Purtof succeeded in prevailing upon the savages to seven hostages, including two natives of Yakutat Bay.

As soon as the weather permitted, Purtof proceeded to Icy Bay, called Natchik by the natives, and by the 10th of June his hunters had secured four hundred sea-otter skins, all that could be obtained. The party then moved on to Yakutat Bay, accompanied by the Aglegmute chief of the tribe, and a Kadiak native who spoke the Kaljush language. These two were sent in advance to assure the people of the peaceful character of the expedition. The chief soon returned from the Yakutat village with the son of the Kaljush chieftain and three others as hostages, profusely ornamented with beads, furs, and feathers. The interpreter had been detained as hostage on the other side, but it was found necessary to surrender also a Russian ere confidence could be established. Accompanied by fifteen of his best warriors, the Kaljush chief then proceeded in state to the camp, and after the usual ceremonies negotiations began in earnest. Purtof declared that the Russians desired to live in friendship with them, and the chief, who probably had been plied with strong drink, made a formal present to his new allies of the southern portion of the bay and the small islands situated therein. The feelings of the latter underwent a change, however, when he came to reflect on the advantage gained by his visitors, and found that they also hunted on their own account, venturing far out to sea where the clumsier canoes of the Kaljush dared not follow. He and his followers were ready to trade, but they objected to see their stock of fur seals exhausted by strangers without any benefit to themselves.

Trouble appeared, indeed, to be brewing, but the arrival of the Chatham of Vancouver’s expedition, under Lieutenant Puget, served to prevent any disturbance. Purtof maintained a most friendly intercourse with the English, to whom he also tendered provisions, and received in acknowledgment letters of commendation. Through some of the sailors it was understood that English war-vessels might appear within two years to take possession of Cook Inlet and other places, and, unworthy of credit as this report was, it failed not to be transmitted to the government by the somewhat agitated fur traders. Vancouver himself held a much higher opinion, both of their territorial lights and control of trade, than a clearer view of affairs might have conveyed, for he was ignorant of their dissensions, and regarded all as united in one common interest; while the sight of the large native fleets controlled by Purtof must have exalted the idea of their influence and of their ability to distance competitors. The departure of Vancouver’s expedition was no doubt a great relief to Baranof at least, who appears to have been afraid of his coming across the English shipwrights, and luring them away ere he could dispense with their services.

While the Chatham remained, Purtof’s command occupied a position near the anchorage. Other parties of natives arrived from the interior of the bay and from Ltua, giving occasion for further feasting, presents, and exchange of hostages. The large number of guns, and the abundance of lead and powder in the possession of these new arrivals, pointed to visits from European trading vessels, and at this very time the Jackall, Captain Brown, entered the bay in quest of furs, to the deep chagrin of Purtof.

As soon as the war-vessel departed, the treacherous Kaljushes assumed a threatening attitude; and delayed from day to day the promised delivery of additional hostages under various pretexts. At the same time the interpreters left with the savages at the beginning of the negotiations were held under strict surveillance, and not allowed to communicate with their countrymen. At last Purtof decided upon a display of force to support his demands for the surrender of his own men at least, and approached the village in bidarkas with all the armed men at his command. The squadron was reenforced by a boat with six armed men from the Jackall.

The presence of the Englishmen had no doubt an effect, for the interview resulted in the surrender of a chief from Afognak Island, with a promise to deliver up the remaining hostages.

On the following day came eight men in a large bidar, bringing three more natives of Kadiak, but two were still detained. Fearing that foul play was intended, Purtof detained some relatives of the Yakutat chief, and carried the hostages whom he held from the Aglegmutes on board the Jackall for safe keeping. This reprisal proved effectual; the necessary exchange of hostages was made, and, after expressing his thanks to Captain Brown, Purtof took his party out of the bay of Yakutat with five hundred and fifteen sea-otter skins obtained in a little over two weeks.

On the return voyage, while the expeditionary force was encamped on an island near Nuchek, Purtof despatched a letter to Repin, of the Lebedef Company, informing him that he had explored the coast of the continent and pacified the natives of several villages by exchanging hostages. He offered to verify this statement, and on the appearance of Samoilof, the navigator of the Lebedef Company, allowed him to talk freely with the interpreters, and to copy a list of the villages and chiefs from whom he had obtained hostages. This would seem to be a strange proceeding in view of the hostility between the two parties, but it was of the greatest importance for the Shelikof Company, at that juncture, to make good their claim of precedence on the continent, in view of the impending grant of exclusive imperial privileges.

The success of Purtof, who brought with him a promise from the Thlinkeet chief of a large supply of sea-otter skins for the next visit, resulted in the despatch of another expedition the following year, under Zaikof, who commanded a sea-going vessel. The chief failed to fulfil his promise, and the Russians had to content themselves with the sea-otters captured by their native hunters on the bay. Four hundred skins were secured, and the hunters prepared to follow up their success, regardless of the manifest ill-feeling of the bay people, which threatened to become more bitter than during the former visit. What the result may have been is difficult to say, for just then two Aleuts were seized with small-pox, and panic-stricken the party hastened away. Zaikof now steered in search of islands reported to exist between Kadiak and the continent to the east. He ranged for over a month to the southward and again to the north, until, sighting the snow-clad peaks of the Chugatsch alps and the Kenaï mountains, he was forced to admit the futility of his quest.

 

CHAPTER XVI.

COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.

1794-1796.