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BOOK II.
THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE
1414 — 1418.
CHAPTER VII.
THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE AND THE ELECTION OF
MARTIN V.
1417.
We may feel that the conflicts which agitated the
fathers at Constance displayed a petty spirit and an undue of attention to
formal matters, yet they were more truly the signs of the growth of strong
national feelings that were affecting European politics. The ideal unity of the
Church when embodied in a European congress could not rise superior to the
actual antagonisms of contending nations. Indeed the very question that called
the Council together was in its origin political; the Schism in the Church had
arisen through the desire of France to secure the Papacy on the side of her own
national interests. Art experience of the evils of the Schism had led Europe to
wish to end it by the arbitration of a General Council. On the question of the
union of the Church there had been at Constance practical unanimity; but when
that point was on a fair way to solution the same unanimity was no longer to be
expected in other matters. The very nature of the questions which the Council
next took in hand shows the strength of national sentiment. The condemnation of
Hus was not merely a matter of faith; it was a step towards suppressing the
movement of the Czechs against the Germans in Eastern Europe. The question of
Jean Petit was a transference to Constance of the struggle of parties which was
rending France asunder. In like manner the deadly contest between France
and England carried its national antagonism into the affairs of the Council.
It is true that there was no question of doctrine or
of ecclesiastical practice round which this contest could rage; for that very
reason it sought expression in trivial matters, and the point of the
constitution of the Council opened up a wide field to technical ingenuity. It
would have been a difficult matter to arrange with any definiteness a scheme
for the representation of united Christendom, nor was this ever attempted at
Constance. The constitution of the Council was established in a haphazard way
at the beginning; the organization into four nations had been practically
accepted at a time when the Council was anxious to proceed to business and
assert its position against John XXIII. The incorporation with the Council of
the Spanish kingdoms gave the French an opportunity of discussing the general
organization of Christendom, and so aiming a blow at the pride and honor of
England. The leader of the French in this attack was Peter d'Ailly,
who probably had ulterior objects in view, and was glad of an opportunity for
educating his nation to follow his lead. If feeling ran high between the French
and the English during Sigismund’s absence, it ran higher when on his return he
showed signal marks of favor to his new allies.
Accordingly the French determined to open a formal
attack upon the English; and on March 3, 1417, the ambassadors of the French
King laid before the Council a protest, which set forth that England was not a
nation that ought to rank as equal to Italy, France, Germany, or Spain, which all
contain many nations within themselves.
The Constitutions of Benedict XII had recognized in
Christendom four nations, and an ecclesiastical assembly ought to abide by the
Papal Constitutions. Those four nations were the Italian, German, French, and
Spanish; and now that the Spanish nation had joined the Council, the English
should be added to the German nation, with which they were counted in the Bull
of Benedict XII. Neither according to its political nor its ecclesiastical
divisions was England equal to the other four nations. It had been allowed to
count as a nation before the coming of the Spaniards to keep up the number of
nations to four. But now that the Council became a new Council, it ought to
revise its former arrangements for the conduct of its business. The French
therefore demanded either that the English should be added to the German
nation; or if it was considered necessary to keep up a distinct English nation,
then that the other nations should be divided according to their respective governments;
or else that the method of voting by nations should be entirely done away.
While this protest was being read to the Council
hisses and loud exclamations of dissent were heard, Sigismund interposed to
prevent the reading from being finished, on the ground that it was entirely
contrary to the customary procedure for anything to be read in the Council
which had not previously been approved by the nations. Moreover, as Protector
of the Council, he ordered that thenceforth nothing be brought forward in public
sessions to the prejudice of the Council, especially such things as might
hinder the union of the Church. But the English were not content with this
vindication. They put forth their learning to answer the arguments of the
French, and on March 30 handed into the Council a written reply, in which they
styled themselves “the ambassadors of the King of England and France”, and
called the French King “our adversary of France”. They proved, first, that the
Constitution of Benedict XII was not dealing with a division of Christendom
into nations, but solely with a method of arranging episcopal visitations and
chapters of Benedictines. They retaliated with crushing statistics the charges
of the French about the smallness of the English kingdom compared with France.
Eight kingdoms were subject to the English crown, not counting the Orcades and other islands to the number of sixty, which by
themselves were as large as the kingdom of France. The realm of the English
King contained 110 dioceses, that of the French King only 60. Britain was 800
miles long, or forty days’ journey, and France was not generally supposed to
have such a great extent. France had not more than 6000 parish churches,
England had 52,000. England was converted by Joseph of Arimathea, France only
by Dionysius the Areopagite. The proposal to put England and Germany together
was entirely absurd, as these two nations comprised between them almost half
Christendom. The natural, as well as canonical, division of nations was into
northern, southern, eastern, and western; the English were at the head of the
northern group, the Germans of the eastern, the Italians of the southern, and
the French and Spanish were left to make up the western. The English on these
grounds branded the arguments of the French as empty and frivolous, and
protested against any change being made which might affect the position of the
English nation. The protest was received by the Council, and no attempt was
made to change the constitution of the nations. Indeed the procedure of the
French can scarcely have been intended seriously, but was merely an affront to
the English, and a step in the education of the French party in opposition to
Sigismund's influence.
By the side of these altercations the great business
of the Council, the deposition of Benedict XIII, was slowly proceeding. On
November 5, 1416, after the arrival of the Aragonese ambassadors, Commissioners were appointed to receive evidence against Peter de
Luna on the charges of breaking his promises and oaths, and throwing obstacles
in the way of the union of the Church. So quickly did the Commissioners do
their work that on November 28 a citation was issued to Benedict to appear
personally at Constance within seventy days after receiving the summons. Two
Benedictine monks were sent to serve the citation. They made their way to Peñiscola, and were received by Benedict’s nephew with 200
armed men, who escorted them into Benedict’s presence on January 22, 1417. The
old man looked at the black monks as they approached, and said, “Here come the
crows of the Council”. “Yes”, was the muttered answer, “crows gather round a
dead body”. Benedict listened to the reading of the citation, uttering from
time to time indignant exclamations, “That is not true, they lie”. He repeated
his old proposals—that a new Council should be summoned, and that he should
elect the new Pope. He haughtily asserted that he was right and that the
Council was wrong. Grasping the arm of his chair, he repeated, “This is the ark
of Noah”. The determination of Benedict XIII was as unbroken as ever; the world
might abandon him, but he would remain true to himself and his dignity.
On March 10 the Council received the account of their
ambassadors to Benedict XIII, and on April 1 declared him guilty of contumacy. Commissioners
were appointed to examine the charges against him and hear witnesses. But final
sentence could not be passed till the union of the Spanish kingdoms had been
accomplished, and this formal act was again made the occasion of raising
serious questions. The ambassadors of Castile only arrived in Constance on
March 29; but Castile was not very firm in its allegiance to the Council, and
its envoys seem willingly to have lent themselves to the projects of the Curial
party. The English suspected Peter d'Ailly of getting
hold of them for his own purposes, and using the incorporation of Castile as
the means of accomplishing his plan of identifying the French nation with the
party of the Cardinals. At all events, the Castilians declared themselves on
the side of the Curial party, and demanded as a condition of their
incorporation with the Council that the preliminaries of a new Papal election
should be settled.
This demand raised at once a question that had long
been simmering. The Council had met for the threefold purpose of restoring the
unity of the Church, purging it from heresy, and reforming it in head and
members. In the deposition of the three contending Popes and the condemnation
of the opinions of Wycliffe and Huss there had been practical unanimity; but
the question of reform was likely to lead to greater differences of opinion,
and the proceedings of the Reform Commission showed the difficulties which were
in the way. Men were not agreed whether the reformation should be dealt with in
a radical or a conservative spirit; if it were to be done radically, it must be
done by the Council before the election of a new Pope; if it were to be done
tenderly, a Pope must first be elected to look after the interests of the
Papacy and the Curia. The circumstances attending the opening of the Council
had created a precedent for approaching burning questions in the technical form
of discussing which should be undertaken first. John XXIII was defeated on
the question of precedence between the cause of union and the cause of faith;
when the Council decided to undertake the union of the Church before discussing
the heresies of Huss, the fate of John was practically decided. In the first
flush of the Council’s triumph over the Pope the cause of reform seemed to have
a promising future; but the absence of Sigismund, the long period of
inactivity, and the growing heat of national jealousies afforded an opportunity
to the Curial party which they were not slow to use. The proceedings relative
to the deposition of John warned the Cardinals of their danger if a
revolutionary spirit were to prevail, and during Sigismund’s absence the
Cardinals drew closely together, and obtained a powerful influence over the
Council. They knew that they could count on the allegiance of the Italian
nation, and their policy was to take advantage of any disunion in the ranks of
the other three nations. Such an opportunity had been afforded by the
discontent of a section of the French nation at the proceedings about Jean
Petit, and still more by the national animosity between the French and English,
which had been increased by Sigismund’s political change. The incorporation of
the Spanish kingdoms afforded the Curial party a chance of trying their
strength. On the incorporation of Aragon they raised the question of the
constitution of the Council; next on the incorporation of Castile they raised
the question of the Council’s business. This they did in the recognized form of
a discussion about priority of procedure. Ought not one point to be finished before
another was undertaken? Ought not the unity of the Church to be definitely
restored by a new election before the more doubtful subject of reform was taken
in hand? This was the point which the Castilians were induced to raise, and
their request brought to a crisis a number of conflicting opinions which
weighed differently with different nations and classes in the Council.
First of all, there were strong political differences
which Sigismund’s alliance with England brought prominently into the foreground
at Constance. The Council regarded Sigismund with suspicion after his political
change. Yet during the vacancy of the Papacy Sigismund was sure to be the most
powerful person in the Council: he was its Protector; it was in his hands; he
could bring pressure to bear upon it at his will. The French began to doubt
whether it was wise to help the English and Germans, whom they regarded as
their national foes, to arrange the condition of the future Pope. The Schism
had arisen from the influence exercised by France over the Papacy; and France
had only laid aside her claims because they were a source of embarrassment
rather than of profit. Yet France could not allow her influence to pass to
Germany, and did not wish to prolong a Council which might again establish the
Imperial supremacy in Christendom, especially when the Emperor was in close
alliance with England. The forthcoming Papal election would be an event of
considerable political importance, and Sigismund must not be allowed to
influence it for his own purposes. To these political reasons were added
considerations arising directly from the question of reform itself. Men
discovered that it was not a matter to be undertaken lightly, and that
declamations against abuses were not easily converted into schemes of redress.
In the foreground of Papal abuses were the exaction of annates and the collation to benefices; but an attempt to abolish annates aroused the deepest apprehension of the Cardinals and Curia, who asked how they
were to be maintained without them. Similarly the attack on the Papal
collations to benefices alarmed the Universities, whose graduates found that
the claims of learning were more liberally recognized by the Popes than by
Ordinaries immersed in official business. The University of Paris had had
experience of this truth during the period of withdrawal of obedience from
Benedict XIII; it had complained, and had been met with desultory promises.
Many members of the academic party thought that a reform would be more tenderly
accomplished after the election of a Pope who would advocate his own cause.
Moreover, there was much plausibility in the cry that
another matter ought not to be undertaken till the main object of the Council
was accomplished. It had decided to undertake first the cause of unity. It had
advanced so far as to get rid of the rival claimants; why should it hesitate to
accomplish its work, and confer on the Church one undoubted head? Delay was
fraught with danger; there was at present a unanimity which might soon be
destroyed. The Council had already sat so long as to weary the patience of
those who were still detained at Constance. Growing weariness and disputes
about the reformation question might make the Council dwindle entirely away
before the Papal elections were decided, and so all might still be left in
doubt, and a schism worse than the first again desolate Christendom. In the
disturbed state of Europe war might break out in the neighborhood, and the
Council be broken up by force, or be deprived suddenly of supplies. It was a
serious risk to keep the important matter of the new election undecided in the
face of all the contingencies that might happen.
There was a good deal of force in these arguments of
temporary expediency—enough to impress the waverers; but the real question was
whether the reformation of the Church was to be seriously undertaken or not.
Sigismund sincerely desired it; the party of the Curia were determined to
resist by all means in their power. All depended on the success of either side
in gaining adherents. Sigismund was allied with Henry V of England, and
was sure of the cooperation of the English nation. Henry V kept an observant
watch on affairs at Constance, sent his instructions to the five bishops who
were at the head of the English nation, and commanded that all his liegemen
should follow the directions of the bishops, or else leave Constance under
penalty of forfeiture of all their goods.
Perhaps this very resoluteness of the English and
Germans made it easy for the Curial party to win over the French. The alliance
of England and Germany was adverse to the interests of France; why should
France support it in the Council? Under the name of a reform in the Church, the
Papacy might be brought under German influence, might be turned into a
political instrument against France. We can only guess at these causes for the
adhesion of France to the Curial party, which we find an accomplished fact
within a few months after the return of Sigismund. The records of the Council
deal only with its sessions and its congregations; we know little of the
proceedings within the separate nations, and have nothing save general
considerations to guide us in this matter.
It is, however, noticeable that the most important man
amongst the French was also the most important man amongst the Cardinals, and
Peter d'Ailly seems to have been the means of winning
over the French nation to the side of the Curial party. It is true that so late
as November, 1416, D'Ailly had pressed for a reform of the Church, which he
declared was a matter concerning the faith, and not to be considered
separately. But D'Ailly had never been very famous for consistency, and had
shown a capacity for turning with the tide, and conciliating opposing
interests. He had accepted from Benedict XIII the bishopric of Cambrai, without deserting the party of the University of
Paris; he had received from the Pope the Cardinal’s hat, without ceasing to be
a royal ambassador in opposition to the Pope. He had been one of the most
manful upholders of the right of the Council to proceed against John XXIII, yet
had protested against the action of the Council in asserting its superiority to
the Pope. He had pressed for reform before a Papal election, but had no
difficulty in assuring himself that reform would be more safely accomplished
under the Papal presidency. In the case of Germany and England the influence of
their kings was strong enough to keep the nations united in their policy,
whatever individual difference of opinion may have existed in their ranks,
France had no such head; it would have been difficult for the king —even if his
policy had been decided— to enforce unanimity on the representatives of the
French nation; as it was, he had no interest to do so. The influence of the
University of Paris, which had so long been predominant in matters
ecclesiastical, was now broken. The affair of Jean Petit had ended in the
defeat of Gerson and the purely academic party, and Gerson’s heat in this
matter had ruined his influence. D'Ailly’s position
as a Cardinal led him to grow more and more conservative in the matter of
reform, and the national hostility of France against Germany and England
enabled him to bring the French nation to join in opposition to their
revolutionary schemes.
In this state of parties the Castilians were induced
to raise the question which was to decide the scope of the future activity of
the Council; and the Cardinals strained every nerve to give a decisive proof of
their strength. Besides the demand for a settlement of the preliminaries of a
new Papal election, the Castilians formally asked for a guarantee of freedom to
the Council, and the French seized upon this as an occasion to harass
Sigismund, by pressing for a more ample form of safe-conduct. The Cardinals
made a formal declaration that they had enjoyed perfect freedom, save in their
assent to the decree forbidding the election of a Pope without the consent of
the Council; this they had accepted, not through any pressure from Sigismund,
but through fear of being branded as schismatics if
they objected. Men were greatly alarmed at this equivocal utterance; it was a
covert threat that unless the Cardinals were respected in future, they might
cast a doubt upon the legitimacy of what had been done in the past.
Accordingly, there was great confusion at Constance.
Projects for the regulation of the new election were broached and rejected.
Complaints were made about want of freedom; the city magistrates were asked to
protect the Council; protests were lodged against unworthy treatment; and in
the midst of the consequent confusion, the Cardinals urged the acceptance of
their proposals about the new election as the one means of restoring peace.
Sigismund, however, managed to avert the entire dissolution of the Council. The
Castilians were somewhat alarmed at the violence of the storm which they had
raised; they were not really desirous of the failure of the Council, and
Sigismund prevailed on them, on June 16, to withdraw their conditions and unite
themselves to the Council.
Peace, however, was not restored. The Cardinals took
advantage of some complaint that the judges of the Council had overstepped
their powers. The French, Italian, and Spanish nations joined them in another
attack upon Sigismund. They protested that they were not in full enjoyment of
their liberty, and would take no further part in the Council, till they had
ample guarantees for freedom. Sigismund naturally objected to grant a
demand which cast a reflection upon the past proceedings of the Council. Again
discord raged for some weeks, till both parties were weary, and agreed on July
11 to a compromise, which was proposed by the ambassadors of Savoy. Sigismund
granted an ample assurance of the freedom of the Council on condition that the
order of procedure was fixed to be, first, the deposition of Benedict XIII;
next, the reform of the Church in its head and in the Curia; thirdly, a new
Papal election. The Cardinals had so far triumphed as to reserve for the new
Pope the reformation of the Church in its general features; Sigismund retained
the important point that the reformation of the Papacy and of the Curia should
precede the appointment of an undoubted Pope. The struggle ended for the time;
but the compromise was of the nature of a truce, not of a lasting peace.
Sigismund’s position had been forced, and after giving way so far he might be
driven to give way still more.
When in this way agreement had been again restored,
the Council proceeded to the deposition of Benedict XIII. On July 26 he was
again cited, declared contumacious, and sentence was passed against him. It
declared that, after examining witnesses, the Council pronounced him to be
perjured and the cause of scandal to the universal Church, a favorer of
inveterate schism, a hinderer 0f the union 0f the Church, a heretic who had
wandered from the faith; as such he was pronounced unworthy of all rank and
dignity, deprived of all right in the Papacy and in the Roman Church, and
lopped off like a dry bough from the Catholic Church. This sentence was
published throughout Constance amid general rejoicings. The bells were rung,
the citizens kept holiday, and Sigismund’s heralds rode through the streets
proclaiming the sentence.
Now that the union of the Church had been established,
there remained for the Council only the question of reform, in accordance with
the agreement made between Sigismund and the Cardinals. For this purpose the
report of the Reform Commission was ready as a basis for discussion. The
Commission had continued its labors till October 8, 1416, and had drawn up its
conclusions in a tentative form. First came six chapters dealing with the
reformation of the Curia, providing for the holding of future Councils with
power to depose wicked and mischievous Popes, defining the duties of the Pope
and his relations to the Cardinals, fixing the number of Cardinals at eighteen
and prescribing their qualifications. On these points the Commissioners seem to
have been agreed, as their conclusions were drawn up in the shape of decrees
for the Council to pass. Then came a number of petitions for reform which were
put into a shape that might admit of discussion. The report ended with a number
of protocols which seem to contain a summary of suggestions and questions
raised before the Commissioners. But the points, taken all together, touch only
on the removal of crying and obvious abuses — dispensations, exemptions,
pluralities, appeals to Rome, simony, clerical concubinage,
non-residence of bishops and the like. None of them affect the basis of the
Papal system or try to alter the constitution of the Church where it was proved
to be defective. They contain little which a provincial synod might not have
decreed, nothing which was worthy of the labors of a General Council.
Even this report, harmless as it was, was not taken
into the Council’s consideration. Such was the respect paid to technicalities,
that a report drawn up before the incorporation of the Spanish kingdoms was not
considered to be of sufficient authority for the newly-constituted assembly to
discuss. It would have been possible to continue the Commission with the
addition of Spanish representatives; but the Council wanted to gain time, and
there was some plausibility in the objection that such a Commission would be
unwieldy through its numbers. Accordingly, a new Commission of twenty-five doctors
and prelates, five from each nation, was appointed to revise the work of their
predecessors. This they proceeded to do; and while they were busy with their
labors, the Curial party had leisure to renew their attack upon the compromise
which had so lately been accepted.
When once the prospect of a new Papal election was in
view, it was natural that men should wish for its accomplishment. Many must
have felt shocked in their inmost hearts at the anomalous state of things that
existed in the Church. Many more were swayed by motives of self-interest, and
felt that promotion was to be gained from a Pope, but nothing from the Council.
All were wearied with their long stay in Constance, and wished to see a
definite end to their labors. Moreover, the talk about a new election
intensified national jealousy and suspicion. It was easy to raise an outcry
that Sigismund was using the Council for his own purposes and meant to finish
his design by securing his hold upon the Papacy, when he and the victorious
Henry V would be arbiters of the destinies of Europe. The Cardinals had formed
their party and had already made trial of their strength. They were sure of the
allegiance of three of the five nations and determined to attack the position
of the Germans and English by pressing for an immediate election to the Papacy.
Accordingly, on September 9, the Cardinals presented to a general congregation
a protest setting forth their readiness to proceed to the election of a Pope,
lest harm ensue to the Church through their negligence; they professed
that this should be done without prejudice to the cause of reformation.
The reading of this protest was interrupted by loud
cries, and Sigismund rose and left the cathedral, followed by the Patriarch of
Antioch. Someone called out, “Let the heretics go”, which galled Sigismund to
the quick. When he showed his anger some of the members of the Council
professed fear for their personal safety. Rumors were spread that Sigismund was
preparing to overawe the Council by armed force. The Castilians, who had never
shown themselves much in earnest, and who were in strife with the Aragonese about precedence, took the opportunity of this
alarm to leave Constance, but they had not proceeded farther than Steckborn when they were brought back by Sigismund’s
troops. So great was Sigismund's anger that he ordered the cathedral and the
Bishop’s palace to be closed against the Cardinals, so as to prevent their
further deliberations. They held a meeting next day, sitting on the steps in
the courtyard of the palace, and sent to the city magistrates and Frederick of
Brandenburg to demand security and freedom. After some mediation the Cardinals
were allowed to be present at a general congregation held the next day
(September 11).
In this congregation the Cardinals presented and read
a second protest against the action of the German nation couched in stronger
language than the first. They said that they and three nations wished to
proceed to the election of a Pope, and were hindered by the German nation and a
few others. They washed their hands of all responsibility for the evils which
might happen in consequence to the Church. They insisted that they had a
majority of the nations, and that those who opposed them were merely the
adherents of Sigismund, who were of no individual weight, as they had no weight
apart from their own nation. They declared that they desired a reformation as
much as did the Germans, but the first reformation needed was the remedy of the
monstrous condition of a headless Church. It is noticeable that the protest
makes no mention of the English nation. Robert Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury, who
had been their leader and who stood high in Sigismund’s confidence, died on
September 7; and the English seem at once to have fallen away from Sigismund’s
policy through sheer feebleness. They at once appointed deputies to confer with
the Cardinals about the method to be pursued in a new election, and Sigismund
was left to learn the fact from the Cardinals. When he refused to believe them,
the Bishop of Lichfield was driven to confess the
truth, but lamely added that nevertheless the English wished to follow the
German nation. Sigismund was not unnaturally indignant with his traitorous
allies, and loaded them with abuse.
After the reading of this protest there was renewed
confusion. Again rumors were spread of the fierceness of Sigismund’s wrath. At
one time it was said that he intended to imprison all the Cardinals; then that
he had consented to limit his fury to six of the ringleaders. Next day the Cardinals
appeared wearing their red hats, in token that they were ready, if need be, to
suffer martyrdom. But they were well aware that they would not be put to that
test, and knew that their organization was everywhere working conversions. The
Cardinals protested against the breach of national organization caused by the
existence of a party devoted to Sigismund; the Archbishop of Milan, the
Cardinals Correr and Condulmier,
returned to their national allegiance. All who did not belong to the English
and German nations were now on the side of the Cardinals.
September 13 was devoted to the funeral rites of
Robert Hallam, who had won respect by his boldness and straightforwardness, and
all were desirous to do him honor. But on the next day the Germans appeared with
an answer to the protest of the Cardinals; they indignantly cleared themselves
of the charges of schism and heresy which their opponents had brought against
them. If future schism was to be avoided, it could only be by a genuine
reformation of the Roman Curia. The chair of the Pope needed cleansing before
it was fit for a new occupant. The cause of the Schism was to be found in the
self-seeking and carnal minds of the Cardinals, who could be no otherwise, so
long as reservations, commendams, usurpations of ecclesiastical patronage, annates, simony, and all the abuses of the Papal law courts
were allowed to go on unchecked.
The Germans had said their say, and Sigismund was
still prepared to hold his own; but the ranks of his followers sensibly
decreased, for his position had rendered untenable by the desertion of the
English. English nation had a policy: his colleagues were opportunists. But it
is difficult to suppose that they acted without permission from the English
King. Probably Hallam was entrusted with a discretionary power, which he saw no
reason for using, but which his colleagues were only too ready to employ. They
offered themselves to the Cardinals as mediators with Sigismund and their offer
was accepted. The possible need of mediation suggested to Henry V a policy
which he hoped would be creditable to England and would establish a claim upon
the gratitude of a new Pope. Sigismund might have the glory of struggling
for reform; Henry V would enjoy the credit of proposing a compromise. So Henry
Beaufort, his uncle, was judiciously sent on a mission which brought him into
the neighborhood of Constance. We are justified in assuming that he left
England to bring the news of Henry’s change of policy, to explain
its reasons to Sigismund, and to cooperate with him for the purpose of
giving a new direction to the joint policy of England and Germany. Henry V was
an ideal politician, as much as Sigismund, and had a project of a Crusade
against the Turks as soon as the conquest of France had been achieved. Probably
he was convinced that the dangers of continuing to demand an immediate
reformation of the Church were too great to render a dogged obstinacy any
longer desirable. He was profoundly orthodox, and may have, become convinced
that Sigismund’s policy was dangerous. Anyhow, the question of reform did not
affect England as closely as it affected Germany. The laws of England gave the
Crown means of defending the rights of the English Church, which a strong king
could use at his pleasure. The Council of Constance had now sat so long that
little was to be hoped from its future activity. The treaty of Canterbury had
brought no political advantage to England, for Sigismund pleaded the pressure
of business at Constance as a reason why he could not help his English ally in
the field. Probably Henry thought it expedient that he and Sigismund should use
their influence to secure a satisfactory election to the Papacy, rather than
embitter ecclesiastical questions by a longer resistance to a majority who
could not be quelled. Whatever were Henry’s motives, the English nation
deserted the cause of Sigismund, and the death of Robert Hallam hastened a
change of front, which was being kept in reserve as a last maneuver.
As soon as the German nation was left alone desertions
gradually took place. Sigismund’s party gradually dissolved; all who had been
his personal adherents abandoned him and united themselves to their own
nations. Even the German nation was no longer united. The Bishops of Riga and
Chur, who stood high in Sigismund’s confidence, promised their adhesion to the
Cardinals on condition that the Pope when elected should stay at Constance with
the Council till the work of reformation had been accomplished. It is said that
they were won over by the promise of rich benefices, and they certainly were
afterwards promoted. Sigismund could hold out no longer, and early in October
gave his consent to the election of a Pope, provided that an undertaking were
given by the Council, that immediately after his election and before his
coronation the work of reformation should be set on foot. But the Cardinals
hesitated to give this guarantee and raised technical difficulties regarding
its form. Meanwhile, as a sop to the reforming party, a decree was passed on
October 9, embodying some few of the reforms on which there was a general
agreement.
The decree of October 9 was the first fruits of the
reform wrought at Constance. It begins with the famous decree Frequens, which provided for the recurrence of
General Councils. The next Council was to be held in seven years’ time, and
after that they were to follow at intervals of five years. This was the result
of all the movement which the Schism had set on foot. The exceptional measure
necessary to heal the Schism became established on the foundation of ancient
usage; its revival was to prevent for the future the growth of evil customs in
the Church and was to supply a sure means of slowly remedying those which
already existed. Henceforth General Councils were to be restored to their primitive
position in the organization of the Church, and the Papal despotism was to be
curbed by the creation of an ecclesiastical parliament. As a corollary to this
proposition, it was decreed that in case of schism a Council might convoke
itself at any time. A few of the most crying grievances of the clergy were
redressed by enactments that the Pope should not translate prelates against
their will, nor reserve to his own use the possessions of clergy on their
death, nor the procurations due at visitations.
The passing of this decree did not do much to clear
the way for a settlement of Sigismund’s demand of a guarantee for future
reform. After much negotiation about the form which such a guarantee should
take, the Cardinals finally said that they could not bind the future Pope. The
Cardinals were anxious to know what part they were to have in the election.
Though they could not hope to have the exclusive right, yet they were resolved
not to be reduced to the level of deputies of their respective nations, and before
giving any guarantee they wished to secure their own position. Again everything
was in confusion at Constance till it was suggested by the English to the
Cardinals that there was close at hand an influential prelate who might be
called in to mediate. Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, half-brother of
Henry IV of England, and powerful in English politics, was at that time at Ulm,
ostensibly on his way as a pilgrim to the Holy Land. He was accordingly
summoned to Constance, where he was welcomed by the King and Cardinals, and by
his mediation an agreement was at last arranged between the contending parties.
It provided that a guarantee for carrying out the reformation after the
election of the Pope should be embodied in a decree of the Council; that those
points contained in the report of the Reform Commissioners concerning which all
the nations were agreed, should be laid before the Council for its approval;
and that Commissioners should be appointed to determine the method of the
new Papal election. The influence of England was used to make the best terms
possible between the Germans, who were driven to give way, and the victorious
Cardinals, whose obstinacy increased with their success.
The Commissioners were appointed on October II, and
had some difficulty in agreeing on a mode of election, which should regard the
claims of the Cardinals and at the same time satisfy the national feeling in
the Council. The Germans proposed that each nation should appoint fifteen
electors; and as there were fifteen Italian Cardinals they should represent the
Italian nation. The scheme proposed by the French was ultimately adopted.
On October 30 the final result of this protracted
struggle was embodied in decrees. It was enacted that the future Pope, with the
Council or with deputies of the several nations, should reform the Church in
its head and in the Roman Curia, dealing with eighteen specified points which
had been agreed to by the Reform Commission; after the election of deputies for
this object, the other members of the Council might retire. It was further
decreed that the election of the Pope be made by the Cardinals and six deputies
to be elected by each nation within ten days: two-thirds of the Cardinals and
two-thirds of the deputies of each nation were to agree before an election
could be made.
These decrees show at a glance how completely the
reforming party had been worsted, and the enthusiasm for reform was spent. Step
by step the Cardinals had succeeded in limiting the sphere of the Council’s
activity. In July the aim of the Council had been defined as the reformation of
the Pope and Curia before a Papal election, and after it the general
reformation of the Church. By the end of October the reformation of the Church
was dropped entirely, and all that the Council wished to do was to help the new
Pope to reform his office and Curia, and that not unreservedly, but simply in
eighteen specified points to which the zeal of the Council and the labors of
the Reform Commission had ultimately dwindled.
In fact, as soon as a Papal election became possible,
it swallowed up all other considerations and absorbed all attention. Men who
had spent three long years at Constance wished to see the outward and visible
sign of the work that they had done to reunite the Church; they wished to see a
Pope appointed who might recognize and requite their zeal. No sooner were the
decrees passed than preparations for the election were busily pressed. In the Kaufhaus of Constance chambers were constructed for the
fifty-three members of the Conclave— twenty-three Cardinals and thirty electors
chosen by the five nations. Sigismund took oath to protect the Conclave; guards
and officers were appointed to provide for its safety, and every customary
formality was carefully observed. On the afternoon of November 8, the Cardinals
and electors assembled in the Bishop’s palace. They were met outside by
Sigismund, who dismounted from his horse, took each by the hand and greeted him
kindly. The solemnity of the occasion wiped out all traces of former rivalries,
and tears were shed at the sight of this restored unanimity. The Munsterplatz was filled with a kneeling crowd, amongst whom
knelt Sigismund. The doors of the cathedral were thrown open, and the Patriarch
of Antioch surrounded by the clergy advanced and prayed and gave the
benediction. All rose from their knees and a procession of the electors was
formed. Sigismund rode first, and when all had entered the Conclave, they laid
their hands in his and swore to make a true and honest choice. With a few words
of friendly exhortation, Sigismund left them, and the Conclave was
closed.
Next day, November 9, was spent in settling the method
of voting, about which there was some difference of opinion. The Cardinals
wished to retain the customary method of voting by means of papers which were
placed on the altar, and then submitted to scrutiny; others were desirous of
adopting more open, and, as they thought, simpler methods. At last, however,
the Cardinals prevailed; but it was not till the morning of November 10 that
any votes were taken. The first scrutiny was indecisive, and nothing was done
on that day. But next morning when the votes were counted it was found that
four Cardinals stood distinctly ahead of all others —the Cardinals of Ostia,
Venice, Saluzzo, and Colonna. Of these Colonna alone
received votes from every nation, and in two nations, the Italian and English,
possessed the requisite majority. Indeed the English voted for him alone, and
doubtless their example produced a great impression.
Among the Cardinals, Oddo Colonna was marked out as a Roman of noble family, a man who had remained
neutral during the struggles which rent the Council, unobjectionable on every
ground, and personally acceptable both to Henry V and Sigismund. He was not, however,
the candidate most favored by the Cardinals themselves, though many hastened to
accede to him when they saw that opinion was strongly inclining in his favor.
On a second scrutiny he received fifteen votes from the Cardinals, and had a
two-thirds majority in every nation. For a time there was a pause. Then several
Cardinals left the room so as to delay the election. Only the Cardinals of S.
Marco and De Foix remained talking with one
another. They were not sure what their absent colleagues might do; they
feared lest they might return in a body and accede to Colonna. At last the
Cardinal of S. Marco spoke out, “To finish this matter and unite the Church we
two accede to Cardinal Colonna”. The necessary majority was now secured. The
electors, according to custom, placed Colonna on the altar, kissed his feet,
and chanted the Te Deum. The cry was raised to those
outside, “We have a Pope, Oddo Colonna”, and the news
spread fast through the city. It was not yet midday when it reached Sigismund,
who, forgetful of all dignity, hastened in his joy to the Conclave, thanked the
electors for their worthy choice, and, prostrating himself before the new Pope,
humbly kissed his feet. A solemn procession was formed to the cathedral. The
new Pope, who took the name of Martin V because it was S. Martin’s day, mounted
on horseback, while Sigismund held his bridle on the right, Frederick of
Brandenburg on the left. Again he was placed on the altar in the cathedral,
amid a solemn service of thanksgiving. Then he retired to the Bishop’s palace,
which was thenceforward his abode.
The election of Oddo Colonna
was one which gave universal satisfaction, and Sigismund’s unrestrained
manifestations of delight show that he regarded it with unfeigned
self-congratulation. Politically, he had gained an adherent where he feared
that he might have elevated a foe. Colonna was not the candidate of the French
party, and there was nothing more to fear from their influence over the
Council, on grounds that affected the Papacy, its position in Italy, and the
recovery of the patrimony of the Church, Colonna, as a member of the most
powerful Roman family, seemed likely to restore the Papal prestige. Moreover,
he gave hopes of favoring the cause of the reformation. He was known as the
poorest and simplest among the Car- dinals,1 and was a man of genial kindly
nature, who had never shown any capacity for intrigue. No one could object to
his election; for he had held himself aloof from all the quarrels which had
convulsed the Council, had made no enemies, and was regarded as a moderate and
sensible man. He was the choice of the nations, not of the Cardinals; and his
election was a testimony to the general desire to reunite the Church under a
Pope who could not be claimed as a partisan by any of the factions which had
arisen in the Council.
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