ON 9 July 518 the Emperor Anastasius died, leaving nephews only as his heirs. The succession was therefore quite undecided. An obscure intrigue brought the Commander-in-Chief of the Guard,the comes excubitorum Justin, to the throne. This adventurer had found his way to Constantinople from the mountains of his native Illyricum in search of fortune, and now became, at the age of almost seventy years, the founder of a dynasty.

The position of the new prince did not lack difficulties. Ever since 484, when the schism of Acacius embroiled the Eastern Empire with the Papacy, incessant religious and political agitations had shaken the monarchy. Under pretence of defending the orthodox faith, the ambitious Vitalianus had risen against Anastasius several times, and proved a constant menace to the new sovereign, since he had made himself almost independent in his province of Thrace. The Monophysite party, on the other hand, which had been warmly supported by Anastasius, suspected the intentions of Justin, and upheld the family of its former protector against him. Placed between two difficulties, the Emperor found that he could rely neither on the army, whose allegiance was uncertain, nor on the disturbed capital, torn by the struggles of the Greens and. Blues, nor yet on the discontented provinces, ruined as they were by war, and crushed under the weight of the taxes. He saw that nothing short of a new political direction could keep his government from foundering.

The part played by Justin himself in the new order of things was a subordinate one. He was a brave soldier, but almost completely lacking in comprehension of things beyond the battlefield. Quite uncultured, he could hardly read, still less write. Historians tell us that when he became Emperor, and was obliged to sign official documents, a plaque of wood was made for him, with holes cut in it corresponding to the letters of the imperial title. By means of these cracks the sovereign guided his halting hand. Having little acquaintance with the civil administration, ignorant of the intricacies of politics, diplomacy and theology, he would have been quite overwhelmed by his position, had he not had someone behind him, to help and guide him. This was his sister’s son, Flavius Petrus Sabbatius Justinianus, known to us as Justinian.

Justinian, as well as his uncle, was born in Macedonia, in the village of Tauresium, near Skopje. He was a peasant of the Latin race, and by no means a Slav as romantic traditions of a much later date affirm. To these traditions a value has long been assigned which they do not possess. Justinian went early to Constantinople by his uncle’s request, and received a thoroughly Roman and Christian education in the schools of the capital. When, through a piece of good luck, Justin became Emperor, his nephew was about thirty-six years old; he was experienced in politics, his character was formed and his intellect matured. He was quite prepared for the position of coadjutor to the new Caesar, and immediately assumed it. The good will of his uncle brought him step by step nearer to the foot of the throne. He became in turn Count, vir illustris, patrician. He was Consul in 521, Commander-in-Chief of the troops which garrisoned the capital (magister equitum et peditum praesentalis), nobilissimus, and finally, in 527, Justin adopted him and associated him in the Empire itself. Under these various titles it was he who really governed in his uncle’s name, while he waited until he should himself ascend the throne (1 August 527). Thus, during nearly half a century, from 518 to 565 Justinian’s will guided the destinies of the Roman Empire in the East.

 

JUSTINIAN I THE GREAT (483 – 565)

 

Justinian's Character. 527- 565

Of all the prominent men who fill the pages of history, few are more difficult to depict and understand than Justinian. Throughout his reign the testimony of contemporaries is abundant and ranges from the extreme of extravagant adulation to that of senseless invective, thus furnishing the most contradictory portrait that exists of any sovereign. From the unmeasured praise of the Book of Edifices, and the often foolish gossip of the Secret History it is by no means easy to arrive at the truth. Besides, it must not be forgotten that Justinian reigned for thirty-eight years, and died at the age of eighty-three; and that as he drew near the end of his reign, already too long, a growing slackness and lack of grip marked his last years. It is hardly fair to judge him by this period of decrepitude, when he almost seems to have outlived himself. However, this man, who left so deep an impress on the world of the sixth century, cannot lightly be passed by; and, after all, it is possible to estimate his character.

The official portrait is to be found in the mosaic of San Vitale in Ravenna, which dates from 547, though it obviously represents him as somewhat younger than he was. It gives us a good idea of Justinian’s features. As to his moral attributes, contemporaries praise the simplicity of his manners, the friendliness of his address, the self-control which he exercised, specially over his violent temper, and, above all, the love of work which was one of his most characteristic traits, One of his courtiers nicknamed him “The Emperor who never sleeps”, and in fact, early to rise, and late to retire, the Emperor claimed to know everything, examine everything and decide everything; and brought to this task a great love of order, a real care for good administration and an attention to minute detail which was unceasing. Above everything else, he strove to fill worthily the position of a king.

Endowed with an autocratic disposition, Justinian was naturally inclined to give his attention to all subjects, and to keep the direction of all affairs under his own control, whether they related to war or diplomacy, administration or theology. His imperial pride, increased by an almost childish vanity, led him to claim complete knowledge in every department. He was jealous of anyone who appeared to be sufficiently great or independent to question his decisions. Those who served him most faithfully were at all times liable to become the object of their master's suspicion, or of the libels to which he was always ready and glad to listen. During his whole life Justinian envied and distrusted the fame of Belisarius, and constantly permitted and even encouraged intrigues against that loyal general. Under an unyielding appearance, he hid a weak and vacillating soul. His moods were liable to sudden changes, rash passions and unexpected depression. His will was swayed by the decision and energy of those around him, by that of his wife Theodora, who, in the opinion of contemporaries, governed the Empire equally, or to a greater extent than he did, and by that of his minister John of Cappadocia, who dominated the prince for ten years by means of his bold cleverness. Naturally so weak a man changed with changing, circumstances, and might become untrustworthy through deceit at one time, or cruel through fear at another. It followed that, as he was always in need of money—less for himself than for the needs of the State—he was troubled by no scruple as to the means by which he obtained it. Thus, in spite of his undoubted good qualities, his badly-balanced mind, his nature full of contrasts, his weak will, childish vanity, jealous disposition and fussy activity, make up a character of only mediocre quality. But, if his character was mediocre, Justinian's soul did not lack greatness. This Macedonian peasant, seated on the throne of the Caesars, was the successor and heir of the Roman Emperors. He was, to the world of the sixth century, the living representative of two great ideas, that of the Empire, and that of Christianity. This, position he was determined to fill; and because he filled it, he was a great sovereign.

Justinian’s Aims. 527-565

Few princes have realized the imperial dignity in a more marked degree than this parvenu, or have done more to maintain the ancient Roman traditions. From the day when he first mounted the throne of Constantine, he claimed in its full extent the ancient Roman Empire. Sovereign of a State in which Latin was still the official tongue, and which was still styled the Roman Empire in official documents, Justinian was less a Byzantine than the last of the Roman Emperors. The most essential part of his imperial duty seemed to him to be the restoration of that Roman Empire whose fragments the barbarians had divided, and the recovery of those unwritten but historic rights over the lost West which his predecessors had so carefully maintained. The thought of the insignia of the Empire, symbols of supreme authority, which, since they had been stolen by Gaiseric in the sack of Rome had been held by the barbarians, inflicted an intolerable wound upon his pride, and he felt himself bound, with the help of God, to reconquer “the countries possessed by the ancient Romans, to the limits of the two oceans”, to quote his own words.

Justinian considered himself the obvious overlord of the barbarian kings who had established themselves in Roman territory, and thought he could withdraw, if he wished, the delegated imperial authority which they held. This fact was the keystone of the arch of his foreign policy, while at the same time the imperial idea lent inspiration to his domestic government. The Roman Emperor was practically the law incarnate, the most perfect representative of absolute power that the world has known. This was Justinian’s ideal. He was, according to Agathias the historian, “the first of the Byzantine Emperors to show himself, by word and deed, the absolute master of the Romans”. The State, the law, the religion; all hung on his sovereign will. In consequence of the necessary infallibility attaching to his imperial function, he desired equally to be lawgiver and conqueror, and to unite, as the Roman Emperors had done, the majesty of law to the luster of arms. Anxious to wield the imperial power for the good of the Empire, he wished to be a reformer; and the mass of Novellae promulgated by him attests the trouble that he took to secure good administration. Desirous, furthermore, of surrounding the imperial position with every luxury, and of adorning it with all magnificence, he determined that the trappings of the monarchy should be dignified and splendid. He felt the need of resounding titles and pompous ceremonial, and counted the cost of nothing that might increase the splendor of his capital. St Sophia was the incomparable monument of this imperial pride.

But since the time of Constantine, the Roman Emperor could not claim to be heir of the Caesars only: he was also the champion of religion, and the supreme head of the Church. Justinian gladly received this part of his inheritance. Of a disposition naturally devout, and even superstitions, he had a taste for religious controversy, a considerable amount of theological knowledge, and a real talent for oratory. He therefore willingly gave his time to the consideration of matters relating to the Church. His decisions were as unhesitating on matters of dogma as on matters of law and reform, and he brought the same intolerant despotism to bear on church government as on everything else. But above all, as Emperor, he believed himself to be the man whom the Lord had specially chosen and prepared for the direction of human affairs, and over whom the divine protection would ever rest throughout his life. He considered himself to be the most faithful of servants to the God who aided him. If he made war, it was not simply in order to collect the lost provinces into the Roman Empire, but also to protect the Catholics from their enemies the Arian heretics, “persecutors of souls and bodies”. His military undertakings had therefore something of the enthusiasm of a Crusade. Furthermore, one of the chief aims of his diplomacy was to lead the heathen peoples into the Christian fold. Missions were one of the most characteristic features of the Byzantine policy in the sixth century. By their means Justinian flattered himself, according to a contemporary, that he “indefinitely increased the extent of the Christian world”. Thus the Emperor allied care for religion with every political action. If this pious ardor which consumed the prince had its dangers, in that it quickly led to intolerance and persecution, yet it was not without grandeur; since the progress of civilization always follows evangelization. As champion of God, as protector of the Church, and as ally and dictator to the Papacy, Justinian was the great representative of what has been called “Caesaropapism”.

From the day when, under Justin’s name, he originally undertook the government of the Empire, these ideas inspired Justinian’s conduct. His first wish was to come to some agreement with Rome in order to end the schism. The announcement made to Pope Hormisdas, of the accession of the new sovereign, together with the embassy despatched soon afterwards to Italy to request that peace might be restored, made it clear to the pontifical court that they had but to formulate their requests in order to have them granted. The Roman legates proceeded to Constantinople, where because of Justinian's friendship they received a splendid welcome, and obtained all that they demanded. The Patriarch John with the greater number of Eastern prelates in his train signed the profession of orthodoxy brought by the papal envoys. The names of Acacius and other heretical patriarchs with those of the Emperors Zeno and Anastasius were effaced from the ecclesiastical diptychs. After this the Pope was able to congratulate Justinian upon his zeal for the peace of the Church, and the energy with which he sought to restore it. In consequence of the prince’s attitude, and at the pressing request of the pontifical legates, who remained in the East for eighteen months, the dissentient Monophysites were vigorously persecuted throughout the Empire. In Syria the Patriarch Severus of Antioch was deposed and anathematized by the Synod of Tyre (518), and more than fifty other bishops were soon afterwards chased from their sees. For three years (518-521) the persecution continued. The chief heretical meetings were scattered, the convents closed, the monks reduced to flight, imprisoned or massacred. However, the orthodox reaction lacked strength to attack Egypt, where the exiles found shelter, while the Monophysite agitation was secretly continuing to spread its propaganda in other parts of the East, and even in the capital itself. None the less, Rome had scored a decisive victory, and the new dynasty could celebrate a success which did much to establish it securely.

Last Years of Theodoric. 518-526

But it was not only religious zeal that moved Justinian. From this time he fully realized the political importance of an agreement with the Papacy. Without doubt the new government set itself, at any rate at first, to maintain friendly relations with the Ostrogothic kingdom of Italy. On 7 January 519 Theodoric’s son-in-law and heir Eutharic became Consul as colleague of the Emperor Justin; and there was a constant interchange of ambassadors between Constantinople and Ravenna during the years that followed. From this moment, however, Justinian dreamed of the fall of the Ostrogothic power, and watched events in Italy with great attention.

In spite of the prudent toleration that Theodoric had always maintained, neither the senatorial aristocracy nor the Roman Church had forgotten their enmity towards a master obnoxious as a barbarian and an Arian. Naturally they turned their gaze ceaselessly upon Byzantium, where an orthodox prince was striving to restore the faith and to defend religion. In 524 Theodoric, exasperated by the intercourse which he suspected, had Boethius and Symmachus arrested and condemned to death, and furthermore in the following year sent Pope John on an embassy to Constantinople to protest against the Emperor's harsh measures towards those who would not conform. Justinian was ready to treat the matter in a way calculated to further his own ends. A solemn and triumphant reception was prepared for the pontiff in the capital. The Emperor, with the populace, sallied forth twelve miles to meet the first pope who had ever entered Constantinople. Sovereign honors were lavished upon him, and Justin desired to be reconsecrated by his hands. When on his return Theodoric, misdoubting the success of the embassy, arrested and imprisoned the unhappy John, who died miserably in his prison soon afterwards (18 May 526), no Italian could help comparing this heretical and persecuting prince with the pious basileus who reigned in the East. It followed that when death claimed Theodoric in his turn (Aug. 526) and when the regent Amalasuntha was involved in difficulties, the population of the peninsula was intoxicated by hope, and only waited an opportunity for changing their master, and eagerly cried out for a deliverer.

Meanwhile Justinian’s domestic policy successfully overcame the obstacles which, one after another, threatened the security of the new government. Vitalianus was a rival not to be despised, and at first he was tactfully treated. He was given the title of magister militum praesentalis and became Consul in 520. He appeared to be all-powerful in the palace, and afterwards Justinian got rid of him by means of an assassin. The Greens were partisans of Anastasius. Against them the Emperor raised up for himself a devoted party amongst the Blues, to whom every privilege, and every opportunity to harm their foes was given throughout the Empire. Further, to please the mob of the capital, great largess was distributed. The imperial Consulate in 521 was unrivalled for the magnificence of its shows, which cost 288,000 solidi, more than £200,000 sterling today. In this way Justinian became popular amongst all classes in Byzantium, with the Church by his orthodoxy, with the senate by his flattery, and with the aristocracy and the populace. Feeling thus secure, he launched forth on his career. At this time his connection with Theodora began, which ended in a somewhat scandalous marriage. Neither Justin nor Byzantium appear to have been much shocked by it. To please his nephew the Emperor conferred on his mistress the high dignity of patrician; he then, in order that the marriage might take place, abrogated the law by which alliances between senators and high officials and actresses were forbidden. When, in 527, Justinian was officially associated in the Empire, Theodora was crowned with him on Easter Day in the church of St Sophia, by the hands of the patriarch. When Justin died (1 Aug. 527), his nephew succeeded him without opposition. He was to reign over the Roman Empire in the East for nearly forty years (527-565), and to begin to realize the ambitious dreams which had long filled his soul.

505-565. The Persian War

 

However, during the first years of his reign, before beginning to carry out the far-reaching plans which he had made, or even thinking of the reconstruction of the Roman Empire on its ancient plan, Justinian had to deal with numerous and serious difficulties.

The Persian war, stopped by the peace of 505, had again broken out in the last months of Justin’s reign. The old king Kawad declared war, worried by the encroaching policy of Byzantium, and specially menaced by the increase of Roman influence during Justin's reign in the Caucasus region among the Lazi, the Iberians, and even the Huns, and furthermore indignant at the attack that the imperialists attempted on Nisibis. The vassals of the two States were already at daggers drawn on the Syrian and Armenian frontiers, and in Mesopotamia open war was on the point of breaking out. To Justinian this was specially annoying, since it necessitated the mobilization of the greater part of the Byzantine army under Belisarius, its most famous general, on the Asiatic frontier. The Emperor had only one care, which was not to proceed to extremities, and to end the war as soon as possible. Not realizing, perhaps not wishing to realize, the greatness of the Eastern peril, and anxious only to free his hands for the conquest and liberation of the West, he showed himself ready to make the largest concessions in order to heal the breach. In this way the peace of 532 was concluded, and gave to Justinian the disposition of his entire forces.

At home, other difficulties presented themselves. The special favor shown by the government to the Blues, led to a dangerous agitation in the capital. Sure of imperial support the Blues took all possible license against their adversaries without let or hindrance from police or justice. Thus injured, the Greens opposed violence to violence, and since they were still attached to the family of their old protector Anastasius, whose nephews Hypatius and Pompeius dwelt in Constantinople, their opposition soon took on a political and dynastic complexion. This resulted in a perilous state of unrest in the capital, still further aggravated by the deplorable condition of the public administration.

At the beginning of his reign Justinian had chosen as ministers Tribonian, nominated in 529 Quaestor of the Sacred Palace, and John of Cappadocia, invested in 531 with the high post of praetorian praefect in the East. The former was a remarkable man. An eminent jurist, and the greatest scholar of the day, he was unfortunately capable of any action for the sake of money, and as ready to sell justice as to amend the law. The latter was a skilful administrator, and a real statesman, but harsh, unscrupulous, greedy, and cruel. Nothing could check him in his efforts to tear from the subjects the money needed for the Emperor's ceaseless expenditure, and although he won the favor of the prince by his great skill in finding resources, his harshness and exactions made him otherwise universally detested. Under such ministers, the officials in every rank of the government service thought only of imitating their chiefs. The rapacity of the government ruined the taxpayers, while the partiality of the administration of justice resulted in a general feeling of insecurity. Under the weight of these miseries the provinces, according to an official document, had become quite uninhabitable. The country was depopulated, the fields deserted, and complaints poured into Constantinople from all sides against the wickedness of the officials. An incessant stream of immigration brought a host of miserable folk to the capital, adding new elements of disorder and discontent to those already there. From these causes sprang, in January 532, the dangerous rising known as the Nika Riot, which shook Justinian’s throne.

The Nica Riot. 532

The Emperor was hissed at in the Circus (11 Jan. 532), and the disturbance spread beyond the boundaries of the hippodrome, and soon reached all quarters of the city. Greens and Blues made common cause against the hated government, and soon to the accompaniment of cries of NIKA (Victory) the crowd was tearing at the railings of the imperial palace, demanding the dismissal of the praefect of the city, and of the two hated ministers, Tribonian and John of Cappadocia. Justinian gave way, but too late. His apparent weakness only encouraged the mob, and the revolt became a revolution. The fires kindled by the rebels raged for three days, and destroyed the finest quarters of the capital. Justinian, almost destitute of means of defense, shut himself up in the palace without attempting to do anything, and the obvious result followed. As might have been expected, the mob proclaimed emperor Hypatius, the nephew of Anastasius, and, swelled by all malcontents, the insurrection became a definite political movement. “The Empire”, wrote an eye-witness, “seemed on the verge of its fall”. Justinian, in despair of curbing the riot which had continued for six days, lost his head, and thought of saving himself by flight. He had already ordered to load the imperial treasure in ships. It was then that Theodora rose in the Council, to recall to their duty the Emperor and ministers who were abandoning it. She said: “When safety only remains in flight still I will not flee. Those who have worn the crown should not survive its fall. I will never live to see the day when I shall no longer be saluted as Empress. Flee if you wish, Caesar; you have money, the ships await you, the sea is unguarded. As for me, I stay. I hold with the old proverb which says that the purple is a good winding-sheet”. This display of energy revived the courage of all. As soon as discord had been sown among the rebels by a lavish distribution of gold, Belisarius and Mundus with their barbarian mercenaries threw themselves on the crowd collected in the hippodrome. They gave no quarter, but continued their bloody work throughout the night (18 January). More than 30,000 corpses according to one computation, more than 50,000 according to other witnesses, flooded the arena with blood. Hypatius and Pompeius were arrested, and both executed the next morning. Other condemnations followed, and, thanks to the frightful bloodshed which ended this six days’ battle, order was established once more in the capital, and thenceforth the imperial power became more absolute than ever.

In spite of every difficulty the imperial diplomacy never lost sight of any event that might further the accomplishment of Justinian’s plans. Occurrences in the Vandal kingdom in Africa and the Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy were carefully watched for the profit of the Empire. In Africa, as in Italy, everything was in favor of the imperial restoration. The Roman people, governed by barbarian kings, had kept alive the memory of the Empire, and looked impatiently to Constantinople for a deliverer. According to Fustel de Coulanges “they persisted in regarding the Roman Empire as their supreme head; the distant power seemed to them to be an ancient and sacred authority, a kind of far-off providence, to be called upon as the last hope and consolation of the unfortunate”. They felt still more keenly, perhaps, the misery of being ruled by heretical sovereigns. In Africa, where rigorous persecution of Catholics had long been carried on, everyone hoped for the end of the “horrible secular captivity”.

In Italy, Theodoric’s prolonged toleration had reconciled no one to him, and his ultimate severity exasperated his Roman subjects. A dumb agitation held sway in the West, and the coming of the Emperor’s soldiers was eagerly awaited and desired. What is more surprising is that the barbarian kings themselves acknowledged the justice of the imperial claims. They also still reverenced the Empire whose lands they had divided, they thought of themselves as vassals of the basileus, received his commands with respect, and bowed before his remonstrance. Hilderic, who had reigned over the Vandal kingdom since 523, was proud to proclaim himself the personal friend of Justinian. The two interchanged presents and embassies, and the Emperor’s head replaced that of the king on the Vandal coinage. Amalasuntha, who had governed Italy since 526 in the name of her son Athalaric, made it her first care to recommend the youth of the new prince to Justinian's kindness: and the prince himself begged for the imperial favor the day after his accession. He recalled with pride the fact that his father had been adopted by Justin, and that he could therefore claim kinship with the basileus. So great was the prestige of the Roman Empire throughout the West that even the opponents of the imperial policy, such as Witigis or Totila, were willing to acknowledge themselves the Emperor’s vassals.

Justinian realized this: he also realized the essential weakness of the barbarian kingdoms—their internal dissensions, and inability to make common cause against a foe. Therefore from the first he took up the position of their overlord, waiting until circumstances should furnish him with an opportunity for more active interference. This occurred, as far as Africa was concerned, in 531. At this time a domestic revolution substituted Gelimer, another descendant of Gaiseric, for the weakly Hilderic. Hilderic at once appealed to Byzantium, begging the Emperor to support the cause of his dethroned vassal. Byzantine diplomacy at once interfered in the haughtiest manner, demanding the restoration, or at any rate the liberation of the unhappy king, and evoking the decision of the dispute to the Emperor's court. Gelimer alone, perhaps, among the barbarian princes, recognized the fact that concessions, however large, would only postpone the inevitable struggle. Therefore he flatly refused the satisfaction required, and replied to the Byzantine demands by redoubled severity towards his political and religious enemies. The struggle had begun, and all was ready for the imperial restoration.

The Army.

Besides holding several trump cards, Justinian possessed another advantage in the redoubtable war machine constituted by the Byzantine army with its generals. The imperial army, in Justinian’s time, was formed essentially of mercenaries, recruited from all the barbarians of the East and West. Huns, Gepids, Heruls, Vandals, Goths and Lombards, Antae and Slays, Persians, Armenians, men from the Caucasus, Arabs from Syria, and Moors from Africa served in it side by side, glad to sell their services to an Emperor who paid well, or to attach themselves to the person of a celebrated general, to whom they would form the guard and staff. The greater number of these soldiers were mounted. Only the smallest part of the troops consisted of infantry which, being heavily equipped, was more notable for solidity than mobility. The cavalry, on the other hand, was excellent. Barbed with iron, armed with sword and lance, bow and quiver, the heavy regiments of Byzantine cuirassiers (cataphracti) were equally formed to break the enemy’s ranks from a distance by a flight of arrows, or to carry all before them by the splendid dash of their charge. This cavalry generally sufficed to win battles, and the old regiments, proved as they were by a hundred fights, and matchless in bravery, made incomparable soldiers.

However, in spite of these qualities, the troops were not lacking in the faults inseparable from mercenary armies. Convinced that war should maintain war, and owning no fatherland, they pillaged mercilessly wherever they went. With an insatiable greed of gold, wine and women, and with thoughts always bent on plunder, they easily slipped the yoke of discipline, and imposed unheard-of conditions on their generals. Even treason was not below them, and more than one victory was lost by the defection of the troops on the field of battle, or their disorganization in the rush for plunder. After a victory, things were still worse. Only anxious for leisure in which to enjoy their ill-gotten gains, they were deaf to entreaty, and the efforts of the generals to restore discipline frequently led to mutiny in the camp. The officers, of whom the greater number were barbarians, were not much more to be trusted than the men. They also were greedy, undisciplined, and jealous of each other, always a willing prey to intrigue and treason.

Certainly the faulty organization of the army explained some of these failings. The commissariat was badly arranged, pay generally in arrears, while the treasury officials and the generals sought, under various pretexts, to cheat the soldiers. Thus if the army was to be of any use, everything really depended on the Commander-in-Chief. Justinian had the good fortune to find excellent generals at the head of his armies; they were adored by the troops, and able, by a mixture of skilful energy and firm kindness, to keep them in hand and lead them where they wished. Such were the patrician Germanus, the Emperor's nephew, who commanded in turn in Thrace, Africa, and Syria; Belisarius, the hero of the reign, conqueror of the Persians, Vandals, and Ostrogoths of Africa and Italy, and the last resource of the Empire in every peril; and lastly the eunuch parses, who concealed under a frail appearance indomitable energy, prodigious activity, and a strong will. He was a wonderful general, who completed the ruin of the Goths, and chased the Alemannic hordes from Italy.

The numerical force of the imperial armies must not be exaggerated. Belisarius had scarcely 15,000 men with which to destroy the Vandal kingdom, he had still less in his attack on the Ostrogothic realm, only 10,000 or 11,000; and altogether 25,000 to 30,000 sufficed to break down the Ostrogothic resistance. The weakness of this force added to the faulty organization explains the interminable length of Justinian's wars, especially during the second half of the reign. It also illustrates the fundamental vice of the government, which was the perpetual disproportion between the end aimed at, and the means employed for its accomplishment. Lack of money always led to reduction of expenses and curtailment of effort.

Conquest of Africa. 533-546

However, when in 533 the chance of intervention in Africa presented itself, Justinian did not hesitate. Grave doubts as to the success of the distant enterprise were felt at court, and in the Council John of Cappadocia pointed out its many perils with a somewhat brutal clearness. Before this opposition, added to the critical condition of the treasury and the discontent of the soldiers, Justinian himself began to waver. On the other hand, the African bishops, surrounded as they were with the halo of martyrdom, revived the prince's flagging zeal and promised him victory. As soon as it became known that imperial intervention was probable, risings against the Vandal domination broke out in Tripolitana and Sardinia. Furthermore, Justinian could not hesitate long, because of the strength of the motives impelling him forward, his burning desire of conquest, and his absolute trust in the justice of his claims and in divine protection. He himself took the initiative in making the final decision, and events proved that in doing so he was wiser than his more prudent ministers.

The African campaign was equally rapid and triumphant. On June 533 Belisarius embarked for the West. Ten thousand infantry, and from five to six thousand cavalry were shipped in five hundred transport-ships, manned by twenty thousand sailors. A fleet of war-ships manned by two thousand oarsmen convoyed the expedition. The Vandals could offer little resistance to these forces. During the last hundred years they had lost in Africa the energy which had once made them invincible; and in spite of his boasted bravery, their king Gelimer proved himself, by his indecision, sensitiveness, lack of perseverance, and want of will power, the worst possible leader for a nation in danger. The neutrality of the Ostrogoths, which Byzantine diplomacy had secured, gave Belisarius every chance of fair play. Early in September 533 he was able to disembark unhindered on the desert headland of Caput-Vada. He was, well received by the African people, and marched on Carthage, while the imperial fleet turned back, skirting the coast in a northerly direction. On September 13 the battle of Decimum was fought, and shattered Gelimer's hopes by a single blow, while Carthage, the chief town and only fortress in Africa, fell into the conqueror’s hands undefended. In vain the Vandal king recalled the forces which he had detached for service in Sardinia, and endeavoured to regain his capital. He was forced to raise the blockade, and on the day of Tricamarum (mid-Dec. 533) the Byzantine cavalry again overcame the impetuosity of the barbarians. This was the final and decisive defeat. All Gelimer’s towns, his treasures, and family fell in turn into Belisarius’ hands. He himself, hemmed in his retreat on Mt. Pappua, was forced to surrender, on receiving a promise that his life should be spared, and that he should be honourably treated (March 534). In a few months, contrary to all expectations, a few cavalry regiments had destroyed Gaiseric’s kingdom.

Justinian, always optimistic, considered the war at an end. He recalled Belisarius, who was decreed the honors of a triumph; while he himself, somewhat arrogantly, assumed the titles of Vandalicus and Africanus. Furthermore he adorned the walls of the imperial palace with mosaics representing the events of the African war, and Gelimer paying homage to the Emperor and Theodora. He hastened to restore Roman institutions in the conquered province, but at this very moment the war broke out afresh. The Berber tribes had passively allowed the Vandals to be crushed; now it was their turn to rise against the imperial authority. The patrician Solomon, who had succeeded Belisarius, energetically put down the revolt in Byzacena (534) but he was unable to break through the group of Aures in Numidia (535): and soon the discontented troops, dissatisfied with a general who was strict and demanded too much from them, broke into a serious mutiny (536). Belisarius was obliged to leave Sicily for Africa at once, and arrived just in time to save Carthage, and defeat the rebels in the plains of Membressa. To complete the pacification it was found necessary to appoint the Emperor’s own nephew Germanus governor of Africa. After performing prodigies of courage, skill, and energy, he succeeded at last in crushing out the insurrection (538). But four years had been lost in useless and exhausting struggles. Only then was the patrician Solomon, invested a second time with the rank of Governor-General, able to complete the pacification of the country (539). By a bold march he forced Iabdas, the strongest of the Berber princes and the great chief of the Aures, into submission. He overran Zab, Hodna, and Mauretania Sitifensis, forcing the petty kings to acknowledge the imperial suzerainty. Under his beneficent rule (539-544) Africa once more experienced peace and security. His death occasioned another crisis. The revolted Berbers made common cause with the mutinous soldiers. A usurper Guntharic murdered Areobindus, the Governor-General, and proclaimed his own independence (546). Africa seemed on the point of slipping from the Empire, and the fruits of Belisarius’ victories were, to quote Procopius’ phrase, “as completely annihilated as though they had never existed”. This time again, the energy of a general, John Troglita, overcame the danger. After two years of warfare (546-548) he beat down the Berber resistance, and restored, permanently at last, the imperial authority.

After fifteen years of war and strife Africa once more took her place in the Roman Empire. Doubtless it was not the Africa that Rome had once possessed, and of which Justinian dreamed. It included Tripolitana, Byzacena, Proconsularis, Numidia, and Mauretania Sitifensis. The Byzantines also occupied Sardinia, Corsica, and the Balearic Isles, all dependencies of the African government. But with the exception of several scattered places on the coast, of which the most important was the citadel of Septem (Ceuta) at the Pillars of Hercules, the whole of West Africa broke away from Justinian. Mauretania Caesariensis and Mauretania Tingitana always remained independent, joined to the Empire only by the loosest bond of vassalage. However, within these limited boundaries the work of the imperial restoration was not in vain. It is clear that Justinian’s reign left a lasting impress on the lands drawn once more into the bosom of the monarchy.

Invasion of Italy. 533-548

The conquest of Africa by Belisarius furnished Justinian with a splendid base for operations in Italy, where he hoped to carry out his ambitious projects. As had been the case in Africa, circumstances provided him, in the nick of time, with a pretext for interference in the peninsula.

Amalasuntha, daughter of Theodoric, and regent for her young son Athalaric, had soon succeeded in arousing the discontent of her barbarian subjects by her Roman sympathies. Made uneasy by the growing opposition, she put herself into communication with the Court at Constantinople, begging of the imperial benevolence an asylum in the East should she need it. In return she offered all facilities for the fleet of Belisarius to revictual in Sicily in 533, and finally allowed herself to be persuaded to propose to Justinian the conquest of Italy (534). The death of the young Athalaric (October 534) further complicated the princess’s position. In order to strengthen it, she made her cousin Theodahad her partner; but a few months later a national revolution, like that which had hurled Hilderic from the throne in Africa, deposed Theodoric's daughter. Amalasuntha was imprisoned by order of her royal husband, and soon afterwards assassinated (April 535). As had been the case in Africa, but even with increased imperiousness, the Byzantine diplomacy demanded satisfaction for the arrest of a princess allied to and protected by Justinian. Her death proved to be the wished-for casus belli.

As if to complete the remarkable parallelism presented by Italian and African affairs, Theodahad the Gothic king was, like Gelimer, impressionable, changeable, unsteady, unreliable, and, in addition, a coward. After the first military demonstrations he offered to Justinian's ambassador to cede Sicily to the Empire, to acknowledge himself as a vassal of Byzantium, and, soon afterwards, he proposed to abandon the whole of Italy in return for a title and a money settlement. Against such a foe Belisarius had no formidable task, specially as in view of the Ostrogothic war, Byzantine diplomacy had secured the Frankish alliance, just as in the African war it had secured that of the Ostrogoths. From the end of 535, while a Byzantine army was concentrated in Dalmatia, Belisarius landed in Sicily, and occupied it, hardly needing to strike a blow. Theodahad was terrified, and “already feeling the fate of Gelimer about to descend on him” offered any concessions. Then, on hearing that Belisarius had been obliged to return to Africa, he once more plucked up courage, imprisoned the imperial ambassadors, and flung himself desperately into the struggle. Little good it did him. While one of Justinian’s generals conquered Dalmatia, Belisarius crossed the Strait of Messina (May 536) and, greeted by the Italian people as a liberator, in turn seized Naples and occupied Rome unopposed (10 December 536). However, the Ostrogoths still possessed more energy than the Vandals. On the news of the first disasters, even before the fall of Rome, they dethroned the incapable Theodahad, and elected as king Witigis, one of the bravest of their warriors. With considerable skill the new king checked the march of the Franks by the cession of Provence; then, having united all his forces, he proceeded with 150,000 men to besiege Belisarius in Rome. For a whole year (March 537–March 538) he exhausted himself in vain efforts to take the Eternal City. Everything miscarried before the splendid energy of Belisarius. Meanwhile, another Roman army, which had landed at the beginning of 538 on the Adriatic coast, was occupying Picenum. Greek troops, at the request of the Archbishop of Milan, had made a descent on Liguria, and seized the great town of northern Italy. Witigis, in despair, decided to abandon Rome. The triumph of the imperialists seemed assured, and to finish it Justinian despatched another army under Narses into Italy. Unfortunately, Narses’ instructions were not only to reinforce Belisarius, but also to spy upon him; and the misunderstanding between the two generals soon paralyzed all operations. They confined themselves to saving Rimini, which was attacked by Witigis; but allowed the Goths to reconquer Milan, and Theudibert’s Franks to pillage the valley of the Po on their own account. At last in 539 Justinian decided to recall Narses, and to leave to Belisarius alone the task of conducting the war. It was brought rapidly to a successful end. Pressed on every side, Witigis threw himself into Ravenna, and the imperialists besieged it (end of 539). For six months the Ostrogoths held out, counting on a diversion to be caused by the Persians in the East, the intervention of the Lombards, and the defection of the Franks. When they saw themselves abandoned by all, they determined to negotiate with Justinian (May 540). The Emperor leaned towards conciliation and showed himself inclined to allow Witigis to keep possession of Italy north of the Po. But for the first time in his life Belisarius refused to obey, and declared that he would never ratify the convention. He wished for complete victory, and hoped to destroy the Ostrogothic kingdom as completely as the Vandal. Then occurred a strange episode. The Goths suggested that the Byzantine general, whose valor they had proved, and whose independence they had just ascertained, should be their king, Witigis himself consenting to abdicate in his favor. Belisarius pretended to fall in with their plans in order to obtain the capitulation of Ravenna; then he threw off all disguise and declared that he had never worked for anyone but the Emperor.

Totila. 544-552

 

Once more, as he had done in Africa, Justinian in his optimistic mind considered the war at an end. Proudly he assumed the title of Gothicus, recalled Belisarius, reduced the troops in occupation; and in the Ostrogothic kingdom, now transformed into a Roman province, he organized a system of purely civil administration. Once more the issue disappointed his anticipations. The Goths indeed soon recovered themselves. Scarcely had Belisarius gone, before they organized resistance to the north of the Po, and instead of Witigis (a prisoner of the Greeks) they chose Hildibad for king. The tactlessness of the Byzantine administration, which was both harsh and vexatious, still further aggravated the situation; and when, at the end of 541, the accession of the young and brilliant Totila gave the barbarians a prince equally remarkable for his chivalrous courage and unusual attractiveness, the work of the imperial restoration was undone in a few months. For eleven years Totila was able to hold at bay the whole force of the Empire, to reconquer the whole of Italy, and to ruin the reputation of Belisarius. He passed the Po with only five thousand men. Central Italy was soon opened to him by the victories of Faenza and Mugillo. Then, while the disabled Byzantine generals shut themselves up in forts, without attempting any joint action, Totila skillfully moved towards the Campania and southern Italy, where the provinces had suffered less from the war, and would consequently yield him supplies. Naples fell to him (543), and Otranto, where the imperialists revictualled, was besieged. At the same time Totila conciliated the Roman population by his political skill; he made war without pillaging the country, and his justice was proverbial. Justinian felt sure that no one except Belisarius was capable of dealing with this formidable foe. Therefore he was ordered back to Italy (544). Unfortunately there were just then so many calls on the Empire, from Africa, on the Danube, and from the Persian frontier, that the great effort needed in the peninsula was not forthcoming. The imperial general, bereft of money, and almost without an army, was practically powerless. Content with having thrown supplies into Otranto, he fortified himself in Ravenna and stayed there (545). Totila seized the posts by which communications were maintained between Ravenna and Rome, and finally invested the Eternal City, which Belisarius was unable to save when he finally roused himself from his inaction (17 December 546). Totila then tried to make peace with the Emperor, but Justinian obstinately refused to negotiate with a sovereign whom he held to be nothing but an usurper. Therefore the war went on. Belisarius did manage to recover Rome, evacuated by the Gothic king and emptied of its inhabitants, and clung to it successfully in spite of all Totila’s hostile attacks (547). But the imperial army was scattered over the whole of Italy, and quite powerless; and reinforcements, when they did arrive from the East, could not prevent Totila from taking Perugia in the north and Rossano in the south. Belisarius, badly supported by his lieutenants, and driven to desperation, demanded to be recalled (548). When his request was granted he left Italy, where his glory had been so sadly tarnished. “God himself”, wrote a contemporary, “fought for Totila and the Goths”.

In fact, no resistance to them remained. Belisarius had been gone for less than a year when the imperialists were left with only four towns in the peninsula: Ravenna, Ancona, Otranto, and Crotona. Soon afterwards the fleet which Totila had created conquered Sicily (550), Corsica, Sardinia (551), and ravaged Dalmatia, Corfù, and Epirus (551). Meanwhile the fast ageing Justinian was absorbed in useless theological discussions, and forgot his province of Italy. “The whole West was in the hands of the barbarians”, wrote Procopius. However, moved by the entreaties of the emigrant Italians who flocked to Byzantium, the Emperor recovered himself. He despatched a fleet to the West which forced Totila to evacuate Sicily, while a great army was mobilized under the direction of Germanus to reconquer Italy (550). The sudden death of the general hindered the operations, but Narses, appointed as his successor, carried them on with a long forgotten energy and decision. He boldly stated his conditions to the Emperor, and succeeded in wringing from him those supplies that had been doled out so meagrely to his predecessors. He obtained money, arms, and soldiers, and soon commanded the largest army ever entrusted by Justinian to any of his generals, numbering probably from thirty to thirty-five thousand men. In the spring of 552 he attacked Italy from the north, moved on Ravenna, and from there made a bold push for the south in order to force Totila to a decisive engagement. He encountered the Goths in the Apennines at Taginae (May or June 552), not far from the site of Busta Gallorum where, Procopius tells us, Camillus repulsed the Gauls in ancient days. The Ostrogothic army was stricken with panic, and broke and fled as soon as the battle was joined; Totila was borne away in the rout, and perished in it. The Gothic State had received its death-blow.

The Ostro-Gothic Kingdom. 552-563

 

The Byzantines could hardly believe that their formidable enemy was really overcome. They wanted to disinter his body to assure themselves of their good fortune; “and having gazed at it for a long time”, wrote Procopius, “they felt satisfied that Italy was really conquered”. It was in vain that the unhappy remnant of the Gothic people rallied under a new king, Teias, for a last desperate struggle. By degrees the whole of central Italy, including Rome itself, again passed into the hands of the Greeks. Finally Narses fought the last barbarian muster in Campania near the foot of Mt Vesuvius on the slopes of Monte Lettere (Mons Lactarius) early in 553. The battle lasted for two whole days, “a giants’ combat” according to Procopius, desperate, implacable, epic. The flower of the Gothic army fell round their king, the remainder received honourable treatment from Narses, and permission to seek land amongst the other barbarians, where they would no longer be subjects of Justinian.

Italy had still to be cleared of the Franks. They had profited by what was happening, and had occupied part of Liguria, and almost the whole of the Venetian territory, had repulsed the imperialists of Verona after Taginae, and now claimed to inherit all the possessions of the Goths. In the middle of the year 553 two Alemannic chieftains, Leutharis and Bucelin, rushed on Italy, with seventy-five thousand barbarians, marking a trail from the north to the centre with blood and fire. Fortunately for Narses the remnant of the Ostrogoths thought submission to the Emperor better than submission to the Franks. Thanks to their help, the Greek general was able to crush the hordes of Bucelin near Capua (autumn of 554), while those of Leutharis, decimated by sickness, perished miserably on their retreat. In the following year peace was restored to Italy by the capitulation of Compsae which had been the centre of Ostrogothic resistance in the south (555). Thus, after twenty years of warfare, Italy was once more drawn into the Roman Empire. Like Africa, her extent was not so great as it had been formerly, as the Italian prefecture. Without mentioning places like Brescia and Verona, where a handful of Goths held out till 563, neither Pannonia nor Rhaetia nor Noricum ever came under Justinian’s rule again. The imperial province of Italy did not extend beyond the line of the Alps, but Justinian was none the less proud of having rescued it from tyranny, and flattered himself on having restored to it perfect peace, likely to prove durable.

It might easily be imagined that Spain, conquered by the Visigoths, would be added to the Empire, after the reconquest of Africa and Italy. Here also, just at the right moment, circumstances arose which gave a pretext for Greek intervention. King Agila was a persecutor of Catholics, and against him uprose an usurper Athanagild, who naturally sought help from the greatest orthodox ruler of the time. A Byzantine army and fleet were despatched to Spain, Agila was defeated, and in a few weeks the imperialists were in possession of the chief towns in the south-east of the peninsula, Carthagena, Malaga, and Corduba. As soon as the Visigoths realized the danger in which they stood, they put an end to their domestic disagreements, and all parties joined in offering the crown to Athanagild (554). The new prince soon returned to face his former allies, and managed to prevent them from making much progress. However, the Byzantines were able to keep what they had already won, and the Empire congratulated itself on the acquisition of a Spanish province.

The imperial diplomacy was able to add successes of its own to the triumphs won by force of arms. The Frankish kings of Gaul had gladly received subsidies from Justinian, and had entered into an alliance with him, calling him Lord and Father, in token of their position as vassals. They proved themselves fickle and treacherous allies, and after Theudibert, King of Austrasia, had in 539 worked for himself in Italy, he formed the plan of overwhelming the Eastern Empire by a concerted attack of all the barbarian peoples. In spite of such occasional lapses, the prestige of Rome was undiminished in Gaul: Constantinople was regarded as the capital of the whole world, and in the distant Frankish churches, by the Pope'’s request, prayers were said by the clergy for the safety of the Roman Emperor. To his titles of Vandalicus and Gothicus Justinian now added those of Francicus, Alemannicus, and Germanicus. He treated Theudibert as though he were the most submissive of lieutenants, and confided to him the work of converting the pagans ruled by him in Germany. It was the same with the Lombards. In 547 the Emperor gave them permission to settle in Pannonia and Noricum, and furnished them with subsidies in return for recruits. They were rewarded by receiving imperial support against their enemies the Gepidae; and Greek diplomacy was successful in keeping them faithful.   

On the whole, in spite of certain sacrifices which had been wrung from the pride of the basileus, Justinian had realized his dream. It was thanks to his splendid and persistent ambition that the Empire could now boast the acquisition of Dalmatia, Italy, the whole of eastern Africa, south-east Spain, the islands of the western basin of the Mediterranean, Sicily, Corsica, Sardinia, and the Balearic Isles, which almost doubled its extent. The occupation of Spain carried the Emperor’s authority to the Pillars of Hercules, and with the exception of those parts of the coast held by the Visigoths in Spain and Septimania and the Franks in Provence, the Mediterranean was once more a Roman lake. We have seen by what efforts these triumphs were bought, we shall see at what cost of suffering they were held. We must however maintain that by them Justinian had won for the Empire a great and incontestable increase of prestige and honor. In some respects it may have proved a misfortune that he had taken upon him the splendid but crushing heritage of Roman traditions and memories with the crown of the Caesars: none the less, none of his contemporaries realized that he had repudiated the obligations they entailed. His most savage detractors saw in his vast ambitions the real glory of his reign. Procopius wrote “The natural course for a high-souled Emperor to pursue, is to seek to enlarge the Empire, and make it more glorious”

Administration in Africa and Italy

Justinian’s great object in accomplishing the imperial restoration in the West was to restore the exact counterpart of the ancient Roman Empire, by means of the revival of Roman institutions. The aim of the two great ordinances of April 534 was the restoration in Africa of that “perfect order” which seemed to the Emperor to be the index of true civilization in any State. The Pragmatic Sanction of 554, while it completed the measures taken in 538 and 540, had the same object in Italy—to “give back to Rome Rome’s privileges”, according to the expression of a contemporary. By what appears at first sight to be a surprising anomaly, remarkably well illustrating, however, Justinian's disinclination to change any condition of the past he endeavored to restore, the Emperor did not extend to the West any of the administrative reforms which he was compassing in the East at the same time.

In Africa, as in Italy, the principle on which the administrative reorganization was carried out was that of maintaining the ancient separation between civil and military authority. At the head of the civil government of Africa was placed a praetorian praefect, having seven governors below him, bearing the titles of consulares or praesides, who administered the restored circumscriptions which had been established by the Roman Empire. The numerous offices in which Justinian, with his usual care for detail, minutely regulated the details of staff and salaries, helped the officials and assured the predominance of civil rule in the prefecture of Africa. It was the same in the reconstructed prefecture of Italy. From 535 a praetor was at the head of re-conquered Sicily, after 538 a praetorian praefect was appointed in Italy, and the régime of civil administration was established the day after the capitulation of Ravenna. The reorganization was carried out by the Pragmatic of 554. Under the prefect’s high authority, assisted, as formerly, by the two vicarii of Rome and Italy, the civil officials governed the thirteen provinces into which the peninsula was still divided. Occasionally in practice political or military exigencies led to the concentration of all the authority in the same hands. In Africa Solomon and Germanus combined the functions and even the titles of praetorian praefect and magister militum. In Italy Narses was a real viceroy. These, however, were only exceptional deviations from the established principle, and only concerned the supreme government of the province. At the same time Justinian introduced the legislation that he had promulgated into the re-conquered West. The financial administration was coordinated with the territorial. The ancient system of taxation, slightly modified elsewhere by the barbarians, was completely restored, and the supplies so raised were divided, as had formerly been the case, between the prefect’s area and the coffer of the largitiones. A comes sacri patrimonii per Italiam was appointed, and the imperial logothetae exacted with great harshness arrears of taxation, dating back to the time of the Gothic kings, from the country already ruined by warfare.

Thus Justinian meant to efface, with one stroke of the pen, anything that might recall the barbarian “tyranny”. Contracts signed in the time of Totila, donations made by the barbarian kings, economic measures passed by them in favor of settlers and slaves, were all pronounced void, and the Pragmatic restored to the Roman proprietors all lands that they had held before the time of Totila. However, though he might shape the future, the Emperor was obliged to accept many existing facts. The newly-created prefecture of Africa corresponded to the Vandal kingdom, and included, as the Vandal kingdom had done, along with Africa, Sardinia and Corsica which the barbarians had torn from Italy. The Italian prefecture, already reduced by this arrangement, was further diminished by the loss of Dalmatia and Sicily, which formed a province by themselves. The Italian peninsula alone concerned the praefect of Italy.

The military administration was on the same lines as the civil, but very strictly separated from it. Responsible for the defense of the country, it was reconstructed on the Roman model, according to the minute instructions of the Emperor. Belisarius in Africa and Narses in Italy organized the frontier defense. Each province formed a great command, with a magister militum at its head; Africa, Italy, and Spain comprised one each. Under the supreme command of these generals, who were Commanders-in-Chief of all the troops stationed in the province, dukes governed the military districts (limites) created along the whole length of the frontier. In Africa there were originally four, soon afterwards five (Tripolitana, Byzacena, Numidia, and Mauretania), four also in Italy, along the Alpine frontier. Dukes were also installed in Sardinia and Sicily. In this group of military districts, troops of a special nature were stationed, the limitanei (borderers) formed on the model formerly invented in the Roman Empire, and partly restored by Anastasius. Recruited from the provincial population, specially on the frontier, these soldiers received concessions of land, and pay as well. In time of peace their duty was to cultivate the land they occupied, and to keep a sharp watch on the roads crossing the limes; in time of war they took up arms either to defend the post specially committed to their charge, or combined with similar troops to beat back the invader. In either case they might never leave the limes, as perpetual military service was the necessary condition of their tenure of land. These tenant-soldiers were empowered to marry, grouped in regiments commanded by tribunes, and stationed in the fortified towns and castles on the frontier. This kind of territorial army, organized by Justinian along all the borders of the Empire, enabled him to reduce the strength of the troops of the line, and keep them for big wars. A close-drawn net of fortresses supported this formation. In Africa, specially, where the Vandals had razed the fortifications of nearly all the towns, Justinian's lieutenants had an enormous task before them. No point was left undefended, and in Byzacena and Numidia several parallel lines of fortresses served to block all openings, cover all positions of strategic importance, and offer a refuge to the surrounding population in time of danger. A number of fortresses were built or restored from Tripolitana to the Pillars of Hercules, where stood Septem “that the whole world could not take”, and from the Aures and Hodna to Tell. Even today North Africa abounds in the colossal ruins of Justinian's fortresses, and the hardly dismantled ramparts of Haidra, Beja, Madaura, Tebessa, and Timgad, to cite no more, bear witness to the great effort by which, in a few years, Justinian restored the Roman system of defense. Furthermore, in following the example set by Rome, Justinian tried to incorporate in the imperial army the barbaric peoples dwelling on the outskirts of the Empire. These gentiles or foederati made a perpetual treaty with the Emperor, on receiving a promise of an annual subsidy (annona). They put their contingents at the disposal of the Roman dukes of the limes, and their chiefs received from the Emperor's hands a kind of investiture, as a sign of the Roman sovereignty, when they were given insignia to denote their command, and titles from the Byzantine hierarchy. Thus from the Syrtis to Mauretania there stretched a fringe of barbarian client princes, acknowledging themselves as vassals of the basileus, and called—Mauri pacifici. According to the expression of the African poet Corippus, “trembling before the arms and success of Rome, of their own accord they hastened to place themselves under the Roman yoke and laws”.

Misgovernment

By carrying out the great work of reorganization in Africa and Italy, Justinian flattered himself that he had achieved the double object of restoring the “complete peace” in the West and “repairing the disasters” which war had heaped on the unhappy countries. It remains to be seen how far his optimism was justified, and to reckon the price paid by the inhabitants for the privilege of entering the Roman Empire once more.

In a celebrated passage of the Secret History Procopius has enumerated all the misfortunes which the imperial restoration brought on Africa and Italy. According to the historian the country was depopulated, the provinces left undefended and badly governed, ruined further by financial exactions, religious intolerance, and military insurrections, while five million human lives were sacrificed in Africa, and still more in Italy. These were the benefits conferred in the West by the “glorious reign of Justinian”. Although in crediting this account some allowance must be made for oratorical exaggeration, yet it is certain that Africa and Italy emerged from the many years of warfare to a great extent ruined, and that a terrible economic and financial crisis accompanied the imperial restoration. During many years Africa suffered all the horrors incident to Berber incursions, military revolts, destruction of the country by sword and fire, and the murder and flight of the population. The inevitable consequences of the struggle pressed no less hardly on Italy, which underwent the horrors of long sieges, famine, massacre, disease, the passage of the Goths, and the passage of imperialists, added to the furious devastations of the Alemanni. The largest towns, such as Naples, Milan, and specially Rome were almost devoid of inhabitants, the depopulated country was uncultivated, and the large Italian proprietors were repaid for their devotion to Byzantium and their hostility to Totila by total ruin.

The exactions of the soldiers added yet more wretchedness. By their greed, insolence, and depredations the imperialists made those whom they declared free regret the barbarian domination. The new administration added the harshest financial tyranny to the misery caused by the war. Justinian was obliged to get money at any cost, and therefore the barely conquered country was given over to the pitiless exactions of the agents of the fisc. The provinces were not only expected to support unaided the expense of the very complicated administration imposed on them by Justinian, but were further obliged to send money to Constantinople for the general needs of the monarchy. The imperial logothetae applied the burdensome system of Roman taxes to the ruined countries without making any allowance for the prevailing distress. They mercilessly demanded arrears dating from the time of the Goths, falsified the registers in order to increase the returns, and enriched themselves at the expense of the taxpayer to such an extent that, according to a contemporary writer, “nothing remained for the inhabitants but to die, since they were bereft of all the necessities of life”.

Desolate, helpless, brought to the lowest straits, the Western provinces begged the Emperor to help them in their misery if he did not wish, to quote the official document, "that they should be overcome by the impossibility of paying their debts." Justinian heard this appeal. Measures were taken in Africa to restore cultivation to the fields, the country districts were repeopled, various works of public utility were organized in the towns, ports were opened on the coasts, hydraulic works were supported or repaired in the interior of the land, and new cities were founded in the wilds of the high Numidian plateau. Carthage itself, newly adorned with a palace, churches, splendid baths, and fashionable squares, showed the interest taken by the prince in his new provinces. The result of all this was a real prosperity. Similar measures were taken in Italy, either to tide over the crisis resulting from the mass of debts and give time to the debtors, or to alleviate in some degree the crushing burden of the taxes. At the same time the Emperor busied himself in the restoration of the great aristocracy which had been broken down by Totila, but to which he looked for the chief support of the new régime. For a similar reason he protected and enriched the Church, and set himself as in Africa by means of the development of public works to repair the evils of the war. Ravenna was beautified by such buildings as San Vitale and San Apollinare in Classe, and became a capital; Milan was raised from her ruins, Rome was put in possession of privileges likely to lead to an economic revival, and Naples became a great commercial port.

Unfortunately, in spite of Justinian's good intentions, the financial burden weighed too heavily upon a depopulated Italy to allow of any real revival. In the greater number of towns industry and commerce disappeared; lack of implements hindered the improvement of the land, and large uncultivated and desert tracts remained in the country. The middle classes tended more and more to disappear, at the same time that the aristocracy either became impoverished or left the country. Justinian exerted himself in vain to restore order and prosperity by promising to protect his new subjects from the well-known greed of his officials: the imperial restoration marked, at any rate in Italy, the beginning of a decadence which long darkened her history.