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MEDIEVAL HISTORY LIBRARY |
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CHAPTER V
THE PERSIANS AND JUSTINIAN'S FIRST WAR WITH THEM
ON the death of Justin the absolute
control of the Empire became centered in the
hands of Justinian. Nine years of virtual sovereignty during the lifetime
of his uncle had familiarized him with Imperial procedure,
and nullified the influence of a bureaucracy which might aspire
to govern vicariously by taking advantage of his ignorance of affairs.
His tutors in the art of autocracy were dead or superannuated, and his
present subordinates owed their elevation to his favour and judgment.
The new Emperor was a man of middle stature, spare rather
than stout, and on the verge of becoming bald and gray.
His features were sufficiently regular, his face was round, his complexion
florid, and he wore neither beard nor moustache. Those whom he impressed
unfavourably were fond of pointing out that he bore a striking resemblance
to Domitian. He affected a pleasant demeanour, appeared always with
a set smile, and was so studious of personal popularity that even the
meanest of his subjects might hope for an audience of his sovereign.
With an unbounded belief in his own capacity for discrimination, he
was always ready to listen, but never to be convinced. His assurance
communicated itself to those with whom he came in contact, and his associates
rarely ventured to dispute his opinions. His mode of life tended
strongly towards asceticism, and he yielded no indulgence to his natural
appetites. In his diet he restricted himself to the barest necessaries,
he seemed to exist almost without sleep, and there is no evidence that
he was ever attracted sexually by any woman except Theodora. Without
commanding abilities, his mental activity was incessant, and he was
perpetually busy in every department of the state. He plunged into polities,
law, and theology, with the conviction that he could master every detail
and deal effectively with all questions which might arise for decision.
Yet he was credulous and lent a willing ear to those who brought in
doubtful reports, which he was generally prone to act upon without due
inquiry as to their authenticity.
The Empress Theodora, after her elevation, still presented
in most aspects of her life and character a marked contrast to Justinian.
She was devoted to the care of her person, and a great part of each
day was given over to the mysteries of her toilet. She trusted especially to sleep for the preservation of her beauty, and
passed an excessive number of hours, both day and night, upon her couch.
Gratification of the senses absorbed most of her time, and she indulged
herself in the luxury of a table always spread with the rarest delicacies.
The air of the city was uncongenial to her, and she resided during the
greater part of the year at the Heraion, a
palace over against the capital on the Asiatic shore of the Bosphorus,
where a second centre of Imperial state was maintained for her benefit
with lavish magnificence. But she was ever vigilant in preserving the
closest relationship with the machinery of government, and in her retirement she meditated persistently on the exigencies of the autocracy. Her numerous
emissaries were to be observed continually passing and repassing the
strait which separated the Heraion from Constantinople,
regardless of tempestuous weather, and even of a ferocious whale which
had long infested the vicinity and made a practice of attacking the
small craft sailing in those waters, often with fatal result to the
occupants. The personal relations of the royal partners during the whole
course of their joint reign, continued to be of the most intimate description.
Justinian not only deferred habitually to the judgment of his consort,
but took every opportunity of making a public profession of his
indebtedness to her co-operation. In Imperial acts and edicts she appeared constantly as the “revered wife whom God had granted to
him as the participator of his counsels”.
It may, indeed, be assumed as certain that the resolution
and verve to be found in the character of Theodora supplied some real
deficiencies in the imperturbable and less acute nature of her husband;
and Justinian was well inclined to justify his extraordinary marriage
by insisting that exceptional advantages accrued to the state from his
choice of so able a consort. Although the spectacle of a Roman empress
electing to lead the life of a prostitute was almost a familiar one
in previous history, that an actual courtesan should be raised to the
throne, was a unique event in the annals of the empire. Nor was Theodora
at all exercised to veil her ascendancy in the affairs of government;
on the contrary, she scarcely refrained from proclaiming publicly that
her will was predominant in the work of the administration. Her pretensions
were generally allowed, and those who sought preferment through Court
influence regularly crowded her ante-chamber, with the assurance that
success depended on winning her favourable regard. Unlike Justinian,
Theodora made herself difficult of access, and an assiduous attendance
for many days was an indispensable preliminary to obtaining an audience
of the Empress. Doubtless but a small portion of each day could be spared
from the seclusion she imposed on herself for the nurture and elaboration
of her person.
As both Emperor and Empress by an unhoped
for chance had leaped to the Imperial seat from the obscurity
of plebeian life, they were proportionately jealous of their authority
in the lofty position to which they had attained without the qualifications
of rank or lineage. Hence they exacted the
most servile respect from all who approached them, and emphasized more
than at any former time humility of speech and abject prostration in
the presence of the sovereign. Any subject, without the exception of
patricians or even of foreign ambassadors, on arriving at the foot of
the throne was compelled to extend himself on the ground with his face
to the floor and then to kiss both feet of the monarch before he was
privileged to deliver his message or to make a request. On such occasions
the titles of ‘emperor’ and ‘empress’, as expressing a merely official
hegemony, were considered to be insufficient,
and it was expected that, by substituting the terms ‘master’ and ‘mistress’,
the subject should confess himself to be the actual slave of his sovereign.
In previous reigns the forms of adoration had been reserved for the
Emperor, but Theodora ignored such precedents and claimed for herself
all the homage due to an independent potentate. In one respect only
did the conjugal harmony of the Imperial couple appear to be seriously
disturbed; while Justinian was strictly orthodox in religion, Theodora
gave an uncompromising support to the Monophysites. The public, however, refused to believe in the
reality of this dissension, and attributed the seeming discord to an
astute policy which obliged the conflicting sects to give their united
support to the throne.
The war with Persia, which had developed in a desultory
fashion under Justin, began to be waged with determination at the outset
of Justinian’s reign. A thousand years before this date the Persian
Empire, founded by Cyrus the Achaemenian, had reached from the frontiers
of India to the shores of the Mediterranean, and had even held Egypt
precariously as an integral province. Diverse nationalities marched
under her standard, and immense hosts of Asiatics were habitually mustered for the achievement of foreign conquest. But
this monarchy proved to be short-lived, and was destroyed in less than
two centuries, after the invasion of Greece by Darius and Xerxes had
disclosed the fact that a few thousands of patriotic Hellenes were of
more martial worth than the vast and heterogeneous armies led by the
Persian king. Less than ten years of actual warfare sufficed to bring
the Achaemenian Empire and its dependencies under the rule of Alexander;
and the indigenous races were kept in subjection by the Graeco-Macedonian
invaders for a longer period than the kindred dynasty established by
Cyrus had endured. The Persian Empire, in its widest extent, as it existed
under the Achaemenidae, was never restored;
nor did any subsequent conqueror issue from the west to repeat the exploits
of Alexander. The Asiatic successors of that monarch, the Seleucidae, were gradually ousted from their dominions by
a wild race which attacked them from the north, and became known historically as the Parthians.
Under their native rulers, the Arsacids,
they might have restored the empire of Cyrus, but the simultaneous growth
of the Latin power in Asia Minor and Syria for ever confined the Parthians
to the eastern bank of the Euphrates. The policy of Rome, as defined
by Augustus, forbade the extension of the empire beyond the limits
assigned to it after the battle of Actium; but at least one emperor,
the indomitable Trajan, was ambitious of emulating the prowess of Alexander
and designed to advance on India. Although not uniformly victorious,
he transformed the kingdom of Armenia into a Roman province, and almost
reduced Parthia to the condition of a vassal state. Death, or the more
pressing claims of home affairs, imposed a term to his activity in the
field, and his great schemes of conquest were never again entertained;
but several later emperors, notably Severus, Caius, and Galerius, often
demonstrated the superiority of the Roman forces under competent generalship over their Oriental antagonists. But after the
Graeco-Roman supremacy had declined to the stagnant mediocrity of Byzantinism this ascendancy could no longer be maintained;
and as often as East and West came into collision the honours of war
almost invariably rested with the Asiatic power.
For more than five centuries after the overthrow of Darius
by the armies of Macedon the remnants of the Persian race languished
in the Province of Persis, a small state lying east of the Persian Gulf,
to which was allowed a semi-independence by the supreme government.
Here was the original home of Cyrus, and here he matured his plans for
the conquest of Media. From thence was derived the name of Persia, which
was applied by the western nations to the whole land of Iran, the native
appellation of the extensive plateau ranging from the Hindu Kush to
the river Tigris. In Persis was situated Persepolis, the traditional
capital of the Persians, where the sacred fires of the Zoroastrians was kept perpetually alight in a temple by
the Magi. In a drunken freak, or perhaps as a signal to all Asia that
he had succeeded to the sovereignty of Iran, the ancient city had been
committed to the flames by Alexander; but eventually a capital was reinstated
on the old site, and in later centuries became known as Istakhr. About 200 AD a reawakening of Persian aspirations
became apparent, and a new Cyrus arose at Istakhr to lead his nation to the reconquest of their former empire. Ardeshir was the grandson of Sasan, who by a fortunate
marriage had united the pre-eminence of the priestly caste with that
of the princely house of Persis. Having gained possession of the local
throne by his superior energy, he began to exercise himself in active
warfare by attacking the neighbouring states, whose princes, like himself,
were the vassals of the Parthian king. At first his operations were
disregarded, and not until he had made himself the lord of a considerable
territory was he summoned by his suzerain to
explain his encroachments. His reply was a defiance and a challenge
to battle. In the war which ensued Artabanus was overthrown by Ardeshir, and the Parthian
dynasty of the Arsacidae was replaced by that
of the Sassanidae (c. 227).
The Persian now assumed the title of Shahinshah, that is ‘King of Kings’, which had usually been
affected by the potentates of all Iran, and established himself at the Parthian capital of Ctesiphon on the Tigris,
a position more suitable for the seat of government than the remote
Persepolis. The empire thus regenerated by the Sassanians, held its own among the surrounding powers for four hundred years, until the general
irruption over Asia of the fanatical hosts of Islam.
The dominions of Ardeshir and
his successors covered an area almost equal to that of the Eastern Empire, but were probably much less populous. The tableland
of Iran is far from being so well adapted for the sustentation of animal
and vegetable life as the countries amalgamated into a single state
by the Roman arms. More than a fourth of the surface is occupied by
desert and salt swamps; while the greater portion of the remainder is
broken up by immense mountain ranges, some of which rise to a height
of 18,000 feet. The prevailing population of this region within the
historic period has always been a division of the Aryan race, of the
great Indo-Germanic family of mankind, who at some early epoch spread
themselves across two continents, from the frontiers of Burmah to the Atlantic seaboard of Europe. Originally the
possessors of a common language, the elements of their speech are to
be found in the Sanskrit; once colloquial throughout the valley of the
Ganges, and in the Erse of the Irish peasant, who inhabits the wilds
of Connemara. Although the face of the country has been scarred by the
march of numerous invaders, and even by religious revolution, the sociological
condition of these Eastern lands has scarcely changed at all during
the millenniums of recorded history; and the Persian citizen or rustic
of today is almost a counterpart of those who looked out on the progresses
of Darius and Xerxes. The primitive Iranians were an agricultural people,
and as such showed an attachment to the cattle which composed their
farm stock almost amounting to veneration. But the tiller of the soil
in Iran was often exposed to harsh conditions in the effort to draw
his livelihood from the ground. The land was not uniformly fertile,
climatic severity not seldom hampered the labourer, and predatory bands
of nomads, who raided the country from the north, were a frequent cause
of disaster. Life was a series of vicissitudes, circumstances of time
and place were in general sharply contrasted, and the normal activities
of nature seemed to the peaceful native to be the outcome of perpetual
strife between spirits of good and evil.
In Bactria, the north-eastern tract of Iran, all these
conditions were most typically presented. About 1000 BC that region
was ruled by King Vistaspa, under whom flourished
the prophet Zarathustra, the original redactor of the religion and ethical
system accepted by the Persians. He gave a distinct expression to the
philosophical tendencies of his age, and refined
the loose polytheistic conceptions at first held by the Aryans to the
complete dualism in which Ahura-Mazda, the Lord of Wisdom, and Angra-Mainyu,
the Devisor of Evil, became the essential factors of a definite theological
faith. On this foundation an Avesta or Bible
of Mazdeism was elaborated, which laid down the law for the whole conduct
of human life. Among the primitive deities most reverence had been
paid to Mithra, the sun-god, to Spenta Aramaiti,
the earth spirit, and to Anahita, the goddess of the waters. As subordinates
of Ahura-Mazda, these divinities still held an established place, and
were made the immediate objects of the rites and ceremonies imposed
on the pious Iranian. Hence the sanctity of fire, earth, and water became
an article of faith, and it was believed to be a heinous crime to contaminate
them with any impurity. Whatever was evil was esteemed to be impure,
and, therefore, the work of Angra-Mainyu. The Druj Nasu, a female demon, personifying the lie, was regarded as
his universal agent, and as being present imminently under all adverse
circumstances. Such were the principles of Mazdeism, the rigid application
of which, and they were rigidly applied by the Magi, was productive
of many curious sociological phenomena strangely at variance with the
customs of other nations. Death was considered
to be the greatest of calamities, and hence a corpse became
possessed of the Druj, and the most active of all sources of contamination.
That so foul an object should be placed
in intimate contact with the holy elements of fire, earth, or water,
was sacrilege in the highest degree. Cremation and burial were, therefore,
held in abhorrence, and a deceased person had to be borne to some isolated
spot, far from fire and water, there to be exposed on an elevated bier
with the intention that the flesh should be devoured by wild dogs, birds,
etc. Disease was, of course, a grade of demoniacal obsession, so that
sympathy for the sick was almost alienated by superstition. If an ordinary
soldier were taken ill on the march he was abandoned by the wayside,
some provisions being left with him, and also a stick, with which to beat off any carnivorous animals.
Should he recover, on his reappearance all fled from him as from an
apparition risen out of the infernal regions; nor could he resume intercourse
with his relations until he had undergone a rigorous purification by
the Magi.
Owing to the holiness of water great reverence was felt
for rivers, which were protected by law from all defilement; and no
good Zoroastrian would travel by ship lest he should pollute the sea
with his normal excrement. For purposes of cleansing water was used
very charily, and it was sinful to take a bath. The vegetable productions
of the earth were viewed with profound admiration, wherefore the cultivation
of gardens and parks was among the greatest delights of the Persians.
The estimation in which cattle were held was the cause of some singular
legislation and ritual enactments. Thus the urine of the cow was habitually collected and made
use of daily for the purification of the body by washing. The sheep-dog
was an object of extreme solicitude, so much so that the penalty exacted
for manslaughter was only half as onerous as that inflicted for the
crime of giving bad food to such a precious animal, but even the latter
was a mild offence compared with the infamy of killing a water-dog,
the name by which the otter was identified, as the wretch convicted
was sentenced to be beaten to death. On the other hand, noxious animals
were regarded as the creation of Angra-Mainyu, and the Magi made it a religious duty to kill
them with their own hands, especially ants, serpents, reptiles in general,
and certain birds. In some cases it was permitted
to the subject to take the law into his own hands and to slay the guilty
person on the spot. Such culprits were the highwayman, the sodomite,
the prostitute, and anyone caught in the act of burning a corpse. On
the whole, however, capital punishment was infrequent, and almost
any trespass, even murder, could be atoned for by making a money payment
to the Magi.
In the sociology of Mazdeism the strangest phenomenon that developed itself was the tenet that affinity
by blood was the highest requisite in a marriage contract. This principle
was inculcated by the priests to an extreme degree, so that the closer
the relationship the more acceptable was the union affirmed to be in
the eyes of the Deity. Not only could brother and sister marry under
religious sanction, but even father and daughter; and, most repugnant
of all to the common inclinations of humanity, the nuptials of mother
and son were expressly enjoined as a righteous act by the Avesta.
This anomalous association of the sexes was justified partly by the
false analogy of certain physiological facts supplied by the animal
kingdom, and partly by an appeal to precedents to be found in the Iranian
mythology. Hybrids were notoriously infertile, and the congress of horses
with asses engendered mules who were impotent to propagate their kind.
Hence the mingling of family blood was indicated as essential to preserving
the integrity of the race. Further, it was pointed out that the primaeval
man, Gaya Maretan, impregnated Spenta Aramaiti; that is, his mother earth, the result
of this conjunction being a son and a daughter. By this union the brother
and sister became the progenitors of the whole human race. At least
one Parthian, and probably several of the Achaemenian and Sassanian
kings, may be noted as having chosen their own mother for their consort
on the throne. Such marriages were not merely ceremonial, although in
some instances the chief inducement may have been to insure the support
of the Magi for a disputed succession.
Incestuous offspring were not unknown, and the case of Sisimithres, a provincial potentate subdued
by Alexander, is specially mentioned as that of one whose mother-wife
had borne him two sons. Rich Persians indulged themselves with several
wives, besides maintaining numerous concubines, but, as monogamy only
was contemplated by the Avesta, the senior wife was the undisputed mistress of the
household.
The Parthians found it politic to assimilate their supremacy
to that of the Greeks whom they had displaced; and thus to attract to themselves the influence which had so recently been predominant
throughout Iran. They, therefore, distinguished themselves by the epithet
of ‘Philhellen,’ and continued to impress their coins in Greek
characters with that affix, even after the Romans had become most potent
in the East. By degrees, however, the memory of the Greek dominion faded,
and before the middle of the second Christian century orientalism was
completely reestablished. Legends in the Pahlavi, or Parthian language,
were adopted for the superscription of the currency, upon which the
Hellenized Serapis now yielded his place to Mithras or the Mazdean fire-altar. As a scion of the house of Sasan, Ardeshir was naturally much swayed by priestly influence,
and relied on the support of the Magi as the chief element of his power.
By his edicts and inscriptions he proclaimed
himself to be a Mazdayasn, or devout servant of Ahura-Mazda, and the dynasty
he founded was always noted for its firm adherence to the national religion.
On his accession Ardeshir undertook the restoration
of the Avesta, a great part of which had been
neglected or altogether lost, and under the supervision of the Magi
he caused a purification or reformation of the faith of Zarathustra
to be begun. This work was continued by his successors, but, as no canon
of scripture had been formed, there were many conflicting sects, and
not until the reign of Sapor II (c. 330) was the text of the sacred book fixed beyond
dispute. Then Adarbad, a holy man, produced
his recension of the Avesta among the assembled
Magi, and offered to submit himself to the ordeal of fire in proof of
its strict orthodoxy. Molten brass was poured upon his breast, he passed
the test unscathed, and his reading of the tenets of Mazdeism was never
afterwards contested.
Ardeshir did not, however, base his message of fortune solely
on an appeal to the mystical emotions of his nation; but he also sought
to attach them to himself by stimulating their patriotism. He professed
that he would avenge the murder of Darius on the inheritors of Alexander,
and asserted himself to be the rightful ruler of all western
Asia, which had been unlawfully wrested from his ancestors. Thus the Persian empire, as restored by the Sassanians, was inspired with
sentiments which urged it to maintain an inveterate conflict with Rome.
Although there is evidence of constant religious commotion
in Persia under the Sassanids, it does not appear that any considerable
number of the historical adherents of Zarathustra ever swerved from
their faith. The numerous priestly tribe of
the Magi not only surrounded the throne, but were fully disseminated
throughout the provinces as the guardians of Mazdeism. The valley of
the Euphrates and Tigris, however, the most densely populated district
of the empire, was the site of a very heterogeneous ethnology, with
archaeological records which extend backwards for some thousands of
years prior to the descent of the Arians into Iran. There had existed
the kingdoms of Sumer and Akkad, having an ancient mythology of their
own, which was liable to be diversified by the infiltration of Semitic
elements from the south-west. In this region Mani flourished and was
enabled to spread his doctrines, but as soon as he threatened to pervert
the loyal Zoroastrians his downfall was brought about by the resentment
of the Magi. Here also Christianity essayed to penetrate
into Persia, but with the same result, and we possess some details
of the cruel persecution to which Christians were subjected whenever
they came into collision with the established religion of the state.
In some instances, however, Roman heretics, such as the Nestorians who
fled before the face of an orthodox Emperor, were accorded an asylum
in Persia by a politic Shah.
Towards the end of the fifth century a serious ferment
in the ranks of the Zoroastrians themselves was occasioned by the preaching
of a fanatical demagogue named Mazdak. This
reformer aimed at nothing less than a subversion of the existing sociological
status by the induction of a communistic partage of women and property.
All practical class distinctions were thus to be swept away, so that
a level affluence should prevail throughout the land. It appears that
in the early years of his reign Cavades found himself greatly hampered by the arrogant pretensions
of his nobles, wherefore he lent a favourable ear to the new propaganda, and gave public encouragement to Mazdak.
But the power of the throne was unequal for the achievement
of such a revolution; the Magi and the nobles met in council, deposed Cavades, and, with some hesitation conceding
to him his life, caused him to be imprisoned in a stronghold called
the Castle of Oblivion. From this durance he was shortly released through
the devotion of a handsome sister-wife, who seduced the fidelity of
the gaoler by the promise of her person. Being allowed to sleep for
one night in her brother’s apartment, she had him carried out next morning
enrolled in her bed-furniture, for the exemption of which from inspection
she invented a plausible excuse. Cavades now made good his escape to Bactria, where he spent
a couple of years as a guest of the King of the Hephthalites. Ultimately he obtained the loan of an army from that monarch,
with which he drove his brother Jamasp, who
had been created king in the meantime, from the throne. As for Mazdak, it seems that for the next quarter of a century he
was allowed a free hand to propagate his opinions, an attitude of neutrality
being adopted by the Shah and the Magi. His gospel was accepted by an
increasing number of the Iranians, whom he persuaded that his communism
was the only mode of life which accorded with the precepts of Zarathustra.
At length the growing transformation of the social system began to be viewed with alarm; a generation of children had sprung up who were ignorant of their parentage, and in all directions the ownership of property was falling into abeyance. It was resolved, therefore, by the Shah and priests in council that the Mazdakites should be extirpated by the sweeping Oriental device of a general massacre. In order to achieve this object an assemblage of all the members of the sect was convened by Chosroes, the designated heir to the crown, who had ingratiated himself with Mazdak and his disciples under the pretence of being a convert to their doctrines. It was represented that Cavades on a certain day would abdicate in favour of his son, who would at once reinstate the throne on the principle that for the future the Mazdakites should be its chief supporters. The ruse succeeded; Cavades received the leaders in state surrounded by the Magi, asserted his imminent retirement, and desired them to muster their whole following in a place apart. There Chosroes would join them and institute the new régime with due formality. They obeyed,
and were immediately surrounded by a division of the army, who
cut them to pieces. The remnants of the sect throughout the provinces
were afterwards hunted down, and got rid of
by burning at the stake.
The moment we turn our attention to the Persian court, and begin to observe the material and ceremonial attributes
of the monarch, we discover the prototype of almost the whole fabric
of Byzantine state as displayed at Constantinople. In the East was found
the model of those accretions which gradually transformed the unassuming
Roman Emperor of the Tiber into the haughty autocrat who overawed his
subjects with pageantry on the Bosphorus;
but the native sobriety of Europe always stopped short of the pronounced
extravagance and hyperbole of Orientalism.
The throne of the Sassanians stood between four pillars
which upheld a ciborium. On sitting down, the Shahinshah inserted his head into the crown, a mass of precious metal and jewels
suspended by a chain, too ponderous to be worn without extraneous support. No
epithet was too lofty for the Persian monarch to assume in his epistles;
he was brother of the sun and moon, a god among men, and in merely mundane
affairs the King of kings, the lord of all nations, as well as everything
else expressive of unlimited power and success. When he made a progress
out of doors the streets were cleansed and decorated in the manner already
described as customary during the passage of the Eastern Emperor. Personal
reverence was, of course, carried to the extreme point, and even officials
of the highest rank kissed the ground before venturing to address the
Shah. The succession to the throne was strictly hereditary and, although
several revolutions occurred during the four centuries of the Sassanian
rule, in every instance the crown devolved to a prince of the blood
of Ardeshir.
A Persian army of this date was very similar to a Roman
one, but there were some essential differences. With
the exception of the Royal guards, which, like those of the Achaemenians,
included a body of ten thousand, called ‘the Immortals’, and necessary
garrisons, a standing army was not maintained. On each occasion, therefore,
the fighting force had to be levied afresh whenever a campaign was in
prospect, but, as a traditional part of Persian education was that every
youth should be taught to ride and to become an efficient archer, the
new recruits were not necessarily deficient in military training. During
a battle, in fact, they relied chiefly on their missiles, and a Persian
horseman was provided with two bows and thirty arrows. Less importance
was attached to the infantry, but they also consisted of bands of archers.
The cavalry were generally almost as numerous, and in addition a troop
of elephants was often a prominent feature in a Persian army.
The revenue of Persia previous to the sixth century was mainly derived from agricultural industry; and
every inhabitant who cultivated the ground handed over to the state
collectors a tithe of whatever economical growth his land produced. Cavades, however,
from personal observation became impressed with the disadvantages of
this system, which often seriously hampered his subjects in providing
for their daily wants, and deprived them of
the full benefit of the newly ripened crops. Thus the rustic population feared to be accused of falsification
if they ventured to supply their present needs before the arrival of
an official whose duty it was to inspect the produce of the soil and
of the fruit-bearing trees while still in position, and to deliver to
them their note of assessment. Cavades, therefore,
decided on the abolition of tithes in favour of a land-tax, a sweeping
reform, beset with many difficulties, which engaged his attention for
many years, and was only fully established by his successor. With the inhabitants
of towns and villages, who did not subsist by agriculture, the
Persians adopted the usual expedient, in this age, of imposing a poll-tax.
The Sassanian Empire did not distinguish itself in the
realm of art; and the scanty remains which have been discovered indicate
that their architectural productions owed much to Byzantine cooperation.
As temple worship was a minor feature of the Zoroastrian religion, which
consisted almost wholly in forms of private devotion, no ruins pertaining
to buildings of that class have been found; but in several places portions
of dilapidated palaces exist, which enable us to estimate accurately
the artistic proficiency of the Sassanians. The residence of the Shahinshah was a quadrangular edifice built around a central court. Externally
the walls were diversified by two or three superimposed rows of slender
columns, those rising from the ground being much taller than the upper
ranges. The distinctive part of the architectural design was an arched
entrance, wide and lofty, which led into a great domical hall, from
whence small doors gave access to the various chambers of the palace.
All the apartments, at least those of any size, were covered with a
domed roof. To the rather tasteless exterior decoration of these palaces
the remains of an unfinished one discovered at Mashita,
on the edge of the Syrian desert, offers a striking exception. For several
feet from the foundations the walls are covered with an intricate tracing
of carving, in which lions, tigers, and doves, appear entangled amid
the leaves and contorted branches of some luxuriant vegetation. A considerable
number of bas-reliefs have come to light among the ruins of Sassanian
palaces, some of them illustrating the achievements of the dynasty during
its wars with Rome and various powers, others representing hunting scenes
in which are shown the methods of the chase and the magnificence of
the monarch on such occasions amid his attendant throng of courtiers
and guards. The execution of these works cannot be spoken of as art
in the Hellenic sense, but in chiselling the forms of animal life some
approach to excellence may sometimes be noted, especially in the case
of elephants. As for literature, it appears that the Sassanians produced
little or nothing national, with the exception of priestly elaboration of the Mazdean scriptures,
but in the last days of the empire, a crude history under the title
of Shahnamah, that is, a Book of Kings, was compiled.
The first important commission entrusted to Belisarius
by Justinian, after his accession to undivided power, was the construction
of a fort at Mindo, a village on the Roman
frontier between Dara and Nisibis. As soon as the news of this bold
measure was announced to Cavades he determined
to prevent the execution of the work by every means in his power. He
had already dispatched a considerable army under two of his sons through Persarmenia in order to make an incursion
into Lazica. This force he now diverted from its original purpose,
and directed them to march with all speed to the scene of the
offensive operations. Information of the impending attack was immediately
transmitted to the Emperor. He promptly resolved to frustrate it by
a counter-move of a similar kind. The troops posted in the province
of Libanus under the brothers Cutzes and Butzes, two young Thracians, were therefore
ordered to hasten northwards to strengthen the hands of Belisarius.
Their arrival was well-timed, and the Persians found themselves intercepted
before they could make an onslaught against the works. The Orientals
halted and proceeded to encamp themselves methodically over against
the Romans. They then took the precaution to cover their line secretly
with a series of pits, at the bottom of which they fixed stakes, and
afterwards restored the surface so as to give the appearance of unbroken ground. The young
Thracians, rash and inexperienced, neglected to observe the precise
movements of the enemy, nor did they delay to take counsel with Belisarius, but pushed forwards impetuously to join battle
with their opponents as soon as they were able to dispose their forces
in order for an attack. The Persians calmly awaited the assault until
the Byzantines had entered on the treacherous ground,
and became disorganized by falling into the numerous traps which
had been prepared for them. An indiscriminate slaughter then ensued,
most of the officers being killed, but some of them were taken prisoners,
among the latter being Cutzes. No effort could
now avail to save the fort, which was at once abandoned by Belisarius,
who, with the wreck of the army, made good his retreat to Dara.
After this disaster Justinian promoted Belisarius to
the rank of Master of the Forces in the East, and authorized him to levy an army of the greatest possible strength. In
this task he joined with him Hermogenes, Master of the Offices, whom,
with Rufinus, a patrician, he dispatched to the theatre of war. The
latter was well known as a legate at the Persian court, and he was directed
to take advantage of the customary suspension of hostilities during
the winter, which was now at hand, to make overtures to Cavades for the conclusion of a peace. An interchange of propositions on the
subject was kept up for some months, during which the Shah maintained
an equivocal attitude, until, on the approach of spring, scouts brought
in the intelligence that the Persians were advancing with a great army,
evidently counting on the capture of Dara. In a short time a taunting message was brought to Belisarius from Perozes, who was in chief command, charging him to prepare
a bath in the town against his arrival on the following evening. This Perozes was one of the elder sons of Cavades,
and his insolent confidence was inspired by the success of the recent
action, in which he had borne the principal part. His notice was taken
as a serious warning, and the Roman generals at once set about disposing
their forces in order of battle, anticipating a decisive engagement
on the following day. Their army consisted of about 25,000 men, most
of whom were mounted, and they were drawn up within a stone’s throw
of the wall of Dara. Belisarius and Hermogenes, surrounded by their
personal guards, posted themselves in the rear, next to the town. Immediately
in front of them was ranged the main body of their troops, in a long
line, made up of alternating squads of horse and foot. A little in advance
of these, at each end, was stationed a battalion of six hundred Huns.
Such was the centre to which, but at some distance forward, wings were
supplied, each one composed of about three thousand cavalry.
A trench, interrupted at intervals for passage and dipping in to meet
the centre, covered the whole of this formation in front, but excluding
the two bodies of Hunnish horse standing at
each reentrant angle. Lastly, advantage
was taken of a small hill lying on the extreme left to form an ambush
of three hundred Herules under their native
leader, Pharas.
THE BATTLE OF DARAS. AD 530
As soon as the Persian host had established itself on
the field, they were perceived to be much more numerous than the Romans,
amounting to quite forty thousand men. The Mirrhanes,
such was the military title borne by Perozes,
drew up his forces in two lines with the design that when those in front
were exhausted they should be replaced by fresh troops from behind,
the movement to become alternating, if necessary, with intervening periods
of rest for each line. The wings were composed of cavalry, the famous
band of Immortals being stationed on the left, whilst Perozes himself led the van, supported by the heaviest mass of combatants. On
the first day that the armies stood facing each other the Persians’
left wing suddenly improvised a skirmish with those opposed to them,
but retired after a brief collision with the loss of seven of
their number. Later on a Persian youth of great prowess rode into the interspace
and defied any Roman to meet him in single combat. No soldier seemed
inclined to respond, but at length one Andrew, the tent-keeper of Buzes,
lately a trainer of athletes at Constantinople, took up the challenge.
The adversaries charged each other with poised lances, the Persian was
unhorsed, and Andrew, quickly dismounting, cut his throat with a knife.
The Romans shouted with delight, whilst the Persians, chagrined, determined
to retrieve the mischance, and soon presented another champion. A horseman,
middle-aged, but of great weight, advanced cracking his whip and calling
out for some confident opponent. Still no response from the military
on the Roman side. At last Andrew, despite the express prohibition of
Hermogenes, advanced again and braced himself for the encounter. The
pair charged, their lances glanced aside, but the horses crashed against
each other breast to breast, and both animals rolled over on the turf.
The riders essayed to rise, but the athlete anticipated his heavy opponent
and dispatched him before he could regain his feet. It was now almost
nightfall, and both armies withdrew from their positions, the Persians
to their encampment, the Romans within the walls of Dara.
Next day the troops were drawn out on both sides in the
same order, but the Roman generals, relying on the peace proposals,
which they considered to be still in progress, deemed it possible that
a conflict might be avoided. They addressed a letter, therefore, to
the Mirrhanes, representing the uselessness of further bloodshed
at a time when their respective sovereigns were bent on the resumption
of amicable relations. In his answer Perozes accused his adversaries of ill-faith, and declared
his disbelief in the genuineness of their overtures on behalf of peace.
To this Belisarius replied that Rufinus would shortly be at hand with
letters which would convict the Persians of a wanton rupture of their
engagements, and that they should be fixed to the top of his standard
at the outset of the battle. The rejoinder of the Mirrhanes closed the parley; he expressed unbounded confidence,
and reiterated his mocking request that a bath and a suitable
repast should be prepared for him forthwith within the city. His assurance
was, in fact, increased at the moment, for, that very morning, a reinforcement of ten
thousand men had joined him from Nisibis.
As a prelude to the battle the opposing lenders mutually
harangued their men. “The recent encounter”, said the Byzantine generals,
“has taught you that the Persians are not invincible. You are better
soldiers than they, and it is easy to see that on former occasions you
suffered because you disobeyed your officers. The enemy knew it,
and came on here trusting to profit by your want of discipline, but since their arrival they have been awed by your
firm array. You see before you an immense host, but the infantry are
contemptible, wretched rustics, and mere camp-followers, fit only to
dig beneath the walls or to strip the slain. They carry no arms to assault
you with, and merely cover themselves with great shields to avoid our
darts. Bear yourselves bravely, and the Persians will never again dare
to invade our country”. On the other side, Perozes bade his troops to take no heed of the skilful tactics
now first observable among the Romans. “You think”, said he, “that your
adversaries have become more warlike because of this imposing formation.
On the contrary, the ditch they have covered their positions with proves
their increased timidity; nor have they, though thus protected, ventured
to attack us. But never doubt that they will fall into their accustomed
confusion the moment we assault them; and remember that your conduct
will hereafter be judged of by the Shahinshah”.
Shortly after midday the action was begun by the Persian
archers, and until the quivers were exhausted, showers of arrows were
discharged from each side so thick as to darken the sky. The rain of
missiles from the Orientals was heaviest, but an adverse wind rendered
it less effective, so that the Byzantines suffered no more than they
inflicted. On its cessation several thousands of the Persians bore down
on the left wing of the Romans and threw it into disorder. Already the
flight had commenced, when the six hundred Huns held in reserve on that
side charged the left flank of the enemy; and simultaneously the three
hundred Herules, rushing down the slope of
the hill from their ambush, fell upon them behind. Terrified by these
unforeseen attacks the Persians turned and fled indiscriminately, whereupon
the Romans joined in a triple band to take the offensive, and inflicted on them a loss of fully three thousand
before they could reach their own lines. Considering it unwise, however,
to proceed too far, the Romans soon desisted from the pursuit, and retired
to their original positions.
A moment later the Persian left wing, including the whole
regiment of Immortals, made a fierce descent on those opposite them,
and succeeded in beating them back to the wall of Dara. At the sight
of this defeat, however, the Byzantine generals ordered the Hunnish reserve just returned from pursuit to join their fellows of the right
wing, and launched the whole twelve hundred, together with their personal
guards, against the enemy’s flank. As a result that wing of the Persians was cut in two, the after portion being arrested
in its charge, and among these happened to be the standard-bearer, who
was slain on the spot. Alarmed at the collapse of the ensign, those
who were fighting in advance, being the majority, now turned to attack
the mass of troops who had gained possession of the ground in their
rear. The discomfited right wing of the Byzantines, thus freed from
danger, immediately rallied and dashed forward after their lately victorious
adversaries. Simultaneously the general of the Persian wing in
action fell before the lance of one of the leaders of the Roman reserves
and disappeared from his saddle. A panic then seized on the Orientals,
and they thought of nothing but escape by flight. From all sides the
Romans rushed to make an onslaught on them, they became hemmed in by
a circle of steel, and were slaughtered without resistance to the number
of five thousand. A general rout of the Persian army ensued; the infantry,
on seeing the destruction of the cavalry, threw away their shields and
fled, but they were quickly overtaken, so that a great majority of them
perished. Belisarius and his colleague, however, fearing lest the reaction
of despair in so great a host might lead to some disaster, recalled
their forces as soon as they judged the defeat of the enemy to be complete.
Such was the victory of Dara, the achievement of which appears to have
been due mainly to the military talents of Belisarius, whose age at
this date (530) was probably under thirty. For the rest of this war
the Persians always avoided fighting a pitched battle with the Romans.
During the succeeding summer desultory hostilities were
carried on in Armenia, where, as a rule, the Byzantines had the advantage:
and two fortified posts of some importance, Bolum and Pharangium, in the Persian division of
that country, fell into their hands. At the same time three Persarmenians,
who held commands in the Persian service, deserted and fled to Constantinople.
There they were received and provided for by a fellow-countryman of
their own, the eunuch Narses, who at the moment filled the office of Count of the Privy Purse, the same who afterwards
attained to great military celebrity. This part of the war was conducted
by Sittas, who had become the husband of Comito,
the sister of Theodora. He also had been promoted to the rank of a Master
of Soldiers.
In the meantime Justinian was
still desirous of concluding a peace, and towards the close of 530 his
ambassador, Rufinus, succeeded in gaining an audience of Cavades.
In reply to a general appeal the Persian monarch complained bitterly
that the whole responsibility of guarding the Caspian Gates had been
thrown on his shoulders, and that the fortress of Dara was maintained
as a constant threat against his frontier. He also adverted to the fact
that Persia was a poor country, and accused the Romans of penuriousness in money matters. “Either”, said he, “let Dara be dismantled, or pay
an equitable sum towards the upkeep of the Caspian Gates”. He showed
no inclination, however, to agree to any specific terms, and dismissed
the Roman emissaries in the evident expectation that some decisive success
would enable him to dictate the articles of a treaty. He was encouraged
by the fact that he was entertaining at the time several thousand refugees
of the Samaritan sect, who had been driven from their homes in Palestine
by religious persecution. Such internal disorders must lessen the offensive
powers of his rival, whilst the expatriated sectarians were even anxious
to bear arms against their late oppressor.
THE BATTLE OF THE EUPHRATES
In the beginning of spring (531) it became manifest that
the Persians had been maturing a plan of campaign based on a strategical
diversion, by which they hoped to surprise the enemy and possess themselves
of a rich booty before their operations could be arrested. The originator
of the scheme was Alamundar, his Saracenic
ally, who pointed out to Cavades that if a
descent were made on Euphratesia, the overlying province of Syria, they might advance
to the walls of Antioch through a populous district teeming with wealthy
towns but slightly guarded, and totally inapprehensive of their security
being threatened. “Antioch itself”, said he, “the richest city of the
East, is always given over to public festivities and theatrical rivalries,
and is divested of a garrison. Well might we capture it and make good
our retreat to Persia without meeting with a hostile force. In Mesopotamia,
to which the war has been confined hitherto, the enemy is prepared for
us, and we can inflict no damage on them without engaging in a perpetual
series of battles”. His advice was acted upon, and a Persian general, Azarathes, invaded Euphratesia with fifteen thousand horse, supported by a numerous body of Saracenic
auxiliaries.
The news of their entry on Roman territory was speedily
conveyed to Belisarius at Dara, and he resolved to proceed at once by
forced marches to meet the raiders. His army consisted of about twenty
thousand men, including cavalry and infantry, and he moved with such
rapidity that he succeeded in bringing the enemy to a stand at Gabbulae,
before they had had time to commit any serious depredations. Azarathes and Alamundar were taken
aback at this encounter, which falsified all their calculations. They
were devoid of confidence in their power to resist a Roman force, especially
when led by a general who had so lately proved his superiority; and
they, therefore, decided to abandon the expedition and to retrace their
steps with all haste to their own country. Belisarius, on his side,
was well satisfied when he perceived that his adversaries were anxious
only to beat a retreat, and he determined to leave them unmolested,
but to follow their movements until he saw them safely over the border
of the province. The two armies were separated from each other by about
a day’s march, and they proceeded for several days in an easterly direction
along the bank of the Euphrates, which lay to the left of their route.
Each evening the Byzantines spread their tents on the same camping ground
which had been occupied by the Orientals during the previous night.
They began to cross the northern extremity of the Syrian desert. In
the meantime, however, the Roman troops had become inflamed with the
desire to attack an enemy whom they saw constantly flying before them;
and at length they broke into open murmurs against their general who,
from sloth and timidity, they exclaimed, was restraining them from a
glorious success. Belisarius strove to repress their ardor by urging that no fruitful victory was possible under the conditions
present, whereas the enemy, if driven to desperation, might inflict
a defeat which would restore to them their liberty of action, and be
attended with disastrous consequences to the surrounding country. He
also represented to his men that their strength was sapped by incessant
marching, and especially by the fasts imposed on them by the season
of Lent, through which they were passing; finally, that a portion of
the army had not yet arrived.
At last he was overborne by their clamours, in which
many of his officers joined, and even expressed his confidence that
a general could not fail to conquer when in command of troops so eager
to be led into action.
On Easter Eve the Romans overtook the Persians, and the
two armies encamped in sight of each other at a short distance from
the town of Callinicus on the Euphrates. The
day was observed as a strict fast, but nevertheless on the Sunday morning
Belisarius drew out his forces and disposed them in order of battle.
His infantry he placed on the left, so that their flank should be protected
by the river. The centre was composed of cavalry, among whom he took
up his own station, whilst the right wing was allocated to a body of
Saracens under Arethas, a sheikh who had been
induced to become an ally of the Empire as a counterpoise to the power
of Alamundar. On the other side two divisions
only were made, the Persians occupying the right and the Saracens the
left. As usual the engagement was begun by the archers, who consumed
nearly two-thirds of the day in emptying their quivers. The Persians,
however, shot out weakly with relaxed strings, and their darts were
to be seen continually leaping backwards after impinging on cuirasses,
helmets, or shields. But the Byzantine bowmen, though much fewer in
number, were more robust, and almost always succeeded in transfixing
those whom they struck with their arrows. A determined charge on the
Romans by the best troops of the enemy ensued, upon which the tribesmen
led by Arethas, cowed by the superior prestige
of Alamundar, fled almost without striking
a blow. As a consequence Belisarius, with his
cavalry, was surrounded on three sides, and subjected to a fierce attack
which it was impossible to resist. A band of two thousand Isaurians,
who had been among those most eager for a conflict, scarcely dared to
use their weapons, and nearly all of them were slain on the spot. A
large number of the centre, however, exhausted though they were
with fasting, defended themselves strenuously, and inflicted great loss
on their opponents. When at length Belisarius saw that there was no
hope for the residue of his cavalry but annihilation, he drew them off
rapidly to the left, and joined those of the infantry who still held
their ground on the river’s bank. There, with great presence of mind,
he improvised a phalanx, dismounting himself and ordering all his horsemen
to follow his example. With serried shields and projecting lances they
formed an impenetrable mass which every effort of the enemy failed to
break. Again and again the whole body of the
Persian horse rode down upon the bristling phalanx; but the Romans drove
them back with lance thrusts, and so terrified the animals by clashing
their shields, that they shook their riders off. The conflict was only
terminated by nightfall, when the Persians returned to their camp, and
Belisarius, having obtained possession of a ferry-boat, transferred
the remnant of the army to a safe retreat on an adjacent island of the
river. Next day he summoned a batch of transports from Callinicus,
and in a short time all were securely lodged within the town.
Soon after the battle on the Euphrates Justinian recalled
Belisarius to Constantinople and entrusted him with the organization
of an expedition which he contemplated against the Vandals in the west.
The chief command in the east then devolved on Sittas.
As for the Persian generals who had been opposed to Belisarius in the
two leading engagements of the war, they incurred almost equal odium
in the eyes of their royal master. The Mirrhanes was deprived of the rich insignia of an order of nobility which conferred
a dignity second only to that of the throne; whilst Azaratbes,
who claimed the honours of a victorious general on his reappearance
at court, could produce no evidence of his success and, after a muster
of the troops, was upbraided by Cavades for having lost the half of his army.
At this juncture Justinian seems almost to have despaired
of obtaining a peace on any equitable terms from Persia, although he
kept his legates, Rufinus and Hermogenes, on the confines of both empires
in continual readiness to institute negotiations. He began, therefore,
to devise some means of neutralizing the injurious effect of being in
perpetual conflict with his impracticable neighbour. To provoke a hostile
incursion against his antagonist from some remote frontier might force
him to suspend his assaults on the Empire; whilst the serious interference
with Byzantine commerce due to the import of silk across his enemy’s
dominions being in abeyance would disappear if the trade in that indispensable
commodity could be diverted to some friendly route. The geographical
and political situation of Ethiopia or Axum and the amicable relations
of that kingdom with the Empire seemed to satisfy all the conditions
essential to the success of this project.
THE KINGDOM OF AXUM
The civilization of Axum and part of its population had
originally been derived from the Arabian province of Yemen, on the opposite
side of the Red Sea. In the course of time the offspring prospered and
turned upon its parent; and by the middle of the fourth century the
Negus of Axum had become the overlord of his less powerful neighbour,
the king of the Homerites or Himyarites, as the
inhabitants of that district of Arabia were called in this age. Christian
missions began to penetrate these regions shortly after the reign of
Constantine, and at the present time the Axumites were enthusiastic
votaries of that religion and of Rome. Himyar,
however, was full of Jews who had fled before Hadrian and his predecessors
after the subjection of Palestine and the destruction of Jerusalem,
and, therefore, of religious dissension; and the championship of the
Cross more than once furnished an occasion for the Ethiopian despot
to carry his aims into the Arabian kingdom for the maintenance of his
rather precarious suzerainty. Only recently, in the reign of Justin
(c. 524), the Negus of the day, Elesbaas,
had crossed the gulf, expelled a Jewish ruler, and established Esimphaeus, a Christian, in his stead.
To Elesbaas, therefore, Justinian
determined to apply, and forthwith detached an ambassador named Julian
to enlist his aid against Persia. The embassy, provided with a letter
and suitable presents, took ship for Alexandria, navigated the Nile
to Coptos, crossed the desert to Berenice, and from thence sailed
down the Red Sea to Adule. The Negus was transported
with joy as soon as he heard that a party of Roman delegates was approaching
Axum, and advanced from his capital to meet them sustained by all the
excess of barbaric state. He was standing on a lofty car adorned with
plates of gold, which was drawn by four elephants. His guards crowded
around him, each one armed with a pair of gilded spears and a small
gilt shield, and a company of musicians blew with exultant strains on
their shrill pipes. The dusky potentate himself was almost devoid of
clothing proper, but was decked from head to
foot with a profusion of precious ornaments. On his head he wore a white
turban interwoven with gold thread and four golden chains hung from
it on each side. A linen mantle weighted with pearls and golden nails
open in front, flowed from his shoulders; and a kilt seamed with precious
metal was dependent from his girdle. A necklace and bracelets of gold,
with arms similar to those borne by his guards,
completed his equipment.
Julian knelt and presented his letter, but was immediately
bidden to rise, whilst the Negus kissed the seal of the missive, and
listened to its contents as read by an interpreter. He at once promised
compliance with all Justinian’s requests; an army of his vassal Saracens
should march against the Sassanian realm, and the cargoes of silk from
Malabar should be diverted from the Persian Gulf to be discharged at Adule.
THE SIEGE OF MARTYROPOLIS
In the next phase of the war, martial activity centered around Martyropolis, a
fortified town of Roman Armenia, situated on the river Nymphius.
A considerable Persian army, under several veteran generals, beset the
stronghold with all the engines proper to a determined siege in the
warfare of the period. At the same time Cavades,
octogenarian though he was, resolute in his purpose to do all the damage
possible to his adversaries, provoked an artificial irruption of the
Huns into Roman territory, and opened the Caspian Gates to a great host
of those barbarians. At his instigation they carried their depredations
rapidly to the south, and in the autumn of 531 effected a junction with
the Persian forces around Martyropolis. Buzes and Bessas commanded the garrison of the town, but without confidence in their
powers of resistance to the assault; for not only were the
walls easily surmountable in many places, but the beleaguered
were ill supplied with sustenance, and with warlike machines to repel
the assaults of the enemy. Nor had the Byzantines any troops in
the field with whom they could hope to raise the siege; and Sittas, though posted
at only one day’s march from the scene of hostilities, feared to approach
nearer with the slender army at his disposal. From time to time successful sallies were made by
the besieged, and Bessas, who was
a bold cavalry leader, now, as on former occasions, found opportunities
of inflicting considerable loss on the foe; but nevertheless it was felt that a crisis disastrous to the Romans could not long be
delayed. In this impass a stratagem was concerted and carried out
effectively, which blunted the ardour of the siege and eventually saved
the town.
THE PERPETUAL PEACE
In the meantime an event had
occurred which produced an immediate change in the relations of the
two empires, and virtually ended the war before the advent of spring
called for a resumption of hostilities. Early in September Cavades was suddenly prostrated by illness, whereupon he summoned Chosroes,
and caused him to be crowned hastily at his bedside. A few days afterwards
he expired, at the age of eighty-two in the forty-fourth year of His
reign. As usual in Oriental successions the new Shah was unable
to seat himself firmly on the throne without making away with several
of his near relatives who formed a nucleus around whom malcontents might
cluster. Preoccupied, therefore, with his domestic affairs, he was anxious
to be relieved from the onus of a foreign war, and signified shortly to the Roman legates his willingness
to negotiate a treaty. Rufinus was credited with being a peculiarly
grateful personage to Chosroes owing to his having consistently advised Cavades, during his long intimacy with him, to elevate his
third son to the throne. It was also reported that the Persian queen-mother
was in secret sympathy with Christianity and, therefore, used her influence
over her son to promote peaceful relations with the Byzantines. But
the lessons of the war had not been lost on Chosroes, and he felt strong
enough to impose conditions so exacting that the Roman plenipotentiaries
were unable to accept them on their own responsibility. Invasion of
the empire in force had been the distinctive feature of every campaign
and, while Persian territory had been subjected only to some desultory
raids, the brunt of the war had been borne by the Byzantines on their
own ground. Under an obligation to perform the double journey in seventy
days, Rufinus posted to Constantinople to hold a special conference
with Justinian. He returned with a virtual consent to all the effective
demands of Chosroes, and in less than a year after the death of Cavades a treaty was ratified under the reassuring title of
“the Perpetual Peace”. By this convention the substantial captures made
by each party were to be exchanged; the fugitive Iberians were to be
allowed the option of residing peacefully in their own country or of
remaining under the protection of Justinian: Dara was not to be demolished,
but the military Duke of Mesopotamia was to remove his headquarters
from thence to an unimportant town at some distance from the frontier;
and the Caspian Gates were to be left in the sole charge of Persia.
The two last articles were concessions on the part of the Shahinshah,
to counterbalance which the Romans agreed to pay an indemnity of one
hundred and ten centenaries of gold. Rufinus deposited the amount in
specie at Nisibis, and the war was thus terminated with some military
glory to the Byzantines, but with no inconsiderable loss of their material
possessions, which accrued for the most part to the advantage of the
Orientals.
During the whole of this period the barbarians to the
north of the Danube and Euxine were kept in a state of active commotion
by various influences and, if at any moment the countless wild hordes,
who peopled that immense region, could have been moved by a unanimous
impulse to hurl their combined force against the Empire, it seems impossible
but that the Byzantine administration must have succumbed at once and
finally to the irresistible shock. But there were always three forces
in being which co-operated to avert such a catastrophe,
and saved the Empire for many centuries from sudden annihilation.
Its lengthened preservation in this connection was due to the diverse
powers of arms, of wealth, and of religion. Conversion to Christianity
was continually inspiring a proportion of these semi-savage races with
a desire to enter into amicable relations with
the Roman Emperor, in whom they saw the prime source of the mystical
lore which they had just been taught to regard with awe. Rich presents
were dispatched to the most accessible of the barbarian rulers, who
were thus induced to pledge their allegiance to the Byzantine state.
The influence of religion, at the same time conjunctive
and disruptive, has already been exemplified in connection with Lazica
and Iberia; and a couple of nearly similar instances, occurring shortly
after the accession of Justinian, will be noticed explicitly in a future
chapter. An illustration of the advantage derived by the Emperor from
the judicious bestowal of treasure on barbarian potentates is also brought
before us during this war with Persia. Two Hunnish kings, subsidized by Cavades, were on the
march to join the Persian army with an auxiliary force amounting to
twenty thousand men. But a queen of the Sabirian Huns, named Boarex, who had been the recipient
of Justinian’s liberality, was able to put a hundred thousand of her
nation under arms. This martial female did not hesitate to attack her
kindred; but, falling on them before they could reach their destination,
destroyed the expeditionary force, slew one of the leaders, and sent
the other to Constantinople, where he was impaled on the shore at Sycae, by order of the Emperor.
On the Illyrian frontier the Masters of the Forces in
that region were in almost perpetual conflict with barbarian raiders. Previous to 529 the command on the Danube had been entrusted
to Ascum, a Christian Hun, but, being captured
by a marauding band of his own race during a skirmish, he was carried
off and permanently retained by them in their native abodes. He was
succeeded by Mundus, a Gepid of royal race,
who had formerly been in the service of Italy. After the death of Theodoric,
however, he placed his sword at the disposal of Justinian, to whom he
proved a faithful servant not only in the defence of Illyricum, but
shortly afterwards at a critical period of his reign in the capital.
THE SCHOOLS OF PHILOSOPHY AT ATHENS AND THEIR ABOLITION
BY JUSTINIAN
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