CRISTO RAUL. READING HALL THE DOORS OF WISDOM

THE HISTORY OF THE POPES

THE LIFE AND TIMES OF POPE GREGORY I THE GREAT. A.D. 540 – 604

BOOK INTRODUCTORY.

V.

THE MISSION TO ENGLAND

The year 596 is memorable as the date of the inauguration of Gregory’s famous mission to England; the foundation of the Christianity of our Teutonic ancestors, as distinct from the earlier conversion of the Celtic inhabitants of the British islands. Before his accession, during his monastic life, he had conceived the desire of evangelizing in person the heathen invaders of Britain. The story about the slaves in the Roman market-place has been often told. His biographer, John the Deacon, gives it thus: Observing one day some boys with fair complexions, comely faces, and bright flowing hair, exposed for sale, he asked whence they came. Being told “from Britain”, he inquired whether the inhabitants of that island were Christians or pagans. Learning that they were pagans, he heaved long sighs, and said, “Alas that men of such lucid countenance should be possessed by the author of darkness, and that such grace of form should hide minds void of grace within!”. Being told further, in answer to his inquiries, that they were called Angli, “Well so called”, said he, “for they have angelic faces, and should be coheirs in heaven with angels. What is the name of the province from which they come?”. Being told that it was Deira, “Right again”, was his reply, “From the wrath of God (de ira Dei) are they rescued, and called to the mercy of Christ”. Lastly, on hearing that the king of that province was called Aella, he exclaimed, “Alleluiah! the praise of God the Creator must be sung in those parts”.

As to the period of his monastic life in which the incident occurred his biographers differ. John the Deacon, writing in the 9th century, places it before his mission to Constantinople; Paul the Deacon, writing in the previous century, after his return. But they agree as to the facts as above related, and as to what immediately followed. He went at once (we are told) to the Pope (Benedict according to John, Pelagius according to Paul), and implored leave to attempt in person the conversion of the English, which was reluctantly granted He set out without delay, accompanied by some of his monks, without the knowledge of the Roman people. But they, when his departure became known, were greatly perturbed, and, dividing themselves into three companies, assailed the Pope as he went to church, crying “with a terrible voice”, “Ah! what hast thou done? Thou hast offended St. Peter, thou has destroyed Rome, since thou hast sent away Gregory!”

Whereupon the Pope, greatly alarmed, sent with all possible speed to recall him to Rome. He meanwhile had already made a three days’ journey, and was reading at midday while his companions rested, when a locust settled on his book. Being still, it seems, in a vein for playing on words, he took this as an omen, and, calling his friends, said to them, “Locusta signifies loco sta (stay where you are), and portends that we are not allowed to continue our journey; but rise and saddle the beasts, and let us haste on our way as far as we may”. As he spoke, the messengers arrived, their horses foaming and tired, and took him back to Rome. In the earlier part of 596, when he had been for six years Pope, we find the first evidence of his still having his project for the conversion of England at heart. For he wrote at that time to Candidus, a priest sent to superintend the papal patrimony in Gaul, directing him to use part of the revenue in the purchase of English youths, of the age of 17 or 18 years, to be educated in monasteries, intending them, we may suppose, as missionaries to their own country­men. The long-cherished design he at length carried out in earnest, through the mission of the monk Augustine later in the same year.

STATE OF THE CHURCH IN GAUL.

Before giving an account of this important mission, some notice of his relations to the Church in France, through which country the mission passed, and to the magnates of which it was commended, may be here suitably introduced. The Franks had, since 486, been masters of the greatest part of Gaul. The conversion of Clovis, king of the Salian Franks, to Catholic Christianity, about the year 496, has been alluded to in our first chapter. Subsequent conquests by him and his descendants had subjected to the Frank empire not only France, but the western and central parts of Germany, besides Bavaria, Burgundy, and perhaps Swabia. The Catholicity of the princes of the house of Clovis, commonly called the Merovingian dynasty, led them to support and patronize the Church that had from early times been founded in Roman Gaul, and to endow it richly, while they took measures to extirpate as they could all lingering heathenism. But their patronage involved domination. While they valued the support and the prayers of bishops and abbats, and enlarged the powers of the former, they regarded them as vassals with respect to their temporalities; they allowed no bishop to be elected without their own confirmation, and usually made the appointments themselves, often nominating laymen out of favoritism, or selling the appointment to the highest bidder; no synods could assemble without their leave; and altogether they exercised a large control, and sort of feudal suzerainty, over the Church which they supported.

The authority of the Bishop of Rome was acknowledged and accepted by them, but he could ordinarily exert but little direct control, and was dependent for its exercise on the royal pleasure. Further, the character of these princes, with regard both to immorality and violent atrocities, was generally very bad, notwithstanding their Christianity: the records of their period reveal little more than a succession of crimes. Such was the state of things with which Gregory had to deal; and he omitted no opportunity of influence, carrying on a correspondence with the several reigning sovereigns, and with prelates in their dominions. His letters to the former were conceived with characteristic prudence. To have dictated, or addressed them in a tone of authority, might have defeated his end; he therefore uses the language of courteous exhortation and of compliment, recognizing their authority over their subjects, ecclesiastical as well as lay, and endeavoring to utilize the royal power for ecclesiastical purposes. His tone in addressing one of these potentates especially, Brunehild (or Brunhaut), has been charged against him as an instance of culpable adulation, considering the character of the person addressed.

She governed Austrasia, i.e. the eastern or German part of the empire, during the minority of her son Childebert II, and was again the virtual ruler of both Austrasia and Burgundy, when on the death of Childebert (596) his two sons, Dielbert and Dietrich, had these kingdoms respectively assigned to them. It is true that this princess has had advocates in modern times, who have endeavored to vindicate her from the charge of crimes of peculiar magnitude; but the general verdict of historians is against her.

It was, indeed, after Gregory’s death that her profligate conduct called forth the strong reproof of St. Columban, who was then in Burgundy, for which he incurred her bitter enmity, and was banished the kingdom after imprisonment. And it is true that Gregory of Tours commends her character, as well as her abilities, in the earlier years of her life. But it is conceived that Gregory must in his time have known too well what she was at the time when he wrote to justify such addresses as, for instance: “We give thanks to Almighty God, who, among the other gifts of His goodness bestowed on your Excellency, has so filled you with love of the Christian religion that whatever you know to be conducive to the propagation of the faith you cease not to effect with devout mind and pious zeal”.

Again: “Among your other excellencies this is chief, that, in the midst of the waves of this world which are wont to perturb the minds of rulers, you so apply your heart to the love of divine worship as if no other care troubled you. Hence we declare the nation of the Franks to be happy beyond all other nations in being blessed with a queen so endowed with all good gifts”.

 He had regard, doubtless, in such praises, to her support of the Church and the Catholic faith, and probably to her outward acts of devotion: whatever crimes she might be guilty of had either not reached his ears, or were judiciously ignored by him, according to his policy (which was one of his characteristics) of conciliating the powers of the world by deference and compliment, if he could so enlist them in the cause of good. Another point to be noted in this regard is his habit of thus gaining influence especially over royal ladies, the possibilities of whose influence on others he was fully alive to. He knew how Clotilda had been the means of converting Clovis to Catholicity; and he felt that female influence might be in other cases powerful. Nor were his anticipations unfulfilled. Hence his continued and affectionate correspondence with the Lombard Theodelinda, as well as with the less worthy Brunehild, his letters to the Empress Constantina, and afterwards, as will be seen, to Bertha, queen of Kent, and Leontia, the wife of the Emperor Phocas. If, in the case of Brunehild, and still more in his addresses to Phocas and Leontia, which will be noticed afterwards, he is liable to the charge of adulating those whom he must have known to be unworthy, it was, we may suppose, that in such cases the wisdom of the serpent was in excess of the simplicity of the dove; and, with regard to Brunehild, it is to be remembered, that dealing with the Frank potentates was a critical matter, in which adroit diplomacy was required.

It was in 595, when his relations with Constantinople and the Eastern Church were at the worst, that he seized an opportunity of strengthening his connection with the Church in the Frank dominions, a connection of more importance in its ultimate results than any with the waning empire of the Caesars. In this year King Childebert sent to request the pallium for Virgilius, bishop of Arles. This voluntary demand for a renewal of the old dependence of the see of Arles, and through it of the Church in Gaul, on the Roman see, was most welcome to Gregory. He at once complied, sending at the same time a cordial letter to Childebert, constituting the bishop of Arles his vicar, “according to ancient custom and the desire of your excellency”, and desiring the king in return to support the authority of Virgilius, and “for the sake of God and St. Peter”, to cause the ordinances of Rome to be observed throughout his kingdom, “so far (he prudently adds) as they fall in with the opinion of your laudable excellency”. He took the opportunity also of speaking strongly against the promotion of laymen to bishoprics, and against the simony, said to be prevalent in France, and implored the king, as he loved his own salvation, to rectify such abuses. He wrote also to Virgilius, and to all the bishops of Childebert’s kingdom, exhorting the latter to obedience, and the former to zeal, combined with humility and prudence. He is directed to assemble synods of bishops as occasion might require, and to refer any matter on which they could not agree to Rome. Especially he is urged to use his utmost endeavors to obtain from the king the utter extirpation of the crying evils of simony and the promotion of laymen. Against the first of these abuses he is unremitting in his denunciations, comparing it to that of the money-changers in the Temple: of the second he uses the following illustrations:

“We know that newly-built walls do not receive the weight of a roof till they have had time to dry, lest, if they are burdened before being solidified, the whole fabric should fall to the ground. And when we cut trees for a building, we wait for the moisture of their viridity to be dried out, lest, if the weight of the building be imposed on them while yet fresh, they be bent from their very newness, and break down the more speedily from being immaturely raised on high. Why, then, is not the same principle nicely observed in dealing with men, which is so carefully considered in the case of wood and stone?”.

In the following year (596) he sent the priest Candidus (as has been already mentioned) for the management of the patrimony in Gaul, with letters of commendation to the royal potentates, probably intending him to be (as such functionaries were elsewhere) his general agent and informant with respect to Church affairs. He continued to write urgently to Brunehild and Childebert, and especially to the former, as well as to bishops, pressing on them the reform of the still-continued abuses before complained of, the correction of clerical immorality, the suppression of heathenism, and the convening of a general synod for the purposes in view. He endeavored to move the royal potentates to action by appeals to their sense of temporal and spiritual advantage, as well as by flattering phrases, saying, for instance, on one occasion to Brunehild, “May your Excellency deign to comply willingly with what we desire, that the blessed Peter, the prince of apostles, to whom the power of binding and loosing has been given by Christ, may both grant to your Excellency to have joy in your off­spring here, and to be found, after a course of many years, absolved from all evils before the face of the Eternal Judge”. In 599 he sent Cyriacus, abbat of the monastery of St. Andrew's at Rome, commissioned to bring about the assembly of the long-desired synod, which was to be presided over by Syagrius, bishop of Autun, to whom, at Brunehild’s request, he had already sent the pallium, and who was apparently selected as likely to have influence with the ruling powers. He renewed at the same time his urgent appeals to Brunehild and her royal grandsons, and to the bishops in general. The synod, however, never assembled. The evils to be remedied were too closely bound up with worldly interests, and the Frank rulers were still too independent of spiritual domination, for Gregory to realize at that time the plans for organization and reform which he had so much at heart. But his labors were not without important fruits: they established the theory of the primacy of Rome over the Church of the rising Empire of the West, and paved the way for the ecclesiastical independence and papal supremacy of a later age. Not least important among his measures towards this end—important beyond the range of his foresight at the time—was the mission which will come next under our review, undertaken at the time with no ulterior purpose, but out of motives of pure philanthropy—the mission through France to England. For the closer dependence of the English Church on Rome, to whom it owed its birth, could not but have an influence on the churches of the Continent; and especially it was the English Boniface, than whom the popes had never a more devoted son, who afterwards brought the remaining heathen into the fold, and strengthened the Roman obedience among the German races.

THE MISSION OF AUGUSTINE.

The establishment of the relations above detailed with the Church and rulers of France probably suggested to Gregory, in 596, that circumstances were now favorable for speeding a mission through the country, so as to realize his old design of the evangelization of England, especially as a daughter of the Frank king Charibert had now been married to King Ethelbert of Kent, and had already her church and priest in his heathen kingdom, with the free exercise of her own religion. From what has been said above, it is evident that in this last circumstance Gregory could perceive a peculiarly hopeful opening. Augustine, prior of St. Andrew's monastery, of which Gregory had been founder and abbat, was selected as the head of the mission, being intended also as bishop in case of its success. Other monks were associated with him, and he was instructed to avail himself also of the services of any clergy in Gaul whom he might approve of, if willing to join him. For the furtherance of this end, and by way of commending the mission generally to royal favour, he charged them with letters t0 the kings Theodoric (or Thierri) and Theodebert, and to Queen Brunehild, and also to Virgilius, bishop of Aries (whom he had constituted, as has been already seen, his legate in Gaul), and to other bishops and influential persons. After temporary delay, owing to Augustine having turned faint-hearted on the road, and returned to Rome to beg the Pope to give up his project, on which he had been sent back with letters of encouragement to his colleagues,—the missionaries landed at length on the isle of Thanet, were admitted into Canterbury, were favourably received by King Ethelbert, and thus commenced their labours. It does not fall within the scope of this life to pursue the history of the mission; but it is of importance for the illustration of our hero's character, to notice particularly the part he took in its direction and support.

After the baptism of Ethelbert, the general conversion of his subjects in Kent, who soon followed the example of their king, and the consecration of Augustine as bishop by the Bishop of Arles, according to Gregory's original intention in the event of success, the cheering news was sent to Rome through Laurentius the priest, and Peter the monk, who were dispatched for the purpose. At the same time, Gregory's directions were requested on a number of questions on which Augustine had doubt. This request elicited a long reply, which is of peculiar interest. In the first place, we find a letter of congratulation to Augustine, in which, while thanks are returned to Heaven for the wonderful success reported, he is warned against personal elation on the ground of the miracles which had accompanied his preaching. He is reminded of the judgment on Moses for his sin when he brought water out of the rock, and of our Lord’s reply to His disciples when they reported that even the devils were subject to them; and fear is expressed lest he should think more of his own glory than of his election and of the general salvation of souls.

Now the miracles of Augustine are alluded to as known facts, about which there was no doubt and the question naturally arises, what view we are to take of them. St. Gregory has been charged with superstition, with silly credulity, or with a spice of knavery, for giving such ready credence, or affecting to do so, not only to the reported miracles of Augustine, but also to countless others, recorded especially in his Book of Dialogues. The Protestant Mosheim speaks of him as combining with “a sound and penetrating judgment” in some cases “the most shameful and superstitious weakness”, and calls him “this good but silly pontiff”. Gibbon, though on the whole laudatory, describes him as “a singular mixture” of “simplicity and cunning”, of “sense and superstition”; and in his refined sneering tone remarks, “the credulity, or the prudence, of Gregory was always disposed to confirm the truths of religion by the evidence of ghosts, miracles, and resurrections”. But do not such censures betray a want of comprehension of him and of his age? Nothing is less philosophical than to judge men of the past by the standard of ideas current in one's own day. First, we may observe that to thorough believers in the miracles of the New Testament their continuance or recurrence cannot appear a priori improbable. To them it is simply a question of evidence whether they did continue or not. To us the evidence of their continuance appears manifestly insufficient; but it is not so much the lack of evidence as the widespread theory of our day adverse to all miracles whatever (which in so many minds is undermining faith even in those of the Biblical record) that is at the bottom of the utterly contemptuous rejection of all later ones, which is now thought the mark of an enlightened mind. In estimating, therefore, the mental attitude of Gregory and others of his age, we must dismiss from our minds modern scientific notions about the fixed uniformity of the laws of nature, which require even Scriptural miracles to be accounted and apologized for as something quite exceptional. In that earlier age such notions were unknown to the believing Christian.

The supernatual order of things, testified to by evangelists and apostles, was attended to him by no intellectual difficulties, and its continuance seemed to him more likely than its sudden cessation. Nor was it an age of scientific sifting of evidence: the proofs demanded by modern inductive science were not demanded then; little was required to satisfy people that what was thought likely to happen had actually happened. Further, the infectious enthusiasm of the monastic movement had introduced visions and marvels into the general world of thought; the air was full of them, and it would be thought impious to impugn the experience of those who were accounted saints. The consequence was, that, wherever there were saintly monks and religious fervour, miraculous incidents were both looked for and perceived. There may doubtless have been imposture in some cases, since where there is a general demand for anything in excess of the supply, people will usually be found to manufacture counterfeits. But to attribute the main supply to monastic knavery is to read the records of the period with a very prejudiced and undiscerning eye. Most of the incidents on record, supposed to be miraculous, may now be accounted for by the prevalent state of feeling and expectancy above described, under which a miraculous color could be given to remarkable natural events, objective reality would be assigned to mental impressions, and exaggeration in accordance with preconceived ideas would rapidly affect narratives. Nor ought we to leave out of our account the remarkable and abnormal phenomena that are known actually to occur—in the way, for instance, of recovery from disease,—where there is unusually strong faith, and especially where crowds are actuated by infectious enthusiasm. Such, then, seems to be the most probable explanation of the wonders spoken of; and, if so, it is evident that Gregory cannot be justly accused of either silliness or insincerity in avowing his full belief in their supernatural character. Being a fervently religious man of the age he lived in, he could hardly help believing. Disbelief in him would have been an anachronism. And all must allow that, in his letter to Augustine, he at any rate assigns to such wonders their true value, and does not exaggerate their importance. “Not all the elect”, he writes, “work miracles, and yet the names of all of them are written in heaven. And the disciples of truth should have joy in that good only which they have in common with all, and in which there will be no end of their joy”.

 Again, “Through signs the gain of souls is be sought, and His glory by whose powerthe very signs are wrought. But the Lord hath given us one sign in which we may exceedingly rejoice, and recognize the glory of election in ourselves, saying, ‘In this shall it be known that ye are My disciples, if ye have love one to another’. Which sign the prophet required when he said, 'Show me, Lord, a sign for good, that they which hate me may see it and be confounded”.

ANSWERS TO AUGUSTINE'S QUESTIONS.

The questions of Augustine were eleven in number. The chief ones follow, with summaries of the answers to them:—

I. How ought bishops to live with their clergy, and how ought the offerings of the faithful at the altar to be distributed? Answer: It is the custom of the Apostolic See to instruct all bishops to make a fourfold division of the revenue accruing to them: for the maintenance of their own households and of hospitality; for the clergy; for the poor; and for repairing churches. But, since you, being a monk, ought not to live apart from your clergy, you must in England return to the primitive system of having all things in common.

II. May clerks who cannot contain be allowed to marry; and, if they marry, ought they to return to the world? Answer: Clerks not in holy orders may marry, if they have not a gift for celibacy, and receive their stipends separately, continuing still under ecclesiastical rule and supervision.

III. There being but one faith, what is to be done with regard to the great difference of customs in different churches? The churches of Gaul, for instance, celebrate mass differently from the Roman Church. Answer: You are familiar with the custom of the Roman Church in which you have been nurtured; but I desire you to select diligently whatever things you find most pleasing to Almighty God, pious, religious, and right in all churches, and collecting them as it were into a bundle, introduce them into the custom of the infant Church of England. For things are not to be loved for places, but places for the good things found in them.

IV. How are robbers of churches to be dealt with? Answer: Differently in different cases. For some steal to supply want, others though not in need. Wherefore some are to be punished by fines, others by stripes; and some more severely than others. But even when the treatment is somewhat severe, it should be administered with charity; in the spirit in which good fathers correct their children, whom they still intend to make their heirs. And in no case must more than restitution of what was stolen be demanded; for God forbid that the Church should make worldly profit out of her losses.

V. May two brothers marry two sisters? Answer: Yes. There is no prohibition of such marriages in Scripture.

VI. Within what degree of consanguinity may marriage be allowed? Answer; The Roman civil law allows marriage of first cousins. But it is found to have bad results with regard to offspring; and the general rule of Scripture is against it. Marriage, then, within the third or fourth degree, is to be prohibited: and it is manifestly impious for a man to marry his stepmother.

VII. Should converts who have married within the prohibited degrees be separated and denied communion? Answer: Those who have so married while still in heathenism are to be warned to abstain from intercourse lest they incur eternal torments for temporal enjoyment. But they are not on this account to be debarred from communion. For the Church in some cases best suppresses evils by forbearance and toleration. But, after baptism, such marriages are to be forbidden under pain of privation of communion.

VIII. May a bishop ever be ordained by a single bishop, when others cannot easily be got together? Answer; Being so far the only bishop in England, you must of necessity ordain alone, unless bishops from Gaul should ever come to you, in which case they must assist. But I desire you to ordain bishops in England at no great distance from each other, so that in future three or four may always be assembled for the ordination of others.

IX. How are we to deal with the bishops of Gaul and Britain? Answer: I give you no authority over the bishops of Gaul, who have of old been subject to the Metropolitan of Arles. Should you, however, be in Gaul, and find the Bishop of Arles remiss in discipline, you may endeavor to inflame his zeal by gentle persuasion and example, taking care not to assume authority. Over all British bishops we give you full authority.

The remaining questions refer mainly to certain causes of impurity, real or supposed; as to whether people should be debarred on account of them from church or communion. Gregory answers variously. As to many of them he says that, being natural and unavoidable, or falling under no distinct law of prohibition, they are not to exclude from church privileges, though persons are not blamed who on such grounds, out of reverence, absent themselves. The whole series of replies is a remarkable instance of clearness and readiness of judgment, and also of moderation and good sense. Had Augustine, in his dealings with the British bishops, taken more heed to the view expressed of the variability of rites and customs, and acted generally more in his master's spirit of accommodation and forbearance than Bede repre­sents him to have done, it may be that the ancient British Church might have submitted to his control, and the long schism that ensued been avoided.

LETTER TO MELLITUS.

Gregory sent also at this time to Augustine a pall, in token of metropolitan jurisdiction, together with books, vestments, sacred vessels, ornaments and relics, for the use of churches, and a reinforcement of missionaries; among whom were Justus, Paulinus, and Rufinianus. Further, he gave him a sketch of his intended organization of the English Church, which was eventually carried out in its main features, and has continued to our own day, though Canterbury, as the original seat of the mission, never came to be superseded by London, as was at first intended. According to this scheme, there were to be two metropolitan sees, in the north and the south, at London and York, each with twelve suffragans under them: York was to be subject to London during Augustine's life, but independent after his death, while to him were to be subjected all existing British bishops. This last provision failed, as is well known, through the Britons refusing to admit the authoritative claims, asserted apparently with injudicious imperiousness, of the new emissary of Rome. Afterwards to the abbat Mellitus, who had also been sent from Rome, Gregory addressed a remarkable letter, singular; for its spirit of prudent accommodation. Mellitus, being still in France, is instructed to warn Augustine, on his arrival in England, not to destroy the heathen temples, but to consecrate them for Christian use by holy water, erection of altars, and deposition of relics; that so any unnecessary shock to the feelings of the natives might be avoided, and they might be the more ready to worship the true God, if they could do so in their accustomed fanes. Further, their old sacrificial feasts are only to be changed in character, not abolished. On the days of the dedication of their temples as churches, and on the festivals of the saints whose relics had been placed in them, the people are to erect booths of branches round the buildings, and there feast on the animals they had formerly sacrificed to demons, keeping solemn festival, and giving thanks to the Creator. "For," the letter proceeds, "it is obviously impossible to cut off everything at once from hard minds ; since he who would reach the top of a hill must ascend step by step, not by jumps. So the Lord, when he made Himself known to the Israelites in Egypt, reserved to His own worship the same sacrifices as they had been used to offer to devils: the same animals were retained, yet the sacrifices were not the same, being thenceforth offered to God."

The messengers, Laurentius and the monk Peter, who returned from Rome with the aforesaid replies to Augustine, carried also letters to Queen Bertha and King Ethelbert. To this effect Gregory wrote to the queen: “We have been informed what kindness and charity your Glory has displayed towards our most reverend brother and fellow-bishop Augustine, and how God has graciously granted the conversion of the English nation as your reward. You have been to the English what Helena, the mother of Constantine, was to the Romans. But you ought already to have brought your influence further to bear on our glorious son your consort, so that through him the conversion of the whole English nation may be brought about. With your sound faith and literary accomplishments you ought to find this task neither slow nor difficult. Delay not then to strengthen your glorious husband's love of the gospel by continual exhortation, and inflame his zeal for a complete conversion of the whole nation. So may the good things spoken of you be found in all respects true, and increase. You are already known and prayed for at Rome, nay your fame has reached Constantinople and even the ears of the most serene emperor: your Christianity already fills us on the earth with joy: so strive that for your perfected work there may be joy among the angels in heaven." The following is the purport of the letter to the king:

“For this end does the Almighty exalt good men to rule over nations, that through them He may bestow the gifts of His grace on their subjects. Take this view of your position, my glorious son; hasten to spread the Christian faith in your dominions: put down idolatry, overthrow heathen buildings; by exhortations, terrors, blandishments, corrections, and example, build up your people in great purity of life. So may He whose kingdom you shall have extended on earth reward you in heaven, and make your name glorious to posterity. You have with you Augustine the bishop, thoroughly instructed in monastic rule, full of sacred knowledge, and abounding in good works. Listen to his admonitions, remember them, and act upon them. So will God the more readily hear his prayers in your behalf. For how could God hear him for you, should you refuse (which God forbid) to hear him for God? Throw yourself therefore into the fervor of his zeal, and support him in all his efforts. Further we would have your Glory know that we learn from the Lord's own words in Holy Scripture that the end of the present world is now at hand, and the eternal reign of the saints about to begin. As the day approaches, there will be extraordinary events;— changes in the air, terrors from heaven, seasons out of natural order, wars, famines, pestilences, earthquakes in divers places. All will not come in our day; all will come soon. Whatever signs of this kind you perceive in your land, regard them as signs of the end, warning us to be solicitous for our souls, and prepared for judgment. I write but shortly of these things now: I will explain them more at length when your nation is more extensively converted; for then I shall be more disposed to write with no reserve. I send you a few small presents in token of friendship, which will not be small to you, since you receive them from me with the blessing of the blessed Apostle Peter. Almighty God preserve and perfect His grace begun in you, and after a long life here, receive you in the congregation of the heavenly country!”

These two letters are strikingly illustrative of Gregory's shrewd and delicate diplomacy in addressing potentates; appealing to motives likely to be cogent in each case, and taking care to commend his exhortations by the introduction of gratifying compliments. And indeed his whole recorded action in instituting and controlling the English mission affords a good example, not only of his unceasing zeal for the propagation of the faith, but also of his watchful eye, his mastery of details, his perception of the circumstances to be dealt with, his fine judgment and good sense. The main point in which he failed of his purpose, and in which he has been censured by some, is his design of subjecting the ancient independent British Church to the Roman see, which has been often adduced as an instance of unjustifiable papal aggression. But this design was in accordance with the view he sincerely held of the universal supremacy of St. Peter's chair and he probably anticipated no such resistance as ensued from the remote and friendless Britons. Nor, considered apart from the question of the legitimacy of the authoritative claim, was the design in itself either unwise or hopeless. It was surely a wise policy to endeavour to amalgamate the old Celtic churches of these islands into the united commonwealth of Western Christendom. Had they remained permanently isolated, under the domination, without appeal, of half-civilized kings and chieftains, it is difficult to imagine for them a prosperous or healthy future. And that the scheme was in itself feasible is shown by the fact that it appears to have been mainly Augustine's impolitic stiffness which prevented its immediate realization with regard to the Britons in Wales, and that it was accomplished in due time, though not in the days of Gregory.

THEODELINDA AND THE LOMBARDS.

After the above account of Gregory's dealings with the Church among the Franks, and his missionary work in Britain, we may fitly introduce his action in regard to religious matters with his nearer neighbors the Lombards, over whom also he gained influence through correspondence with a Catholic queen. His political relations to this formidable nation have already been noticed; and it has appeared how, through Theodelinda, the wife of King Agilulph, the latter had twice been induced to withdraw for a time from the Roman territory, and conclude a peace. The Lombards, as has been said, were Arians, and spoken of originally as violently prejudiced. But she was a Catholic Christian, being the daughter of Garibald, the Catholic king of Bavaria. It was to her that King Agilulph was indebted for his crown; for she had been the widow of the former king, Antharis, who had died without issue, and whose subjects had decided upon accepting as king the second husband whom she might choose. She selected Agilulph, duke of Turin, who thus became king of the Lombards. Thus the circumstances of her position would be likely to give her influence over her Arian husband, while the confidence placed in her after the former king's death implies that she was one whose character commanded esteem. We may be sure, from what we have seen of Gregory, that he would not let slip such an opportunity of obtaining a footing for the true faith; and accordingly we find him keeping up a correspondence with her in his affectionate and courtly style, and urging her to influence the king. In a letter, for instance, of thanks and congratulation addressed to her on the conclusion of peace through her influence in 599, he adds the following admonition: “Saluting you with paternal love, we exhort you so to deal with your most excellent consort that he may not reject the society of the Christian republic. For, as we believe you also know, it will be in many ways useful, if he should be willing to embrace its friendship. Do you, therefore, after your manner, be zealous for whatever tends to the reconciliation of parties, and, wherever there is a prospect of reward, labour to commend your good works more fully before the eyes of Almighty God”. He wrote on the same occasion to Agilulph himself, thanking him for the peace concluded, and requesting him to provide for its continuance; but, with characteristic tact, avoids allusion to the delicate subject touched on in his communication to the queen. It is about this date (599) that the king’s conversion to Catholicity, followed by that of a great part of his subjects, is believed to have been at length effected through the influence of Theodelinda, which is said to have brought about a general rebuilding of churches and monasteries which had been destroyed in the Lombard ravages, and the restoration of banished Catholic bishops to their sees. After this, we do not read of any more hostile invasions during the reign of Gregory. And thus we have one more instance of the wisdom of his appreciation of the power of female piety or zeal, and of his policy in cultivating and utilizing the influence of queens. Three queens, Clotilda, Bertha, and Theodelinda, are especially memorable in history as having been the instruments of the conversion of kingdoms, the unbelieving or misbelieving husbands being won by the conversation of the wives, and two of them were moved and influenced by St. Gregory.

BOOK INTRODUCTORY.

VI.

ACCESSION OF PHOCAS