READING HALLTHE DOORS OF WISDOM |
A HISTORY OF MODERN EUROPE : A.D. 1453-1900CHAPTER XL.
THE WAR OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION
THE question of
the Spanish Succession, the chief motive for concluding the somewhat
disadvantageous Peace of Ryswick, engrossed, towards the close of the
seventeenth century, the attention of European statesmen. An attack of tertian
fever, in 1697, had still further shattered the feeble constitution of Charles
II; and though he survived three or four years a disorder which had threatened
to be fatal, the effects of it at length brought him to the tomb. Feeble both
in body and mind, his life had been nothing but a protracted malady, in which
the last descendant of the Emperor Charles V seemed to typify the declining
kingdom over which he reigned.
The majority of
Charles II had been fixed at the age of fifteen, and the first act of his
accession had been a kind of revolution. Maria Anna, the Queen Dowager, after
the expulsion of Niethard had created
Valenzuela a Marquis and grandee of the first class, and at length made him
prime minister; while Don John of Austria was condemned to a sort of banishment
in his governments of Aragon and Catalonia. But in 1677, when Charles II
attained his majority, he recalled John to Court; the Queen was shut up in a
convent at Toledo, and Valenzuela banished to the Philippine Islands. Don
John’s administration, however, did not answer to the opinion which had been
formed of his abilities. He found Spain involved in a ruinous war with France,
which he was forced to terminate by acceding to the humiliating Peace of Nimeguen; and he further alienated the affections of the
Spaniards, who detested the French, by negotiating a marriage between Charles
II and Maria Louisa of Orleans, niece of Louis XIV. This union, which was
celebrated at Quintanapulla, in October, 1679,
he did not live to see. He died in the preceding month, in his fiftieth year,
worn out, it is said, by chagrin at his unpopularity and by the anxiety
occasioned by the machinations of the Queen's friends. The Queen Dowager was
now recalled; but, having grown cautious from her late misfortunes, took but
little part in the conduct of affairs. The young King, who was himself
incapable of business, successively entrusted the administration to a secretary
named Eguia, to the Duke of Medina Celi, the Counts of Oropesa and Melgar, the Dukes of Sessa and Infantado, and the Count of Monterey; but these ministers,
though differing in talent, all proved unequal to the task of raising Spain
from the misery into which she was sunk, which was aggravated, not only by bad
fiscal measures, but also by the natural calamities of earthquakes, hurricanes,
inundations, and famines. The death of Charles II's wife, Maria Louisa, in
1689, and his marriage the following year with Mary Ajine,
of Neuburg, a sister of the Empress, naturally
tended to draw him under the influence of the Austrian Court; especially as
Mary Anne, after the death of the Queen Dowager, in 1696, obtained more
undivided sway over her husband. This circumstance favoured the
Imperial claims to the Spanish succession; but in order to understand that
question, and the politics of the different parties concerned in it, we must
here give an account of the origin of their claims.
The three
principal claimants were, first, the Dauphin of France, as son of the elder
sister of Charles II; second, Joseph Ferdinand, the Electoral Prince of
Bavaria, as grandson of his second sister; and third, the Emperor Leopold. The
Emperor at first claimed, as male representative of the younger branch of the
House of Austria, being descended from Ferdinand, second son of Philip and
Joanna of Castile; and he alleged, in support of his claim, the family
conventions entered into by the House of Austria; by which, if the males of one
branch became extinct, the succession was to pass to the males of the next
branch, to the exclusion of females, who could not succeed except in default of
heirs male of all the branches. But as it was replied, that particular arrangements
among members of the House of Austria could not abrogate the fundamental laws
of Spain, by which direct female heirs were preferred to collateral male heirs,
Leopold withdrew this argument and substituted another claim in right of his
mother, Maria Anna, daughter of Philip III of Spain, who had done no act to
invalidate her succession to the Spanish Crown.
In preferring this
claim, Leopold became the rival of his own grandson, the Electoral Prince of
Bavaria. Leopold had married for his first wife, Margaret, second daughter of
Philip IV of Spain, and younger sister of Maria Theresa, Queen of Louis XIV;
and as Margaret had made no renunciation of the Spanish Crown, and had been
named among his heirs by Philip IV, she seemed to have a preferable title to
her elder sister. Leopold had had by her an only daughter, Mary Antoinette, now
dead, who had married Max Emanuel, Elector of Bavaria, and had had by him
Joseph Ferdinand, the Electoral Prince in question, who, if the rights of his
mother were admitted, was entitled to the Spanish throne. But Leopold, to guard
against any claim which might divert the Spanish Succession from the House of
Austria to that of Bavaria, had caused his daughter to execute an act of
renunciation at the time of her marriage, which, however, had never been
ratified either by the King of Spain or by the Cortes.
It was plain,
however, that a question of such vast European importance would not be decided
by the strict rules of hereditary succession, but must become a subject of negotiation,
and even of war. The European Powers would hardly stand quietly by and see the
vast dominions of Spain annexed to the already overgrown power of the Emperor;
and Leopold, to evade this objection, transferred his claim to the Archduke
Charles, his second son by his marriage with Eleanor Magdalene, Princess
Palatine of Neuburg : his eldest son
Joseph, by the same marriage, having been elected King of the Romans, in 1690,
and thus destined to succeed him on the Imperial throne. In like manner, to obviate
any objection to the union of France and Spain, Louis ultimately proposed to
give the crown of the latter country to Philip, Duke of Anjou, second son of
the Dauphin.
The King of
Spain's second wife, Mary Anne of Neuburg, being
a sister of the Empress, naturally promoted the views of Leopold; in which,
however, she was opposed by the Queen-Mother, Mary Anne of Austria, who was
in favour of the Electoral Prince of
Bavaria; while Charles, incapable of forming a judgment, or maintaining an
opinion of his own, was drawn to either side alternately. The Austrian
influence began, indeed, to predominate after the death of the Queen- Mother in
1696; but her representations had made so lively an impression on Charles that
he is said to have made a will in favour of
the Electoral Prince of Bavaria. It was to efface these impressions that
Leopold sent as his ambassador to Spain Count Harrach,
a veteran diplomatist, who was charged to obtain the substitution of the
Archduke Charles for the Bavarian Prince. Charles II consented to this
arrangement, provided the Emperor would send that Prince into Spain, together
with a force of 10,000 men, to assist in expelling the French from Catalonia;
but Leopold, embarrassed at that time by the Turkish war, declined a proposal which
suited neither his means nor his inclination. The negotiations lingered, and
France, meanwhile, concluded the Peace of Ryswick, which put an end to the
hopes which Leopold had founded on the Grand Alliance. England and Holland, in
spite of their engagements with Leopold, inclined towards the Bavarian party,
as best calculated to maintain the balance of power; and thus they abandoned
the Emperor in the negotiations at Ryswick, in which not a word was said about
the Spanish succession.
To counteract the
Austrian influence, Louis XIV dispatched the Count d'Harcourt to
Madrid early in 1698. The Germans were not popular in Spain; the Queen, by her
maladroitness, had alienated several of the ministers and grandees, whom D'Harcourt, by his popular manners and winning address, and
partly, also, it is said, by bribery, succeeded in conciliating to the French
cause; and among them, in particular, the Cardinal Portocarrero,
Archbishop of Toledo, one of the most influential men in Spain. The French
ambassador also worked on the timid mind of Charles by threats, and plainly
intimated a resort to force if the rights of the children of France should be
superseded. By these means he induced the King of Spain at least to postpone
any declaration in favour of the Archduke Charles,
though without pressing the nomination of the Duke of Anjou, on which Louis
himself had not yet determined. The French King felt the impossibility of
securing the entire Spanish Succession without kindling afresh a general war in
Europe, for which he was but ill-prepared; and he was therefore inclined to
listen to the overtures made to him by William III, through the Earl of
Portland, for a partition. As the Emperor now claimed the undivided succession
for his second son, it was useless to think of renewing with him the eventual
treaty of 1688; the better plan, therefore, seemed to be to come to an
understanding with the King of England, and to force the Emperor to accept the
settlement which they should agree upon. After long negotiations, a secret treaty
was concluded at the Hague, October 11th, 1698, between France, England, and
Holland. By this, which has been called the First Treaty of Partition, it was
agreed that on the death of Charles II without issue, the Dauphin should have
the two Sicilies, the Tuscan ports, the
marquisate of Finale in Liguria, and the province of Guipuzcoa;
that the Archduke Charles should have the Milanese; and that the remainder of
the Spanish possessions, including the Belgian provinces, should fall to the
Electoral Prince of Bavaria.
Although the share
thus assigned to France in the Spanish spoils was far inferior to that
apportioned to her by the eventual treaty with the Emperor, and though, to
conciliate England and Holland, she had renounced her pretensions to the Flemish
provinces, still the share which she thus obtained of Italy was most important.
Charles II was very indignant on learning—for the secret soon oozed out—this
dismemberment of his monarchy; and he resented it by making a new will, in
which he appointed the Electoral Prince his universal heir, and named the
Queen, his wife, Regent during the minority of Ferdinand Joseph. But all these
arrangements were suddenly overthrown by an unexpected event. The Bavarian
Prince died at Brussels in February, 1699, at the age of six years. By his
death the contests of the Austrian and French parties were renewed with
more vigour than ever at Madrid, the choice
being now restricted between two parties, instead of three. The Spanish Queen
exerted herself in favour of the Archduke
Charles, while Portocarrero and the French
party endeavored to sway the mind of the King by superstitious terrors.
Meanwhile Louis XIV made overtures to William III for another partition treaty,
which was executed at the Hague in March, 1700, by the parties to the former
one. Louis being aware that the Maritime Powers would never consent that Spain
and the Indies should fall to the share of France, now agreed that the greater
part of the Spanish Succession should be assigned to the Archduke Charles, but
on condition that the Crown of Spain should never be united with that of the
Empire, the Dauphin retaining what had been apportioned to him in the former
treaty, with the addition of Lorraine. The Duke of Lorraine, provided he should
accede to the treaty, was to have the Duchy of Milan, which in the previous
treaty had been given to the Archduke Charles. Three months were to be allowed
to the Emperor to adhere to the treaty; and upon his definitive refusal, the
share of the Archduke was to pass to a third party, not named, but who was
understood to be the Duke of Savoy.
Thus the Spanish
Succession was disposed of by two foreign Powers, one being a party interested
in it, without consulting the Spanish monarch or nation, whose spoils were thus
unceremoniously divided. Such a proceeding naturally irritated the Courts both
of Vienna and Madrid, and their anger was principally directed against William
III for interfering in a matter in which he was not directly concerned. So loud
were the complaints of the Spanish minister at London that William ordered him
to quit the kingdom; a step which was answered by the dismissal from Spain of
the British and Dutch ambassadors. The Emperor at first endeavored to persuade
Louis XIV to enter into a direct and separate negotiation; but not succeeding,
refused to accept the Treaty of Partition. The other European Powers, to whom
the treaty had been officially communicated, hesitated to guarantee it, and
seemed inclined to await the course of events. Only the Duke of Lorraine
accepted the proposed exchange.
Meanwhile the
struggle of the contending parties was redoubled at Madrid. Each seemed
alternately to gain the ascendant over the wavering mind of Charles, who was
inclined to listen to everybody except the Cortes. At length Portocarrero, availing himself of his sacred office, and
representing to the King that his eternal salvation depended on the appointment
of a rightful successor, prevailed on him to submit the question to the
profoundest lawyers of Spain and Italy. These decided unanimously in favour of the House of Bourbon, provided means were
taken to prevent the union of the French and Spanish Crowns, the sole object of
the renunciation of Maria Theresa. Charles, not content with this decision,
referred the matter to Pope Innocent XII, who confirmed it, and added a letter
strongly urging the Catholic King, as he valued his salvation, to secure the
undivided inheritance of the Spanish monarchy to a son of the Dauphin, the
rightful heir.
It was not,
however, till after he had obtained the opinions of the Council of Castile and
the Council of State, which agreed with that given by the Pope, that Charles,
under the renewed spiritual menaces of the Archbishop of Toledo, at last drew
up a testament in favour of the House of Bourbon.
But as Louis XIV. had ostensibly bound himself to a different course of policy
by the Treaty of Partition, Charles appears first of all to have obtained from
the French King an assurance that he would accept a bequest of the whole
Spanish monarchy, instead of a dismemberment, which was highly distasteful to
the nation. On October 2nd, 1700, Charles signed a will in which, after many
injunctions to his successor on the subject of religion, he declared his heir
to be his nearest kinsman after those destined to mount the throne of France;
that is to say, the Duke of Anjou, second son of the Dauphin
Should the Duke of
Anjou inherit the throne of France, and prefer it to that of Spain, then his
younger brother, the Duke of Berri, was named in his stead; and in his
default, the Archduke Charles and the Duke of Savoy successively. Charles
strictly enjoined his successors not to alienate any part of the Spanish
monarchy. He died about a month after signing this will (November 1st), in the
thirty-ninth year of his age and thirty-seventh of his reign.
Had Spain
consulted her real interests, she would probably have adopted another
pretender, Don Pedro II King of Portugal; whose claims, derived from Joanna,
putative daughter of Henry the Impotent, were, however, never seriously
regarded. By such a choice the union of Spain and Portugal might have been
pacifically achieved; but the Spaniards, anxious to keep together a monarchy of
whose extension they were proud, though they had not themselves the power to
defend it, preferred the French Prince as more capable of maintaining an empire
which was at once their glory and their ruin.
By the will, a
Junta, or Council, of Regency was established, consisting of the Queen, as
President, the Primate (Cardinal Portocarrero)
the Inquisitor-General, the Presidents of Castile and Aragon, and two
representatives of the grandees and Council of State. The Junta immediately
assumed the direction of affairs, and dispatched a messenger to Louis with a
copy of the will. Should Louis refuse to accept the inheritance, the messenger
was instructed to proceed to Vienna and offer it to the Archduke Charles. The
matter had been already discussed and decided; a French courier had previously
arrived with the news, when Louis summoned a council consisting of the Dauphin,
and three ministers of state, the chancellor Pontchartrain, the Duke de Beauvilliers, and Torci the
foreign secretary, to discuss the momentous question of acceptance or
rejection. Louis had to decide between a crown for his grandson, or the
aggrandizement of France according to the Treaty of Partition. A decision
either way might produce a war; but in the one case it would probably be short
and successful, in the other it would be impossible to predict either its
length or its issue. Beauvilliers alone is
said to have declared against accepting the offer. His principal arguments were
: that Louis would be accused of violating his engagements with England and
Holland, who would not suffer him to give the law, in the name of his grandson,
to the vast monarchy of Spain; that the wounds which France had received were
still bleeding, and in case of acceptance must be again opened in a general
European war; and that it would be a hundred times more advantageous for France
to unite several fine provinces to the monarchy than to place a French Prince
on a foreign throne, whose descendants would themselves shortly become
strangers to the country of their ancestors. On the other side it was urged
by Torci that the question lay not between
war and peace, but between one war and another—between the Spanish monarchy or
nothing; that, the will substituting the House of Austria for France, there
could be no ground for claiming part of the inheritance, after rejecting the
whole; that even this part would have to be conquered from the Austrians, aided
by the Spaniards, who would support the integrity of their monarchy; that the
English and Dutch would lend only a feeble aid, and probably abandon the
contest altogether; and that thus an Austrian Prince would be again planted on
the Pyrenees. The chancellor merely summed up the arguments without pronouncing
any opinion; while the Dauphin, with unwonted energy, demanded the acceptance
of the will, and declared that he would not renounce his claims except in favour of his son, the Duke of Anjou.
This discussion
seems to have been a mere ceremony for the sake of appearances, and it is
probable that Louis XIV had signified his assent to the will before its
execution. Louis did not declare his resolution till three days after the
meeting of the Council; when, in the presence of the Spanish ambassador, at
Versailles, he announced it by addressing the Duke of Anjou as follows: “Sir,
the King of Spain has made you a King. The grandees demand you, the people of
Spain desire you, and I give my consent”. The Spanish ambassador, on his knees,
then saluted and complimented his new master as “Philip V”, the folding doors
were thrown open, Louis presented his grandson to the assembled courtiers with
the words, “Sirs, here is the King of Spain”, and the ceremony ended by Louis
exhorting Philip to be a good Spaniard, but at the same time to remember that
he was born a Frenchman.
By character,
however, Philip V might easily have been a lineal descendant of Philip IV, so
closely did his habits resemble those of the hereditary Spanish House. Shy,
hypochondriac, docile, monotonously regular, without either great faults or
striking virtues, he was fit only to be governed, as his predecessors had been
before him. At the time of his accession, indeed, being then only seventeen
years of age, Philip’s character was as yet undeveloped, and consequently
unknown to the Spaniards. Immediately on receipt of Louis XIV’s answer, the
Junta caused Philip V to be proclaimed at Madrid, and addressed a letter to the
Most Christian King, in which they begged him to dispose of everything in
Spain, and assured him that his orders should be as exactly obeyed as in
France. Philip passed the Bidasoa January
22nd, 1701, and on February 18th entered Madrid, where he was received with the
acclamations of the people. All the European provinces, all the American and
Asiatic possessions, of the vast Spanish Empire immediately recognized the new
Monarch; nor was his title at first disputed by the greater part of the
European Powers. The Elector of Bavaria, then resident at Brussels as governor
of the Catholic Netherlands—a dignity which had been procured for him by
William III—was the first prince who recognized Philip V; both from hatred of
the Emperor, whom he suspected of having poisoned his son, and from the hope
that Louis would convert his government in the Netherlands into an hereditary
one. Louis XIV, as was indeed his interest, showed every disposition to
conciliate the Courts of Europe. His minister at the Hague was instructed to
insist on the sacrifices which the French King had made in not accepting the
Partition Treaty, which would have aggrandized France by the addition of so
many fine provinces; to declare that he had renounced these advantages rather
than cause a war which would disturb the repose of Europe; and to point out
that had he adhered to the Treaty, a war must have inevitably ensued both with
Spain and Austria; the former nation being determined that their monarchy
should not be divided, which, in the event of his refusal to accept it, would
have been offered to the Archduke Charles.
Although this
reasoning did not satisfy William III, he was compelled for a time, by the
force of circumstances, to acquiesce in it. In England, William’s government
was not popular, owing to the Treaties of Partition; the nation was at that
time averse to a war with France, and it would have been impossible for him to
obtain from Parliament the necessary supplies for carrying it on. With regard
to Holland, Louis clinched his reasonings by an appeal to force. By
virtue of a convention with Philip II, some of the cities of the Spanish
Netherlands, as Antwerp, Namur, Charleroi, and others, were garrisoned by Dutch
troops, in order that they might serve as a barrier against France. But Louis,
having obtained from Madrid authority to take such measures as he should deem
necessary for the public good, the Elector of Bavaria, as governor of the
Netherlands, was instructed to pay the same deference to his orders as to those
of Philip V; and the Elector, who, as we have said, was well inclined to
France, readily permitted French troops to enter the towns garrisoned by the
Dutch. On the pretence that the
States-General were preparing a league, in conjunction with England, against
Louis Philip V and France, the Dutch were now required to evacuate these towns;
and they were not even allowed a free retreat till the States, alarmed at the
force which menaced their frontier, consented to acknowledge Philip V as King
of Spain. William, having at present no means of resistance, found it expedient
to follow his example. In April, 1701, he addressed a letter to Philip V, in
which he congratulated “his very dear brother” on his happy accession.
The situation of
the rest of Europe was also, on the whole, at first favourable to
Philip V. The Northern and Eastern Powers were occupied with the great war that
had broken out among them. The greater part of the German princes, struck with
astonishment that the Treaty of Partition, to which they had been so earnestly
pressed to accede, should have been so suddenly abandoned, remained silent and
inactive. The Emperor Leopold was threatened in his hereditary States by a
Hungarian insurrection, while the Empire was in the throes of a crisis
occasioned by the erection of the Hanoverian Electorate; the States
confederated against this innovation were arming, and the Diet had been
compelled to suspend its deliberations. Some of the German princes, as the
Electors of Bavaria, and Cologne, the Dukes of Brunswick Wolfenbüttel, and Saxe
Gotha, and the Bishop of Minister, declared for France; and in March, 1701,
Bavaria concluded a formal treaty of alliance with Louis. The Duke of Savoy,
already connected with France by the marriage of his daughter Adelaide to the
Duke of Burgundy, and now further gained by the union of his younger daughter,
Louisa Gabriella, with Philip V, as well as by the post of generalissimo of the
Crowns of France and Spain in Italy, was among the first to recognize the new
King of Spain; and he also engaged to allow the French troops at all times free
passage into Italy. The marriage of Philip and the Piedmontese Princess
was celebrated at Figueras in September,
1701. The bride was only in her fourteenth year, and as her extreme youth
naturally gave rise to the expectation that she would be governed by some
adviser, the Court of Versailles selected as her Camerera Mayor,
or chief lady of her household, the celebrated Princess Orsini (or Des Ursins), who had gained the friendship and confidence of
Madame de Maintenon, and who was deemed well fitted to promote French interests
at the Spanish Court. The example of Victor Amadeus was followed by the Duke of
Mantua (February, 1701). Portugal also pronounced itself in favour of the new Spanish dynasty, and ultimately a
treaty was concluded at Lisbon between that Power and Spain (June, 1701); by
which Portugal engaged to support the succession of Philip V, and to shut its
ports against every nation that should attempt to hinder it by arms.
Under these
circumstances, it is possible that if Louis had acted with moderation and
judgment he might have prevented the great coalition which was at length formed
against him.
But his measures
were such as to excite suspicion and mistrust, while they offended by their
arrogance. One of his first steps after the departure of the Duke of Anjou for
Spain was to send him letters patent reserving his rights to the French crown
in default of the Duke of Burgundy and his male heirs, and without any
stipulation that he must choose between the crowns of France and Spain; thus
renewing the fears respecting the union of those crowns on the same head. These
letters were all the more impolitic from being superfluous, since the Duke of
Anjou’s accession to the Spanish throne did not invalidate his rights to that
of France; as appears in the instance of Henry III, who, though he had been
King of Poland, succeeded his brother, Charles IX. Besides this measure, which
concerned all Europe, he adopted others which irritated and alarmed particular
States. The Dutch were injured in their commerce by Louis supplanting them in the
Spanish Asiento, or monopoly of the slave trade; while at the same time
the new works which he constructed within sight of their fortresses, and the
increase of his army, excited their apprehensions that he contemplated renewing
his former hostilities. The English, besides their commerce being injured, like
that of the Dutch, by the exclusion of the ships of both those nations from
Spanish ports, were further insulted by an open and flagrant violation of the
Peace of Ryswick. James II having died at St. Germain, September, 1701,
Louis, on September 16th, in contravention of that treaty, openly gave James’s
son the title of King of England. The indignation which this act excited in
England at length enabled William III to bring to a practical issue the negotiations
which he had been long conducting with the Emperor.
When the testament
of Charles II was declared, Count Harrach, the
Imperial ambassador, quitted Madrid, after entering a formal protest against
it. The protest was renewed at Vienna, and early in 1701 the Emperor entered
into secret negotiations with William III with a view to overthrow the will.
England and Holland also concluded an alliance with Denmark (January 20th,
1701), by which, in case of hostilities breaking out, that Power engaged to
shut all her ports against ships of war, and in consideration of a subsidy, to
the occupation of the Flemish fortresses by the French troops, William even
obtained some supplies from the English Parliament; but the nation was not yet
prepared to enter into a general war, and William had been compelled to content
himself with some fruitless negotiations with Louis XIV; for, though very
equitable conditions were offered, the French King would not listen to them.
Leopold, however, drew the sword without waiting for the alliance of the
Maritime Powers. That Upper Italy and Belgium should be in the hands of the
French, appeared to Prince Eugene, Leopold’s counsellor as well as
general, so pregnant with danger to Germany that he pressed the Emperor to
assert his right to the Spanish inheritance, and undertook himself to open the
war in Italy with 30,000 men. Leopold determined to follow Eugene's advice,
although all his other counsellors dissuaded him from it, and
represented Austria as so overloaded with debt that she could not maintain an
army of 15,000 men in the field. Austria, indeed, was not in a condition to
oppose alone the united power of France and Spain; but Leopold was encouraged
by the hope of the ultimate aid of England and Holland, as well as of the
Empire. And although some of the minor Princes of the Empire, offended by the
affair of the Hanoverian Electorate, had combined against the Emperor, and even
appealed to France and Sweden, as guarantors of the Peace of Westphalia, yet
all the Electors, except Bavaria and Cologne, were devoted to Leopold. George
Louis of Hanover, as we have already seen, was bound to him by a formal treaty:
and Leopold now enticed the much more powerful prince, Frederick III, Elector
of Brandenburg, into a similar engagement, by conferring upon him the title of
King.
Frederick's temper
led him to attach much weight to the outward symbols of greatness. It was not
without some feelings of envy that he had seen the Prince of Orange raised to
the English throne, and Augustus of Saxony to that of Poland. He had been
several years negotiating with the Emperor on this subject; but his elevation
to the royal dignity had been warmly opposed as well by politicians as by
religious zealots, who did not wish to see the number of Protestant Sovereigns
increased. The affair of the Spanish succession, however, determined the
Emperor to secure a powerful ally by a concession which cost him nothing. By a
treaty between the Emperor and the Elector, commonly called the Treaty of the
Crown, executed at Vienna November 16th, 1700, Leopold engaged to recognize the
title which Frederick proposed to assume of King of Prussia, while Frederick
bound himself to place 10,000 men in the field, to side in the Diet always with
Austria, to give his electoral vote in favour of
the descendants of the Emperor’s son Joseph, King of the Romans, etc., etc. No
sooner did the Elector hear of the signing of this treaty than, in the middle
of winter, he hastened with his family and Court to Konigsberg, and, with great
pomp and ceremony, placed the crown upon his own head, January 18th, 1701. The
Emperor sent an envoy extraordinary to Berlin to congratulate him, and this
example was followed by most of the European Powers, except France and Spain.
The assumption of the Prussian crown was opposed only by the Teutonic Order, a
body now of no importance, and by Pope Clement XI, who had ascended
the chair of Peter, November 23rd, 1700. In an allocution in the Consistory,
Clement lamented that the Emperor should have sanctioned an act so detrimental
to the Church, without reflecting that the Holy Chair alone has the power of
appointing kings!
Eugene, who had
massed his army in the environs of Trent and Roveredo,
descended into the plains of Verona towards the end of May, 1701, with 25,000
men; Catinat, who commanded the French auxiliary army in Lombardy,
retreating before him. Early in July the Imperialists defeated the French at
Carpi, in the Duchy of Modena, and proceeded to occupy the whole district
between the Adige and the Adda. The disappointment of Louis XIV was
extreme : he recalled Catinat, though the reverses of the French seem to
have been owing more to the Duke of Savoy, their generalissimo, who, in fact,
did not wish for their success. Catinat was succeeded by
Marshal Villeroi, who soon gave another proof of
the incapacity which he had displayed in 1695, by incurring a signal defeat
at Chiari, near Brescia. This was the last action this year in Lombardy,
where alone the war had as yet broken out.
The successes of
Prince Eugene encouraged William III to league himself with the Emperor; who,
on September 7th,concluded, at the Hague, with England and the States-General,
the treaty which must be regarded as the basis of the Grand Alliance. The
object of it was stated to be to procure his Imperial Majesty a just and
reasonable satisfaction for his claims, and the King of Great Britain and the
States-General a sufficient security for their territories, navigation, and
commerce. The Spanish Netherlands were to be conquered in order to serve as a
barrier to the United Provinces; also the Milanese, the kingdoms of Naples and
Sicily, the Mediterranean islands, and the Spanish possessions on the coast of
Tuscany. No peace was to be made without measures having been first adopted to
prevent France and Spain from being ever united under the same king, to hinder
the French from becoming masters of the Spanish Indies, and to insure to the
English and Dutch the same commercial privileges in all the Spanish dominions
which they had enjoyed under the late King of Spain. The Empire was to be
particularly invited to accede to this treaty, as interested in the recovery of
certain fiefs which had been detached from it.
War, however, was
not yet declared against France, and might, perhaps, have been long deferred
had not Louis com- mitted the mistake of recognizing as King of England the son
of James II. In consequence of this step an article was added to the treaty
(March, 1702), by which the Emperor engaged not to make peace with France till
Great Britain had received satisfaction for this injury. William III, availing
himself of the feeling excited in England by Louis's act, summoned a new
Parliament, which approved his now openly-avowed negotiations and policy, and
granted liberal supplies of men and money to carry them out; attainted the
pretended Prince of Wales, and by the Act of Abjuration for ever excluded the Stuarts from the throne of Great
Britain. But at the moment when he had thus matured and organized the great
league for resisting the ambition of France, he was prevented by death from
directing, as he had purposed, the operations of the war (March 19th, 1702).
His successor, Queen Anne, however, pursued the same line of policy which he
had marked out; and the military affairs of the Grand Alliance probably
suffered no detriment from being conducted (in place of the King) by the Earl
of Marlborough, whom William had already dispatched with 10,000 men to Holland.
In the United Netherlands also the death of William occasioned no change of
foreign policy, although it was followed by a species of domestic revolution. A
little before his death William had endeavored to procure the nomination of his
cousin Friso of Nassau, who was already hereditary Stadholder of
Friesland and Groningen, as his successor in the Stadholdership of
Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Grelderland,
and Overyssel; but that dignity was now
abolished in these five provinces, which resumed the republican form of
government established in the time of De Witt. The chief share in the direction
of the affairs of the United Netherlands now fell to Daniel Heinsius, Grand Pensionary of Holland. Heinsius, Marlborough, and Eugene formed the soul of the
Grand Alliance, and obtained the name of the Triumvirate of the Coalition.
Louis XIV had endeavored to take advantage of the death of William to seduce
the Dutch from their allies; but Heinsius was
a devoted adherent to the system of that politic Prince, and the States-General
indignantly repulsed the advances of France. The three allied Powers declared
war against France and Spain in May, 1702.
Leopold used every
endeavor to engage the confederated body of the Empire in the war; and in the
preceding March he had succeeded in obtaining the accession of the five Circles
of Swabia, Franconia, the Upper and Lower Rhine, and Austria, to the Grand Alliance.
This example was soon afterwards followed by the Elector of Treves and the
Circle of Westphalia. Swabia, Franconia, and the Rhenish Circles had
previously belonged to a union, formed by the Elector of Bavaria at the
instigation of Louis XIV, in the summer of 1701, for the purpose of maintaining
their neutrality in the quarrel between the Emperor and Louis. The Elector of
Bavaria engaged in the cause of France and Spain his brother, the Elector of
Cologne, that very Joseph Clement whose investiture had been so strenuously
resisted by Louis, and had been the immediate cause of the war of 1688. Joseph
Clement admitted French garrisons into the fortresses of his Electorate and
into the citadel of Liege, while the Elector of Bavaria continued to affect neutrality,
and to negotiate with the Emperor ; but in June, 1702, he concluded a secret
treaty with Louis XIV and Philip V, who promised him the hereditary government
of the Netherlands. In Lower Saxony the two malcontent Dukes of Brunswick
Wolfenbüttel had raised an army of 12,000 men, and given the command to a
Frenchman; but the Elector of Hanover entered their dominions with a stronger
force (March, 1702), and compelled them to disarm; and the Emperor afterwards
found means to separate the brothers by promising the sole sovereignty to the
elder.
On September 8th
the Elector of Bavaria at length threw off the mask, and obtained possession of
the Imperial city of Ulm by sending into it, on the previous evening, soldiers
disguised as peasants, who opened the gates to their comrades. Maximilian
refused to give it up, in spite of a decree of the Diet of Ratisbon, as
well as a remonstrance addressed to him by his father-in-law, the Emperor; and
he proceeded to seize Memmingen and other
places necessary to secure his communications with the French. The Emperor,
having a majority in the Diet at Ratisbon, now issued a declaration of war
against France in the name of the Empire (October 6th, 1702), which differed
little in essential points from that which he had already published as
Sovereign of Austria. The Diet also empowered the Emperor to adopt against
Bavaria all the measures permitted by the constitution of the Empire ; in
consequence of which proclamations were issued commanding all subjects of the
Empire, on pain of ban and over ban—that is, of death—to quit the service of
the Elector, and to enter that of the Emperor and his allies. And a few weeks
later the subjects of the Elector were released by Imperial letters patent from
their allegiance to their Sovereign. Before these occurrences, the war, which
in the previous year had been confined to Lombardy, had already become general.
1702.—In Italy, Prince
Eugene opened the campaign at the beginning of February by surprising Cremona,
the French head-quarters. His troops, however, were at length repulsed, but
carried off prisoner Marshal Villeroi, the
French Commander-in-chief, who was replaced by the Duke of Vendome.
Vendome compelled
Eugene to raise the siege of Mantua (May). Philip V, who had landed at Naples
in the spring, joined Vendome at Cremona in July, to take the command of the
army in person. The combined forces—Philip V had brought a few thousand
Spaniards—attacked Eugene near Suzzara, and
captured that town (August). After this action, which was the last of any
importance, Philip V set off for Spain, on the news of a descent of the English
and Dutch near Cadiz.
On the Lower
Rhine, the English and Dutch, under Marlborough as Commander-in-chief, began
the campaign, in April, by an attack on the Electorate of Cologne, in execution
of an Imperial decree against the Elector Joseph Clement. In this quarter the
French were nominally under the command of the Duke of Burgundy, but were
really led by Marshal Boufflers. The allies
successively took Kaiserwerth, Venloo, Stephanswerth,
and Ruremonde; and Marlborough, being thus
master of the Lower Meuse, marched on and captured Liege, October 23rd.
On the Upper Rhine
the Imperialists were commanded by Joseph, King of the Romans, and by Prince
Louis of Baden, while the command of the French had been given to Catinat.
It was with much reluctance and after long deliberation that Leopold had
appointed his son Joseph to this post, out of anxiety for the life of his
successor; and the King of the Romans proceeded to the army with so much pomp
and so long a train that it was near the end of July before he joined the camp
at Landau. That place, the bulwark of Alsace, which had been already invested
during several months by Prince Louis of Baden, capitulated September 9th, the day
after the surprise of Ulm by the Elector of Bavaria. In the following month
Prince Louis was defeated at Friedlingen by
Villars, who had joined the French army in Alsace, and was endeavoring to form
a junction with the Elector of Bavaria (October 14th); but though this victory
obtained for Villars the baton of Marshal, it led to no result.
In the autumn of
this year an armament under the command of the Duke of Ormond, consisting of a
combined English and Dutch fleet of fifty sail of the line, besides smaller
vessels and transports, under Sir George Rooke, and having on board 14,000
soldiers under Sir H. Bellasis, attempted a
descent at Cadiz, but were repulsed by the Marquis of Villadarias,
“with a great deal of plunder and infamy”, to use the expression of Colonel
Stanhope, who took part in the expedition. The allies were, however, in some
degree, consoled for their ill success by destroying the Spanish West India
fleet, which had put into the Bay of Vigo (October 22nd). Seven French
men-of-war, which formed part of its escort, and six galleons were captured,
and many more were destroyed. The victors obtained a large treasure in bullion;
and a still greater sum went to the bottom of the sea, a terrible loss for the
Spanish finances.
1703.—Marlborough, who
had now been made a duke, returned into the Netherlands with reinforcements in
the spring of 1703, where he was opposed by Villeroi,
commander-in-chief of the French army, who had been ransomed, and, under him,
by Marshal Boufflers. The allies took Bonn (May
15th), thus completing the conquest of the Electorate of Cologne; but
Marlborough’s enterprises were checked by the delegates of the States-General,
and little else of importance was done. The campaign ended by the allies
taking Limbourg and Geldern.
The campaign in
Germany had been more active. The Imperial forces had not been hitherto strong
enough to take the offensive against the Elector of Bavaria; the Elector of
Saxony, who was also King of Poland, and the King of Prussia having been
compelled to withhold their contingents in consequence of the invasion of
Poland by the Swedes. But this spring Count Schlick,
the Austrian commander, and Count Styrum,
general of the army of the Circles, invaded the Bavarian dominions, Schlick on the side of the Inn, whilst Styrum attacked the Upper Palatinate. But the Elector,
having defeated Schlick at Scharding (March
11th), and compelled Styrum to retire into
Swabia, hastened to Ratisbon, and seized that important Imperial city, the
seat of the German Diet. Marshal Villars, who had made himself master of Kehl, now resolved to form a junction with the Elector,
which was effected at Villingen (May). But
instead of adopting the suggestion of Villars, and marching upon Vienna, the
capture of which might probably have been easily effected, the Elector
preferred to attack Tyrol, where Vendome, marching by way of Trent, with half
the army of Italy, was to form a junction with him. The Elector penetrated
by Kufstein and Innsbruck to the foot of
the Brenner, while Vendome, who had been somewhat slow in his movements, was
bombarding Trent. But the Tyrolese peasants having risen against the Bavarians,
whilst the Austrians had invaded Bavaria and the Upper Palatinate, the Elector
was compelled to retreat. Many misunderstandings ensued between him and
Villars, which prevented them from acting cordially together; but at length,
having formed a junction at Nordendorf, they
inflicted a severe defeat on the Imperialists in the plain of Hochstadt (September
20th). New differences, however, arose between the two commanders, and Villars,
in disgust, obtained his recall. He was replaced by Marshal Marsin, one of whose first exploits was to take Augsburg,
which had been occupied by the Imperialists. Another opportunity now presented
itself of marching upon Vienna. The insurrection in Hungary, led by
Francis Ragotski, had assumed colossal
proportions; the Hungarian light cavalry even threatened Vienna; and the Emperor
was obliged to withdraw the garrisons from Passau and Pressburg in
order to defend his capital. At the pressing instance of Louis XIV, the Elector
now, when it was too late in the season, undertook to invade Austria, took
Passau, and pressed on to Enns, in the Austrian dominions; but the rigour of the season compelled him to return to
Munich. Meanwhile the French army on the Rhine, under the Duke of Burgundy,
Vauban, and Tallard, had taken Breisach (September 7th), defeated the Imperialists
at Spirebach (November 15th), and
recaptured Landau two days afterwards.
In Italy, Prince
Eugene had temporarily resigned the command of the much-reduced Imperial forces
to Count Stahremberg, and had proceeded to Vienna to
solicit reinforcements, in which capital he acted as president of the Council
of War. Vendome's fruitless expedition into Tyrol, partly also his indolence,
had, however, prevented him from taking advantage of his vast numerical
superiority. The chief event in this quarter was the defection of the Duke of
Savoy from the cause of his son-in-law, Philip V. The fickle Victor Amadeus,
disgusted at not having received the command of the French and Spanish troops,
as well as by the non-payment of the subsidies, and hoping also to obtain a
share of the Milanese, acceded to the Grand Alliance in October. He stipulated
that the Emperor should have an army of 120,000 men in Italy, which he was to
join with 15,000, and to have the command-in-chief. The Duke’s negotiations
with the Emperor, which had been going on since January, were well known to
Louis XIV; the Piedmontese troops in the
French service had been disarmed and arrested before the treaty was signed, and
Vendome had demanded the surrender of Turin, which, however, he was not in a
condition to enforce. The Duke of Savoy was not the only ally that Louis XIV
lost this year. The Admiral of Castile, alienated from the cause of Philip V by
having been dismissed from his office of Master of the Horse, had retired into
Portugal; and he succeeded in persuading King Pedro II to accede to the Grand
Alliance, who was enticed by the promise of the American provinces between the
Rio de la Plata and Brazil, as well as a part of Estremadura and Galicia (May
6th). Pedro also entered into a perpetual defensive league with Great Britain
and the States-General. In the following December Paul Methuen, the English
minister at Lisbon, concluded the celebrated commercial treaty between England
and Portugal named after himself. It is the most laconic treaty on record,
containing only two Articles, to the effect that Portugal was to admit British
cloths, and England to admit Portuguese wines, at one-third less duty than
those of France.
Don Pedro's
accession to the Grand Alliance entirely changed the plans of the allies.
Instead of confining themselves to the procuring of a reasonable indemnity for
the Emperor, they now resolved to drive Philip V from the throne of Spain, and
to place an Austrian Archduke upon it in his stead. The Emperor and his eldest
son Joseph formally renounced their claims to the throne of Spain in favour of the Archduke Charles, Leopold's second son,
who was proclaimed King of Spain, with the title of Charles III. The new King
was to proceed into Portugal, and, with the assistance of Don Pedro, endeavor
to obtain possession of Spain.
Charles
accordingly went through Holland to England, and, after paying a visit to Queen
Anne at Windsor, sailed for Lisbon, February 17th, 1704.
Campaign of 1704.—This year was
rendered memorable by Marlborough's brilliant campaign in Germany. The French
under Tallard and Marsin had
determined to advance into Austria, and take Vienna, and force the Emperor to
make peace. The English general, finding that Villeroi and Boufflers were resolved to remain on the defensive in
Flanders, determined to proceed to the help of Austria. After a rapid and
unopposed march he formed a junction with Prince Louis of Baden, near Ulm, June
22nd; and, on July 2nd, the united armies stormed and took the heights of Schellenberg,
near Donauworth, where Max Emanuel and Marsin had established a strongly fortified position.
This victory rendered the allies masters of the course of the Danube, with the
exception of Ulm and Ingolstadt; and they now offered the Elector favourable conditions of peace, which, however, he
refused. Marlborough was joined by Eugene with his forces at Donauworth, August 11th, while Louis of Baden besieged
Ingolstadt. On the other hand, the French general, Tallard,
having joined the Elector and Marsin, Max
Emanuel determined to attack the allies, in spite of the representations of the
French generals, who were for remaining at Hochstadt, a position easily
defended. The French and Bavarians had encamped at a spot between Blenheim
and Lutzingen, when, on the morning of August
13th, the allies determined to anticipate their attack. In the Battle of
Blenheim, Marlborough commanded the centre and
left wing of the allied army, consisting of English and Dutch, and resting on
the Danube. He was opposed to the French under Marshal Tallard;
while Eugene, with the right wing of the allies, consisting of Austrians and
Germans, was in face of the Elector and Marsin,
who occupied the village of Lutzingen and
some wooded heights in the neighborhood. Tallard was
defeated and taken prisoner after a hot engagement, and Marlborough then
detached some troops to the help of Eugene, who was maintaining an unequal
struggle with the Bavarians and French. But the Elector and Marsin, observing the rout of Tallard,
retired towards Ulm in good order, without attempting to aid him. By a series
of cavalry charges Marlborough broke through the centre and
divided the enemy. The main struggle was at the village of Blenheim,
where Tallard had imprudently massed a
large body of infantry which was entirely useless. In the evening, these
troops, to the number of between 10,000 and 12,000 men, were forced to
surrender themselves prisoners of war, while a still greater number of killed
and wounded strewed the field of battle. In consequence of this decisive
victory Vienna was saved, all chance of a French invasion of England was over,
and the French were compelled to recross the Rhine and evacuate all
Germany. The allied generals also crossed the Rhine at Philippsburg,
September 5th, Villeroi, with the French army of
reserve in that quarter, not venturing to oppose them. The Germans and
Austrians now invested Landau, where they were joined by the King of the
Romans; while Marlborough, advancing to the Moselle, finished the campaign
by occupying Treves, taking Trarbach, and
pushing his advanced posts to the Sarre.
Landau surrendered
to the Imperialists, November 24th. While the siege was going on, the Elector
of Bavaria’s second wife, a daughter of John Sobieski, to whom he had abandoned
the reins of government, appeared in the Imperial camp, and concluded a treaty
with the King of the Romans, by which she agreed to dismiss her army, and to
surrender to the Emperor all the fortresses of Bavaria, with the exception of
Munich, which was to be reserved for her domain and residence, but dismantled.
The Emperor appointed Count Lowenstein Governor of Bavaria, and Max Emanuel was
forced to content himself with his ancient government of the Spanish
Netherlands.
The French were
more successful in Italy, which the allies had been obliged in a great measure
to sacrifice to their important operations in Germany. Vendome succeeded in
taking Vercelli and Ivrea, and in the following spring Verrua; thus rendering himself master of all the north of
Piedmont, and re-establishing the communication with the Milanese, though he
did not venture to attack Turin.
In March, 1704,
the Pretender, Charles III., with an English and Dutch army of 12,000 men,
landed in Portugal, with the intention of entering Spain on that side; but so
far was he from accomplishing this plan that the Spaniards, on the contrary,
under the Duke of Berwick, penetrated into Portugal, and even threatened
Lisbon, but were driven back by the Marquis das Minas. An English fleet under
Admiral Rooke, with troops under the Prince of Darmstadt, made an
ineffectual attempt on Barcelona; but were compensated for their failure by the
capture of Gibraltar on their return. The importance of this fortress, the key
of the Mediterranean, was not then sufficiently esteemed, and its garrison had
been neglected by the Spanish Government. A party of English sailors, taking
advantage of a saint's day (St. Dominic), on which the eastern portion of the
fortress had been left unguarded, scaled the almost inaccessible precipice,
whilst at the same time another party stormed the South Mole Head. The capture
of this important fortress was the work of a few hours (August 4th). Darmstadt
would have claimed the place for King Charles III, but Rooke took
possession of it in the name of Queen Anne.
The general
results, therefore, of the campaign of 1704 were greatly in favour of the allies, and may be said to have decided
the whole future of the war. The French had been driven out of Germany, and had
lost Bavaria as an ally; Gibraltar, the key of the Mediterranean, had fallen
into the hands of England, while the English and Dutch, established upon
the Moselle, threatened France herself. Against all this Louis could only
set off his slight and indecisive success in Italy.
1705.—This year was
marked by the death of the Emperor Leopold, May 5th; a feeble prince, governed
alternately by his wives, his ministers, and his confessors. His son, Joseph I,
who, as King of the Romans, immediately assumed the Imperial title was of a
more enterprising and decisive character. One of his first acts was to endeavor
to conciliate the revolted Hungarians. In the preceding year, the party of
Prince Ragotski had seized many of the
towns of Hungary, and had even insulted Vienna itself; but had been beaten in
July near Raab, and in December near Tyrnau. From these defeats, however, the Hungarians had
recovered; and though Joseph endeavored to conciliate them by dismissing from
office the friends of the Jesuits, whom they detested, and even accepted the mediation
of England and Holland between himself and his revolted subjects, Ragotski’s party would hear of nothing short of the
restoration of their elective constitution and the renunciation of Transylvania
by the Emperor.
In a Diet, held in
September, 1705, Ragotski was elevated on a
buckler, as the supreme head of the Magyar confederation. But, without more
help than Louis XIV was now in a condition to afford them, and while the Turks
remained neutral, the Hungarian insurrection, though annoying, could not prove
formidable to Austria, especially as Joseph, by way of diversion, had succeeded
in exciting some of the Slavonic tribes against the Magyars.
The campaign of
1705 was destitute of any important events on the side of Germany and the
Netherlands. Villars, who, after resigning his command, had been employed in
the somewhat inglorious office of opposing an insurrection of the Camisards,
or Protestants of the Cevennes, was this year sent to oppose Marlborough on
the Moselle, while Berwick was withdrawn from Spain to supply his place.
Villars, establishing a fortified camp at Sierck,
prevented Marlborough, who was but ill supported by the Imperialists, from
penetrating into Lorraine; and the rest of the season was spent in unimportant
operations in the Netherlands. In Bavaria, the peasants, irritated by the
oppressions of the Austrian Government, rose in a body, in the autumn, and,
could they have been supported by France, would have placed the Emperor in
great danger; but without that aid the insurrection only proved fatal to
themselves. The insurgents were beaten in detail, and the Emperor now resolved
on the complete dissolution of Bavaria as a state. The four elder sons of
Maximilian were carried to Klagenfurt in Carinthia, to be there educated, under
the strictest inspection, as Counts of Wittelsbach, while the younger sons
were consigned to the care of a Court lady of Munich, and the daughters sent to
a convent. The Electress, who had been on a
visit to Venice, was not permitted to return to her dominions, and the Elector
Maximilian, as well as the Elector of Cologne, was, by a decree of the
Electoral College, placed under the ban of the Empire.
The Upper
Palatinate was restored to the Elector Palatine, as well as the title of Archdapifer (Seneschal); while by resigning the title
of Arch treasurer (Erzschatzmeister), the Palatine
enabled the Emperor to transfer it to the new Elector of Hanover, whose dignity
was now universally acknowledged. The remaining Bavarian territories were
confiscated, and divided among various princes.
While the campaign
was thus unimportant in the Netherlands and Germany, the interest of the war
was concentrated in Italy and Spain. In the former country the French forces
were disposed in two divisions; one in Piedmont, whose object it was to take
Turin, and the other in Lombardy, charged with preventing Eugene from marching
to the assistance of the Duke of Savoy. This last object was accomplished by
Vendome in person, who, having defeated Eugene at Cassano (August
16th), finally compelled him to re-enter the Tyrol. But this success was
achieved by abandoning for the present the attempt on Turin; though, in other respects,
the war in that quarter was favourable to
the French, who, in course of the year, made themselves masters of Mirandola, Chivasso, Nice,
and Montmelian. The last two places were
dismantled.
While the French
were thus successful in Italy, the still more important events in Spain were
in favour of the allies. The Spaniards,
sensible of the importance of Gibraltar, speedily made an effort to recover
that fortress, and as early as October, 1704, it was invested by the Marquis
of Villadarias with an army of 8,000 men.
The French Court afterwards sent Marshal Tesse to
supersede Villadarias, and the siege continued
till April, 1705; but the brave defence of the Prince
of Darmstadt, and the defeat of the French blockading squadron under Pointis by Admiral Lake, finally compelled the raising
of the siege. On the side of Portugal, the operations of the allies were
confined to the taking of the unimportant towns of Valenza, Salvaterra,
and Albuquerque on the borders of Estremadura, and an ineffectual attempt on Badajoz.
This want of success, however, on the western boundary of Spain was more than
compensated on the opposite quarter. Charles Mordaunt, the celebrated Earl
of Peterborough, who, with some 5,000 English and Dutch troops, had sailed from
Portsmouth early in June with the fleet under Sir Cloudesley Shovel,
was furnished with a sort of roving commission, well suited to his erratic and
enterprising temper, either to aid the Duke of Savoy, or “to make a vigorous
push in Spain”, at Barcelona, Cadiz, or wherever an opportunity might offer.
Peterborough, having taken on board at Lisbon the Archduke Charles, and at
Gibraltar the Prince of Darmstadt, was by them persuaded to undertake the siege
of Barcelona. On the way thither, the castle of Denia,
in Valencia, Charles III was occupied without much opposition, where Charles
III was, for the first time, publicly proclaimed King of Spain and the Indies.
The expedition arrived off Barcelona, August 16th, and that important and
strongly fortified city was at length reduced to surrender (October 9th),
through the bold and hazardous, but successful operation of Peterborough in
first capturing Montjuich, an almost impregnable
fort which commands the city. The Prince of Darmstadt was killed in the assault
on Montjuich. Charles III entered Barcelona,
October 23rd, amidst the acclamation of the people, and was again proclaimed
King of Spain. The whole province of Catalonia now declared in his favour, and the example was soon followed by the greater
part of Valencia.
1706.—The military
operations this year were still more disastrous for the French than those of
1704 had been. Philip V, in person, assisted by Marshal Tesse, made an attempt to recover Barcelona, assisted by a
fleet under the Count of Toulouse; who, however, on the approach of the English
and Dutch fleets, was compelled to retreat, and the siege was then raised (May
12th). Philip V and his army, afraid to retreat through Aragon amidst a hostile
population, directed their march to Rousillon,
and passing along the northern side of the Pyrenees, re-entered Spain through
Navarre. The effect of this step was that all Aragon openly revolted, and
proclaimed Charles III. The war on the Portuguese frontier was equally
disastrous to Philip. The Duke of Berwick, who had assumed the chief command of
the Spaniards in that quarter, was unable to arrest the progress of the
allies. Alcantara and several other towns in Estremadura and Leon
were rapidly taken; and on the news of the raising of the siege of Barcelona,
the allies marched from Salamanca on Madrid. Philip V, who had regained his
capital only a few days before, abandoned it on their approach (June 19th),
having been preceded in his flight by the grandees, the Councils of State, and
the public tribunals; so that the allies, on entering Madrid (June 25th), found
it almost deserted. But the allied generals, Lord Galway and Das Minas, instead
of pursuing and annihilating the Spanish forces, lost a whole month in the
capital; while the Archduke Charles also delayed his march from Barcelona to
Madrid, although he had been proclaimed King of Spain in that capital.
Meanwhile the dormant loyalty, or rather, perhaps, the strong national feeling,
of the Castilians and Andalusians was roused at seeing the capital of
the kingdom in the possession of Portuguese and heretics. The Castilian cities
rose against the garrisons which had been left in them by the invaders. At
Toledo, where the Queen Dowager and Cardinal Portocarrero had
taken up their residence, and forgetting their former quarrels in their common
hatred of the new dynasty, had warmly welcomed the entry of the allies, the
people rose in insurrection, tore down the Austrian standards which Portocarrero had blessed, and the Queen had hoisted at
her palace, and made her a prisoner of state. The Andalusians raised
of their own accord 14,000 foot and 4,000 horse for the cause of Philip.
Towards the end of July the Duke of Berwick, having united his small army with
the troops which had returned through Navarre from the siege of Barcelona, as
well as with some new levies, advanced upon Madrid; when the allied generals,
seeing no hope of holding that capital in the midst of a disaffected
population, marched out to meet the Archduke Charles and Peterborough, whom
they joined at Guadalaxara, August 5th. Their
united forces, however, were still unequal to those of Berwick; the men were
suffering from sickness and want; dissensions arose among the generals; and
Peterborough, disgusted with his position, set off for Italy to assist the Duke
of Savoy, as he was authorized to do by his instructions. The allies now
retreated, pursued by Berwick, into Valencia, where they took up their winter
quarters. Thus terminated one of the most singular campaigns on record, in
which Philip V, after being driven out of his kingdom, and seeing the allies in
possession of his capital, regained it again in the space of a few months
without a single general engagement; while the allied army, after beginning the
campaign on the western frontier of Spain, closed it in the most eastern
province of that kingdom. Other events of this year in Spain were the capture
of Alicant and Cartagena by the English and
Dutch fleets; which also induced the Isles of Ibiza and Majorca to declare for
Charles III. But Cartagena was retaken by Berwick in the autumn.
The fortune of war
was still more adverse to the French arms this year in Italy and Flanders. In
the former country the campaign opened, indeed, in favour of
the French; Vendome defeated the Austrian general, Reventlow,
at Calcinato (April 19th), and prevented
Eugene from penetrating beyond the district of Trent. But in the middle of
June, Vendome was recalled from Italy to take the command in Flanders, and
resigned his Italian command to the Duke of Orleans and Marsin; not, however, before he had been compelled by the
advance of Eugene to abandon the line of the Adige and retire beyond the Mincio. Eugene continued to advance, Orleans retreating
before him, till he joined the army of La Feuillade,
which had invested Turin since May. Eugene having formed a junction with the
Duke of Savoy near Carmagnola (August 29th), their united forces
attacked the French lines before Turin, September 7th, and gained a complete
victory, all the siege artillery, more than 100 guns and 40 mortars, falling
into their hands. In this battle Marsin was
killed, and the Duke of Orleans twice wounded. By the mismanagement of the
French generals, the consequences of this victory were that all Lombardy
submitted to the Imperialists. Eugene and Victor Amadeus entered Milan,
September 24th, where Charles III was proclaimed; and, in March of the
following year, a convention was signed by which the French agreed to evacuate
almost the whole of Northern Italy. The Imperialists took possession of the
Milanese and the Duchy of Mantua, ceding to the Duke of Savoy the Alexandrine
and Lomelline, according to agreement.
The chief event of
the campaign in the Netherlands in 1706 was Marlborough's decisive victory over
Marshal Villeroi at Ramillies,
near Tirlemont, May 23rd. The result of this
battle, in which more than 13,000 French were either killed, wounded, or made
prisoners, and 100 guns and 120 colours were
captured, was the conquest of all Brabant and the greater part of Flanders, by
the allies in a fortnight. In consequence of this disaster, Villeroi was superseded by Vendome, who was recalled
from Italy, as already related; but though that general succeeded in covering
Ypres, Lille, and Tournai, he could not prevent Marlborough from
taking Menin, Dendermond, and Ath. The campaign closed with the fall of the last-named
place, October 2nd. The jealousy of the Dutch had prevented Marlborough from
besieging Dunkirk. On the side of the Rhine, where Villars commanded the French
forces, nothing of much importance was attempted this year, either by that
commander or by the Imperialists.
These reverses
induced Louis XIV to renew the offer for a peace which he had already
indirectly made at the close of the preceding campaign. He had then proposed to
certain members of the States-General that Spain should cede Naples, Sicily,
and Milan; he now reverted pretty nearly to the terms of the Second Treaty of
Partition, and offered that Philip V should cede Spain and the Indies to
Charles III, and the Spanish Netherlands to the Dutch, thus retaining only
Milan, Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia. These offers were opposed by the Imperial
and English Cabinets, though the Dutch were inclined to accept them. The Emperor
wished to gain the Milanese, and Marlborough, who desired a continuance of the
war, threw all his influence against any negotiations with France. Louis
afterwards attempted, but with like success, to open a separate negotiation
with the Austrian Cabinet through Pope Clement XI, offering to cede the Italian
provinces on condition that Philip V should retain Spain and the Indies.
Campaign 1707.—The events of the
following year were more favourable to
Louis and his grandson. The campaign in Spain was opened by the memorable
Battle of Almanza, April 25th, which proved fatal to the cause of Charles
III in that country. Peterborough, who had returned to Valencia in the spring,
but was soon afterwards recalled to England, had counselled the
allies to remain on the defensive; but Galway and Das Minas resolved to attack
Berwick, in the hope that they could do so before he had been joined by his
reinforcements; in which, however, they were disappointed. Charles, by an
unaccountable whim, had set off for Barcelona before the battle, taking with
him several thousand Spanish and Dutch soldiers, so that when the allies
arrived on the vega, or plain of Almanza,
they had scarcely 12,000 infantry, whilst the enemy had double that number,
besides being superior in cavalry. The battle ended in the entire defeat of the
allies, nearly the whole of whose infantry were either killed, wounded, or made
prisoners; together with the loss of all their baggage and artillery and 120
standards. The bulk of the cavalry succeeded in escaping to Tortosa. This victory was purchased, on the part of the
French and Spaniards, with the loss of only about 2,000 men. On this occasion
the French were commanded by the Duke of Berwick, an Englishman, and the
English by a Frenchman, Ruvigni, a Huguenot
refugee, who had been made Earl of Galway; and neither of the Kings whose crown
depended on the issue appeared on the field of battle. The consequence of this
victory was the submission of nearly all Valencia and Aragon to Philip V.
Philip punished the Aragonese for their
revolt by abolishing what still remained to them of their Fueros, or
provincial privileges. The campaign was terminated by the siege and capture of
Lerida, the bulwark of Catalonia, by the French. The arms of Philip had also
been successful on the Portuguese frontier, where Ciudad Rodrigo was retaken.
The successful
progress of the allies in Italy was some compensation for their reverses in
Spain. A small Imperial army, under Daun,
marched through the Papal territories and occupied Naples without resistance
(July); and the Spanish viceroy, who defended himself awhile at Gaeta, having
surrendered on September 30th, the whole kingdom submitted to the Imperialists.
The reverses of Charles III in Spain had contributed to this result, by leading
the Neapolitans to hope that he would take up his residence in their capital.
In Northern Italy, however, the operations of the allies had not been attended
with the like success. The Duke of Savoy and Prince Eugene penetrating into
France by the Maritime Alps and Nice, appeared before Toulon towards the end of
July, while Sir Cloudesley Shovel blockaded
it by sea. But the Imperialists were prevented by Marshal Tesse from completing the investment of the city, and
the approach of some strong French divisions compelled them to make a hasty
retreat beyond the Var. The Duke of Savoy and Eugene revenged themselves by
driving the French from Susa, which they had still continued to occupy.
In the
Netherlands, where Vendome was instructed to remain on the defensive, and where
the operations of Marlborough were obstructed by the States-General, nothing of
importance took place. In Germany, Villars forced the lines of Stolhofen, which had been so long successfully defended by
Prince Louis of Baden. That commander was now dead, and his place had been very
incompetently supplied by the Margrave of Baireuth.
Villars penetrated to the Danube, and laid all Swabia and Franconia under
contribution; but the Elector of Hanover, afterwards George I of England,
having been appointed to the command of the Imperial army, ultimately forced
the French to recross the Rhine.
Campaign 1708.—The union between
England and Scotland, effected in the preceding year, had caused a good deal of
discontent in Scotland, of which Louis resolved to avail himself to attempt a
descent of the Pretender, James III, in the Firth of Forth. Early in March the
Pretender put to sea from Dunkirk with 5,000 men; but his fleet was dispersed
by Admiral Byng, and the enterprise entirely frustrated.
The campaign this
year was most active in the Netherlands where Marlborough had been joined by
Prince Eugene. Early in July, Ghent and Bruges, disgusted, it is said, by the
extortions of the allies, opened their gates to the French. A few days later
(July 11th), the Duke of Burgundy and Vendome, attempting to prevent the allies
from passing the Schelde near Oudenarde, were defeated with great loss by Marlborough and
Eugene. This victory enabled the allies to enter French Flanders, where they
laid siege to Lille, its capital, and obtained possession of the town by
capitulation, October 22nd. The citadel, valiantly defended by Marshal Boufflers, did not surrender till December 9th. The Elector
of Bavaria was compelled to raise the siege of Brussels, and Bruges and Ghent
were retaken. Thus all Spanish Flanders, and part of French Flanders, remained
in the hands of the allies.
On the Rhine, both
sides remained on the defensive. In Spain, where Galway and Das Minas had been
succeeded by Count Stahremberg and General
Stanhope, Tortosa and Alicant were recovered by Philip V, and Charles III
was compelled to shut himself up in Barcelona. Here he espoused a princess of Brunswick.
The operations at sea were more favourable to
the allies. The island of Sardinia voluntarily submitted to Admiral Lake and
proclaimed Charles III (August); and in the following month Minorca was
captured by the same Admiral and General Stanhope, Port Mahon was garrisoned by
British troops, and, like Malta at a later period, continued many years to be
England's stronghold in the Mediterranean.
The length and ill
success of the war had now begun to tell with fatal effect upon France. The
financial difficulties occasioned by the enormous disbursements were met by
ruinous loans, injudicious and vexatious taxes, the forestallment of future
revenue, and the issue of paper money. The public misery was still further
heightened by a winter of unparalleled severity. Even the impetuous Rhone was
arrested by the ice; the sea froze as in the polar regions; the vines and fruit
trees were destroyed; the corn perished in the earth. The pursuits of pleasure
and the affairs of business were equally suspended; the tribunals, the
theatres, and the shops were closed; whole families of the poor were found
frozen to death in their hovels or their garrets. The dearth and famine which
ensued produced discontent and sedition; insulting placards appeared against
the government, and were affixed even to the statues of the Great King.
1709.—Louis, thus
humiliated in the midst of all his glory, renewed his proposals for peace: and
in the negotiations which were opened at the Hague went so far as to renounce,
in the name of his grandson, the whole of the Spanish Succession, and even to
offer to restore Strassburg to the Empire.
The allies, however, and especially Marlborough and Eugene, entertained strong
doubts of his sincerity, and regarded his proposals as designed only to adjourn
the war to a more convenient season. Philip himself, so far from displaying any
intention to abandon Spain, was making every effort to rouse the zeal and
loyalty of the people in his favour; and during
the progress of the negotiations he caused his son, an infant under two years
of age, to be acknowledged by the Cortes of Castile and Aragon as Prince of
Asturias and heir of the Spanish monarchy (April 7th, 1709). It was suspected
that Louis would secretly help Philip to maintain himself in the Peninsula, as
he had before succoured Portugal against
Spain after the Treaty of the Pyrenees, and he was therefore required to assist
the allies in compelling the Duke of Anjou to quit Spain at the expiration of
two months. Louis availed himself of the harshness of this condition to rouse
the pride of the French nation in his favour. In
a public manifesto he detailed the sacrifices which he had been willing to
make, and the insulting offers with which they had been met; an appeal which
could not fail to be responded to by a nation like the French, who resolved to
defend the honor of their king to the last extremity.
Extraordinary
preparations were now made on both sides for renewing the war. Villars was
selected to oppose Marlborough and Eugene in Flanders, the chief scene of
operations this year. He could not save Tournai from the hands of the
allies (September 3rd), who then invested Mons. For this purpose they were
obliged to attack Villars in a strongly fortified position at Malplaquet, from which they succeeded in driving him, but
not without suffering enormous loss (September 11th). From the numbers engaged,
and the immense returns of killed and wounded—between 30,000 and 40,000 men in
all, of which the far greater portion belonged to the allies—this has been
reckoned the greatest and the bloodiest battle of the eighteenth century.
Villars himself was severely wounded. In consequence of this victory, the
allies obtained possession of Mons.
On the eastern
frontier of France the Imperialists, under the Elector of Hanover, had formed
the design of penetrating into Burgundy, where they were to be joined by the
Duke of Savoy. But the Count de Mercy, with a chosen body of German troops,
having penetrated into Haute Alsace, was defeated at Rumersheim (August
26th), and an end was thus put to the plan of the campaign. Nothing of much
importance was done in Spain.
This year, Pope
Clement XI, though friendly to the cause of Louis XIV and Philip V, was
compelled to recognize Charles III as King of Spain. Clement had long
complained in vain of the garrisons established by the Imperialists in the
States of the Church, and of the exorbitant contributions which they levied, as
well as of the acts of sovereignty exercised by Joseph in the Duchies of Parma
and Piacenza; and in July, 1708, he had published a bull in which he threatened
the Emperor with his temporal as well as spiritual weapons. In pursuance of
these threats, Clement took measures for levying an army of 25,000 men; but on
the approach of General Daun, he adopted more
moderate counsels. He agreed to reduce his army to 5,000 men, and to permit the
Imperialists free passage through the States of the Church, January 15th, 1709.
In some secret articles he promised to recognize Charles III as King of Spain,
and to invest him with the crown of both Sicilies.
The questions respecting Parma, Piacenza, and Comacchio were
to be settled in private conferences. A formal brief of recognition was
eventually issued (June 26th). But this violence towards the Pope was
prejudicial to Austrian interests in Spain, since it gave the French party a
handle to represent Charles to the zealous Spaniards as a favourer of heretical principles, and to confirm the
insinuation, already made through his alliance with Protestant Powers, that it
was intended to place a heretic on the throne of the Catholic Kings.
A treaty was also
concluded this year (October 29th) at the Hague between Great Britain and the
States-General, by which the States engaged to guarantee the Protestant
succession in England in favour of the
House of Hanover; while Queen Anne, on her side, promised to procure for the
Dutch an adequate barrier on the side of the Netherlands, consisting of the
towns of Fumes, Nieuport, Ypres, Menin,
Lille, Tournai, Conde, Valenciennes, Maubeuge,
Charleroi, Namur, Halle, Damme, Dendermond,
and the citadel of Ghent. Several of these places were not yet taken.
1710.—In the spring of
the year Louis renewed at Gertruydenberg the
conference for a peace, and in addition to his former proposals he now offered
the allies a subsidy of a million livres a month against his grandson
Philip V, in case the latter should refuse to content himself with Sicily and
Sardinia. It was, however, a suspicious circumstance that at this very time
Louis bestowed on the infant son of the Duke of Burgundy the title of Duke of
Anjou, which belonged to Philip V in case of his renouncing the throne of
Spain. The allies, who were determined on maintaining the war, required that
Louis should himself expel his grandson from Spain without any assistance,
except, perhaps, from their armies in Catalonia and Portugal. This outrageous
proposition at once put an end to the conference.
There was no
general engagement this year in Flanders, where the allies captured Douai,
Bethune, St. Venant, and Aire, thus
encroaching more and more on the French frontier. On the Rhine the armies
contented themselves with observing each other; and a projected invasion
of Dauphiné and Languedoc, from Savoy and
the sea, proved a complete failure. The chief operations were in Spain, and
were at first favourable to the allies. Stahremberg and Stanhope, by their victories at Almenara and Saragossa, were again enabled to
penetrate to Madrid; while Philip V and his Court, and a great part of the
population of the capital, retired to Valladolid. Charles III entered Madrid
for the first time towards the end of September, but was received by the
inhabitants with a sullen silence, which caused him immediately to leave it for
a villa in the neighborhood. The arrival of Vendome in Spain, who reorganized
Philip’s forces, and the advance of the Duke of Noailles to
Perpignan, induced the allies to evacuate Madrid in November. Charles III
hastened to rejoin his consort at Barcelona. General Stanhope, with the
rear-guard of the allies, composed of between 5,000 and 6,000 British troops,
was overtaken by Philip and Vendome at the little town of Brihuega (December 8th); where, being overpowered by
superior numbers, and having exhausted all their ammunition, they were, after a
brave and prolonged defence, compelled to surrender.
Next day, Stahremberg, who was marching to Stanhope's
relief, but too slowly, was defeated by Philip and Vendome at Villa Viciosa, and compelled to hasten his retreat to Barcelona,
where he arrived with only 7,000 men. These events were decisive of the fate of
Spain. The Duke of Noailles having invaded Catalonia, Charles found
his Spanish possessions reduced to Barcelona and Tarragona.
1711.—The war was
now to take an unexpected turn through some unforeseen occurrences. In the
course of 1710 that famous change of administration had taken place in England
by which the Whigs were supplanted by the Tories. The influence of Marlborough
and Godolphin gave place to that of Harley and St. John; the new ministry were
inclined to peace, and were supported by the nation; for the people were weary
of the war of which they bore the chief burden. While the English nation were
in this temper, the death of the Emperor Joseph I, who died April 17th, 1711,
at the age of thirty-two, changed the whole character of the War of the Spanish
Succession. As Joseph left no male heirs, the hereditary dominions of the House
of Austria devolved to his brother, the Archduke Charles; and though that
prince had not been elected King of the Romans, and had therefore to become a
candidate for the Imperial crown, yet there could be little doubt that he would
obtain that dignity. Hence, if Charles should also become Sovereign of Spain
and the Indies, the vast empire of Charles V would be again united in one
person; and that very evil of an almost universal monarchy would be
established, the prevention of which had been one of the chief reasons of the
Whig opposition to Philip V.
The English
ministry had already made advances to the French King before the death of the
Emperor, and Louis had expressed his willingness to enter into a separate
negotiation with them. The terms proposed by the English Cabinet were :
security that the crowns of France and Spain should never be united on the same
head (a tacit acknowledgment of Philip V); barriers for Holland and the Empire;
the restitution of the conquests made from the Duke of Savoy and others; and a
vague stipulation for “the satisfaction of all the allies”. As regarded the
particular interests of Great Britain, it was required that Louis should
recognize Queen Anne and the Protestant succession in the House of Hanover, and
dismiss the Pretender from France; that the fortifications of Dunkirk should be
razed; that Gibraltar, Minorca, and St. Christopher’s should be ceded to
England, and that the privilege of the Asiento, that is, the monopoly of
the slave-trade, should also be transferred to her; that the English should be
placed on the footing of the most favoured nations
in their trade with Spain; and that France should cede Newfoundland and
Hudson’s Bay and Straits; each country otherwise retaining its possessions in
North America. These articles were signed as the preliminaries of a peace
between France and England by Menager, Louis’s
envoy to London, October 8th.
Meanwhile the war
still continued. Marlborough, though he had political influence at home,
retained the command of the army in Flanders; but his only exploit in this
campaign was the capture of the little town of Bouchain (September
12th). The war was almost equally featureless in other quarters. In Spain,
Philip V. took Gerona and Balaguer; in France, Marshal Berwick again
prevented the Duke of Savoy from penetrating into Dauphiné In
Germany, Eugene, who had been recalled from the Netherlands to command the
united army of Austria and the Empire, contented himself with covering the
Electoral Diet which had assembled to choose an Emperor; nor was the
Marquis d'Harcourt, the French commander,
disposed to molest an assembly whose purpose would be of essential service to
the actual policy of France. After an interregnum of half a year, during which
the affairs of the Empire had been conducted by the Elector Palatine and the
Elector of Saxony, as Imperial Vicars for South and North Germany, the Archduke
Charles was unanimously chosen King of the Romans, and consequently
"Emperor Elect," by the Electoral College (October 12th); except that
the Electors of Bavaria and Cologne, being under the ban of the Empire, had not
been summoned to that assembly, and entered a solemn protest against its
proceedings. Charles, who had embarked for Italy and Germany towards the end of
September, leaving his consort at Barcelona as Regent, and as a pledge for his
return, received the German crown at Frankfurt, December 22nd, with the title
of Charles VI.
The news of
preliminaries having been signed between France and England had been received
with dismay and dissatisfaction at Vienna, and the Hague; and indeed the
conduct of the new Tory ministry in thus separating from their allies can
hardly be defended, although Great Britain had just reason to complain that
neither the Emperor nor the States-General had borne their fair share in a war
conducted chiefly for their benefit. The object of the Tories was to end the
war as soon as possible, in order that they should have time to settle the
succession question before the death of Anne. The envoys at London of the
Emperor, the States-General, and the Elector of Hanover, the last of whom was
embittered against Louis as the protector of his rival, the Pretender, strained
every nerve to overthrow the new ministry and defeat the peace; but though
Prince Eugene came in person to support their representations, their efforts
served only to confirm the English Court in its new policy. The majority of the
House of Lords, which was adverse to the ministry, was swamped by the creation
of twelve new peers; and Marlborough, besides being dismissed from all his
offices, was accused of peculation. He was succeeded as Commander-in-chief by
the Duke of Ormond.
There was now no
alternative but to agree to a conference for a general peace, which was opened
at Utrecht, January 29th, 1712. Three French plenipotentiaries, the Marshal d'Huxelles, the Abbé de Polignac, and Menager, who had settled the preliminaries at London, had
the difficult task of replying to eighty ministers of the allies; but they were
supported by the English plenipotentiaries, the Bishop of Bristol, and Earl Strafford.
It had been a principle of the Grand Alliance that the allies should treat
jointly for a peace, which the ministers of the Allied Powers interpreted to
mean, all together, in one act or treaty. The French, however, insisted that it
merely meant at one and the same time, but by separate acts or treaties; and
this interpretation being approved by the English envoys, all general
conferences ceased, and the ministers of the various States assembled in
private to deliberate on their proceedings. The French propositions were in the
main conformable to the preliminaries already mentioned as signed at London:
viz., the recognition of Queen Anne and the Protestant succession in England; a
barrier for Holland; the cession of Landau to the Empire, and of the two Sicilies, the Spanish Netherlands, and the Milanese to the
House of Austria; the re-establishment of the Electors of Bavaria and Cologne,
and the transfer of the Island of Sardinia to the former as compensation for
the Upper Palatinate; finally, Louis engaged to agree to any measures which
might be deemed requisite to prevent the union of the crowns of France and
Spain. To these propositions the allies, with the exception of England, replied
only by counter-propositions still more extravagant than those they had already
made. The Emperor demanded to be recognized as universal heir of the dominions
of Charles II; the Empire insisted on the restoration of Alsace, the three
bishoprics, and Franche-Comté; the States-General required as a barrier all the
towns of the Netherlands which France had acquired by the treaties of
Aix-la-Chapelle and Nimeguen, except St. Omer
and Cambrai; even the Duke of Savoy demanded an accession of territory on
the side of Dauphiné and the principality
of Monaco. These extravagant demands only further stimulated Louis to make a
separate peace with England; but some fatal events which had taken place in
France tended to protract the negotiations even between these two countries.
The Dauphin had
died in April, 1711, and was succeeded in that title, as heir of the French
monarchy, by his son, the Duke of Burgundy, the elder brother of Philip V of
Spain.
The Duke of
Burgundy had been the pupil of Fenelon—the Telemachus for whom the precepts of
Mentor had been elaborated—and his talents and virtues had caused him to be
regarded, both by his grandfather and the French nation, with joy and hope as
the future king of France. Unfortunately, however, in February, 1712, he died
of a fever which had carried off, a few days before, his wife, Mary Adelaide of
Savoy. Nor was this the whole of the misfortunes of the royal House of France.
The two children of the Dauphin were seized with the same disorder which had
proved fatal to their parents; the elder, who bore the title of Duke of
Brittany, expired in a few days; the younger, the Duke of Anjou, survived
indeed the crisis of the malady, but was left in a weak condition. This infant
of two years was, therefore, now the only life between Philip V and the crown
of France; and the English Cabinet, naturally desirous of fresh guarantees
against its union with that of Spain, demanded that Philip should cede his
eventual rights to his younger brother, the Duke of Bern. Louis objected that
such a renunciation was contrary to the fundamental laws of France; nevertheless
the English Cabinet stated that it should be satisfied with such a
renunciation, on the ground that it would be regarded in England as valid, and
that, at all events, the claims of the prince, in whose favour the renunciation was made, could be justly
supported by the parties to the convention. The negotiations on this subject,
which were confined to the English, French, and Spanish Cabinets, were
protracted several months. Philip at length consented to abandon the country of
his birth for that of his adoption. In November, 1712, in presence of the
Cortes assembled at Madrid, and of Lord Lexington, the English ambassador, he
publicly renounced the rights and pretensions of himself and his posterity to
the crown of France, to which the Duke of Berri was named next in
succession after the Duke of Anjou; and in default of male heirs, the Duke of
Orleans, Philip’s uncle, the Duke of Bourbon, his cousin; and the remaining
French princes in their order. The Dukes of Berri and Orleans also
renounced in turn their claims to the Spanish monarchy; the succession to
which, in default of heirs of Philip V, was assured to the House of Savoy, as
descended from Catharine, sister of Philip II. Philip's renunciation was
registered by the Parliament of Paris, and Louis cancelled the letters patent
by which he had reserved to Philip his eventual claim to the French throne.
Louis XIV had
acceded to these terms several months before, upon the English ministry showing
a resolution to adopt vigorous measures. Meanwhile the allied armies had taken
the field as usual in May; but Ormond had declined all active co-operation with
Eugene; and in June, on receipt of intelligence that Louis had agreed to the
proposed terms, he announced to the Germans in the pay of England an armistice
of four months with France. On July 17th Ormond and the English troops
separated from the allies; and about the same time a body of 5,000 English took
possession of Dunkirk as the price of the truce and a pledge of the fulfillment
of the promises made by the French King. Eugene, left to contend alone against
Marshal Villars, soon felt the disastrous consequences of the defection of his
allies. On July 24th he was defeated by Villars at Denain,
who pursued this success by the recapture of Douai, Le Quesnoi,
and Bouchain. In other quarters the war this
year was wholly unimportant.
The Barrier Treaty
of 1713
The defeat of the
allies at Denain greatly modified the views
of the Dutch; while Louis felt the advantage of his position and insisted on a
considerable modification of the barrier which they demanded. The English
Cabinet persuaded the States-General to accept most of these alterations; and
on January 29th, 1713, a new Barrier Treaty was signed between the two Maritime
Powers. The places destined to serve as a barrier were now reduced to Furnes, the fort of Knocque,
Ypres, Menin, Tournai, Mons, Charleroi, the citadel of Ghent, and
some fortresses in the neighborhood of that city and Bruges; and Great Britain
engaged to procure for the Dutch the right of garrison in them from the future
Sovereign of the Spanish Netherlands. There was now nothing to hinder a peace
between England, France, and Holland; but it was delayed awhile in order that
all the belligerents should, if possible, sign together. The Emperor, who
complained that England had betrayed him, still refused to join in the negotiations
at Utrecht. He was desirous, however, of effecting a convention for the
evacuation of Catalonia, where his army was compromised by the withdrawal of
the English forces in the autumn, and subsequently of the Portuguese; whose
king, now John V, had signed a truce at Utrecht, November 7th. France and
England agreed to such a convention, the neutrality of Italy being also
guaranteed, without which peace would have been impracticable; since, if Savoy
should be attacked by the Emperor, the Maritime Powers were bound to come to
the Duke’s support. An amnesty was stipulated for the Catalans, and Queen Anne
promised her good offices for the maintenance of their ancient privileges,
or Fueros, a promise, however, which was shamefully neglected. Charles VI
having by this convention recovered his troops and his wife, who was still
holding her Court at Barcelona, was only the more obstinate in rejecting the
peace. The Catalans refused to accept the amnesty without the confirmation of
their Fueros, and it became necessary to reduce them by arms. Barcelona
was not captured by Marshal Berwick till September 12th, 1714, after a defence of almost unparalleled heroism.
England had fixed
April 11th, 1713, as the day by which the allies were to accept the offers of
France; after which term neither of those countries was to be bound by them.
Count Zinzendorf, the Imperial minister, having rejected a paper containing the
French proposals handed to him by the British plenipotentiaries, the latter
accordingly signed a treaty with France; and on the same day separate treaties
were also signed with that Power by the ministers of the States-General,
Prussia, Portugal, and Savoy.
The principal
articles of the treaty between France and Great Britain were conformable to
those already mentioned in the negotiations between the two countries; viz.,
the recognition by France of the Hanoverian succession in England, the
abandonment of the Stuarts, the acknowledgment of the various renunciations of
the French and Spanish Crowns, as before stated, the destruction of the fort
and fortifications of Dunkirk, the cession to England of Acadia (Nova Scotia),
Hudson's Bay and Straits, Newfoundland, and St. Kitts. On the same day a treaty
of commerce was concluded between France and England, by which the subjects of
either Power were placed on the footing of the most favoured nations.
The treaty between
France and Portugal related only to colonial possessions, and some cessions
were made in favour of Portugal.
By the treaty with
Prussia, Louis recognized the Elector of Brandenburg as King of Prussia,
consented to give him the title of “Majesty”, ceded to him by virtue of a power
from the King of Spain, the Spanish portion of Gelderland, except Venloo, and Ruremonde, but
on condition that the Catholic religion should be upheld; assigned to him, as
representative of the House of Chalons,
amalgamated with that of Orange, the sovereignty of Neufchatel and Valengin, in Switzerland, vacant by the death of the
Duchess of Nemours, without children, in 1707; when the States of Neufchatel
had decided in favour of the King of
Prussia's claims. Frederick William, on his side, renounced his pretensions to
the principality of Orange and the lands and lordships belonging to it. He was
the only German prince who treated separately and independently in these
conferences, with Savoy.
The treaty between
Louis XIV and Victor Amadeus II of Savoy, restored to the latter Savoy and
Nice, and ceded to him Exilles, Fenestrelle, and Chateau Dauphin. The summit, or
water-shed, of the Alps, was henceforth to be the boundary between France and
Piedmont, and the plateau of those mountains was to be divided. Sicily, with
the title of King, was guaranteed to the Duke; and he and his posterity were
recognized as the legitimate heirs of the Spanish monarchy in default of heirs
of Philip V. The cessions made to the Duke by the Emperor Leopold in the treaty
of Turin (October, 1703) were confirmed.
The treaty between
France and the States-General to the Dutch all that part of the Spanish
Netherlands still held by the French, which the States were to hand over to
Austria so soon as a barrier should have been arranged; and a portion of the
French Netherlands was also ceded in like manner through the States to Austria.
The States, on their part, agreed to restore certain places to France, as
Lille, Orchies, Aire, Bethune, etc. A
commercial treaty was also concluded between the two countries.
Spain could not
take part in the general pacification till Philip V had been recognized, and
the Spanish ministers therefore did not appear at Utrecht till the treaties had
been signed by the other Powers. The peace between Spain and Great Britain was
retarded by the difficulties raised by Philip V respecting the renunciation of
Sicily; but these having been at length removed, a treaty was signed between
those Powers, July 13th, 1713. The principal articles were the recognition by
Spain of the Hanoverian succession, the cession of Gibraltar and Minorca to
England, but on condition that no Moors nor Jews should establish themselves in
either, and the assignment of the Asiento to an English company for a
period of thirty years from May 1st, 1713. In a previous assignment of this
privilege by Philip V to a French company in 1701, a fourth part of the profits
of this trade had been reserved for the Kings of France and Spain, and similar
shares were now assigned to the sovereigns of Spain and England. The number of
negroes to be imported yearly into Spanish America was fixed, as before, at
4,800. At the intercession of the Queen of England, the Catalans were to have
an amnesty, and all the privileges enjoyed by Castilians: a virtual abolition
of their Fueros, or ancient and peculiar liberties.
By the treaty with
the Duke of Savoy, August 13th, 1713, Spain ceded Sicily to that House as a
kingdom, and Victor Amadeus II was crowned at Palermo, November 14th, 1713; but
both the Pope and the Emperor refused to recognize him. Subsequently, by the
Treaty of Quadruple Alliance, 1718, the Duke was forced to exchange Sicily for
Sardinia.
The peace between
Spain and the States-General was delayed till June 26th, 1714, chiefly through
the extravagant ambition of the Princess des Ursins,
who wished to persuade Philip V to erect some part of the Spanish Netherlands
into an independent sovereignty in her favour,
to which both the Dutch and the Emperor were opposed. The treaty between Spain
and the United Netherlands relates chiefly to colonies and commerce.
The last treaty
signed at Utrecht was that between Spain and Portugal (February, 1715), which
had been delayed by the mutual animosity of the two nations. Everything taken
during the war was reciprocally restored, so that the limits of the two
kingdoms remained the same as before. Spain ceded the colony of St. Sacrament,
on the north bank of the river La Plata.
All these treaties
together form the Peace of Utrecht. As it consisted of so many particular
conventions, which might be violated without the parties to them being in a
condition to claim the help of their former allies, the Grand Alliance was
consequently dissolved, and the Emperor, who was the centre of
it, was left without support. A delay, till June 1st, 1713, was accorded to him
to accede to the peace; but he could not yet digest the terms offered to him by
France, and especially the proposal to give Sardinia to the Elector of Bavaria,
by way of compensation for the Upper Palatinate, which had been restored to the
Elector Palatine. He therefore resolved to continue the war, in the hope that
the talents of Prince Eugene might procure him a victory, and enable him to
treat on better terms. With this view he assembled all his forces on the Rhine;
but the campaign turned out very much to his disadvantage. Eugene could not
prevent Villars from taking Landau (August), and subsequently Freiburg, the
capital of the Breisgau (November). Charles VI now consented to
treat. Eugene and Villars, so lately opposed in the field, met at Rastadt for that purpose; and their negotiations
proceeded much more rapidly than those of professional diplomatists. The Peace
of Rastadt, signed March 7th, 1714, was the last
service rendered by Villars to Louis XIV, who told him that he had crowned all
his laurels with that olive branch. The definitive treaty, however, was not
signed till September 7th, at Baden, in Switzerland. The treaty was formed on
the basis of that of Ryswick, and no regard was paid to the protests of the
German States against the fourth clause of that treaty, so prejudicial to the
interests of Protestantism. The Pope had exhorted Louis not to abrogate the
clause; but it has been only lately known that Clement was incited to this step
by the Court of Vienna. All places on the right bank of the Rhine were restored
to the Empire; but Landau and its dependencies were ceded to France. The House
of Austria was allowed to take possession of the Spanish Netherlands, according
to the stipulations in the Treaties of Utrecht; that is, reserving a barrier
for the Dutch, and also Upper Gelderland, which had been ceded to Prussia.
Charles VI was permitted to retain possession of all the places he occupied in
Italy; as the Kingdom of Naples, the Duchy of Milan, Sardinia, and the
fortresses on the Tuscan coast. The Electors of Bavaria and Cologne were
reinstated in their dominions and dignities; but the Emperor preferred to
restore the Upper Palatinate to the former, rather than give him the Island of
Sardinia. This island was promised to the Elector Palatine by way of
compensation for the Upper Palatinate; but the promise was never performed.
Such was the treaty which the House of Austria, through its stubborn obstinacy,
was at length compelled to accept, instead of the infinitely more advantageous
terms offered by Louis XIV at the Hague and Gertruydenberg!
The ministers of
the Emperor and the States-General met at Antwerp to carry out the stipulations
respecting the Dutch barrier, under the mediation of George I, who had now
ascended the throne of England; and the Third Barrier Treaty was signed
November 15th, 1715. It was agreed that after the surrender of the Spanish
Netherlands to the Emperor, a body of troops should be maintained in them, of
which three-fifths were to be provided by the Emperor, and two-fifths by the
Dutch. Dutch garrisons were to be placed in Namur, Tournai, Menin, Furnes, Warneton, Ypres, and
the fort of Knocque, and a mixed garrison of
Spaniards and Dutch in Dendermond; the Dutch
commandants taking an oath to hold these places for the House of Austria. The
Emperor ceded Venloo and some other places,
and especially such as were necessary for inundating the country in time of
war. England guaranteed the treaty, and engaged to support it by arms. The
Dutch delivered, in February, 1716, to the Emperor the Spanish Netherlands, as
possessed by Charles II; but not till 1719 the places ceded by France.
Thus was at length
terminated the war of the Spanish Succession, the greatest which had agitated
Europe since the Crusades. Its effect was to modify considerably the situation
of the different European States. Spain herself was apparently the greatest
loser, having been deprived of her dominions in the Low Countries and Italy,
and compelled to allow England a settlement in one of her islands, and even on
her very soil. But, on the other hand, she retained her American possessions;
and the loss of her outlying territories in Italy and the Netherlands
strengthened her. From this period she began slowly to revive: and the decrease
in her population, which had been gradually going on since the time of Charles
V, was now arrested. Austria, though compelled to renounce the hope of reaping
the whole Spanish Succession, acquired the greater part of those territories of
which Spain was deprived; yet as these acquisitions lay not contiguous to her,
it may be doubted whether they were not rather a cause of weakness than of
strength, by increasing her danger in a greater ratio than they multiplied her
resources. France lost a portion of the frontier which she had formerly
acquired, while the fear with which she had inspired the different States,
drove them to unite themselves more closely with Austria. But these losses were
nothing in comparison with her internal ills—the disorder of her finances and
the exhaustion of her population. After the Peace of Utrecht, France, though
still one of the principal elements of the European system, required a long
period of rest before she could take an active part in European politics. In
the great struggle with the Habsburgs, Louis XIV had been successful. He had
placed his grandson on the throne of Spain, and had confined the Habsburgs to
Germany. The influence and reputation of England, were much increased by the
results of the war, in which she had proved herself able to counterbalance the
power of France and Spain. Holland, on the other hand, gained nothing besides her
barrier, and from this time her commerce began to fall into the hands of the
English. Death of Neither Louis XIV nor Queen Anne long survived the Queen
Peace of Utrecht. Anne died on August 1st, 1714. She was succeeded by the
Elector of Hanover, with the title of George I, a prince whose chief political
tenet was, like that of his predecessor, William III, hatred of Louis XIV. One
of his first acts was to dismiss the Tory Ministry, whom he regarded with
abhorrence, as the advisers of the Peace of Utrecht. The Whigs were reinstated
in office, and Marlborough, who at this very time was intriguing with the
Pretender, was again made Captain-General and Master of the Ordnance.
Louis XIV survived
the English Queen thirteen months; but it would have been better for his fame
if he had preceded her to the tomb. He was now sunk in bigotry and intolerance.
Since the death of his confessor, Father la Chaise, in 1709, Louis had intrusted the keeping of his conscience to Father
le Tellier, a Jesuit, whose religion was tinctured with pride and
malignancy, instead of the Christian virtues of humbleness and charity. One of
the first acts of Le Tellier was to procure the destruction of the
celebrated convent of Port Royal, the refuge of the Jansenists, the
enemies of his Society (November, 1709). He also obtained from Pope Clement XI
the celebrated bull Unigenitus (September,
1713), by which were condemned 101 propositions extracted from the Reflexions Morales sur le Nouveau
Testament, an esteemed work by Quesnel, now the head of the Jansenists—a
book which had received the approbation of Father la Chaise, and even of
Clement himself. It would have been fortunate, however, if Le Tellier had
confined himself only to attacking speculative doctrines. He persuaded the King
to revive the intolerant spirit which had prompted the repeal of the Edict of
Nantes, and to invade the privilege of conscience and the sanctuary of domestic
life. In 1712 a royal ordinance was published prohibiting physicians from succouring, after the third day, patients labouring under dangerous maladies, unless they could
produce from an ecclesiastic a certificate of confession! This atrocious edict
was followed, in 1715, by another, which denied those who died without
receiving the sacraments the rites of sepulture.
Yet the political
conduct of this royal zealot was marked in his last years by the grossest
perfidy. Although he literally fulfilled his engagement to fill up the port of
Dunkirk, he endeavored to evade the spirit of it by causing to be made between
that place and Mardyck a huge canal, a
league in length, and capable of sheltering vessels of 80 guns. This was done
on the pretence of providing an outlet for
some canals previously emptied by the sluices at Dunkirk, and it was only after
some threatening remonstrances from the English Government that the
undertaking was suspended. Again, by the Peace of Utrecht Louis had solemnly
recognized the succession of the House of Hanover in England, and had promised
to withdraw his protection from the Stuarts; yet he secretly encouraged the
pretended James III's ill-judged and abortive expedition to Scotland in 1715,
by procuring for him a vessel, arms for 10,000 men, and a loan from Philip V of
1,200,000 francs, which he was not able to advance out of his own funds. If these
are bad specimens of Louis's political honesty, his legitimatization of his
children by Madame de Montespan, his endowing them with the rights of
princes of the blood, and making them capable of succeeding to the crown, are
no less open to criticism.
It is not
improbable that Louis's efforts in favour of
the Pretender might have again precipitated France into a war with England had
the King's life been prolonged. But in August, 1715, he was seized with a slow
fever, which put an end to his life, September 1st. In the last days of his
existence this mighty King was abandoned by all his family and courtiers, and
died in the presence only of priests, physicians, and attendants. He had
attained the age of seventy-seven years, during seventy-two of which he had sat
upon the throne, the longest reign on record. He died with constancy and
resignation, and the last days of his life show him to more advantage as a man
than the season of his greatest glory and prosperity. It had been well for his
people had the aged monarch been impressed at an earlier period of his reign
with those words of counsel which he addressed on his deathbed to the youthful
Dauphin. “My child”, said he, “you will soon be the sovereign of a great
kingdom. Do not forget your obligations to God; remember that it is to Him you
owe all that you are. Endeavour to live at peace with your neighbors; do not
imitate me in my fondness for war, nor in the exorbitant expenditure which I
have incurred. Take counsel in all your actions. Endeavour to relieve the
people at the earliest possible moment, and thus to accomplish what,
unfortunately, I am unable to do myself”.
These words, which
were afterwards inscribed on the bed of Louis XV by order of Marshal Villeroi, are, in fact, a condemnation by Louis himself of
his whole reign. In that retrospect of conscience, he denounces his constant
wars, his profligate expenditure, his uncontrollable self-will, and regrets
that no time was left him to repair the misfortunes which they had produced.
This condemnatory review was confirmed by the French people. The day of his
funeral was a day of rejoicing and holiday; the procession was greeted with
laughter and songs by the carousing populace, who added another article of
reproach, over which the royal conscience had slumbered. Some proposed to use
the funeral torches to set fire to the houses of the Jesuits; but Louis had
expired without giving the slightest indication that the course which he had
pursued in religious matters gave him any compunction. In spite, however, of
his defects, Louis XIV must be allowed in many respects to have possessed the
qualities of a great sovereign. He was generous and munificent; in grace,
affability, and dignity of manner, in all that goes to constitute the outward
semblance and bearing of a king, he was unrivalled; and all his projects,
however unjust and impolitic, were marked by grandeur of conception, and
ability and perseverance in their execution. And now that the misery inflicted
by his reign has been forgotten, and only the French, its glory and conquests
are remembered, it is probable that the image of Louis XIV will continue to
occupy a conspicuous niche in the national Pantheon of the French, a nation
ever ready to pardon the faults of those who have extended their boundaries,
upheld their military reputation, and promoted the fame of their literature and
art.
CHAPTER XLICHARLES XII AND PETER THE GREAT
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