THE

CANONS AND DECREES

OF THE

SACRED AND ECUMENICAL COUNCIL OF TRENT

Celebrated under the Pontiffs Paul III, Julius III, and Pius IV.

To which are prefixed essays on the external and internal History of the Council.

Part 1

CHAPTER I. Introduction.—Histories of the Council of Trent.—State of the Church at the death of Julius II.

CHAPTER II. Leo X.—Luther; his opposition to indulgences

CHAPTER III. Luther summoned to Rome

CHAPTER IV. Cajetan and Luther

CHAPTER V. Luther’s Appeal to a General Council; his condemnation.—Miltitz and Luther 

CHAPTER VI. Eck and Luther.—The decretals burned.— Aleander—Erasmus

CHAPTER VII. The Diet of Worms.—Luther’s Flight to Wartburg

CHAPTER VIII. Transactions from the death of Leo to the Diet of Spires, 1526.

CHAPTER IX. The Confession of Augsburg, and the Protest

CHAPTER X. League of Smalcald.—Council agreed to by Clement VII

CHAPTER XI. Paul III.—Vergerius and Luther.—Coun­cil summoned to meet at Vicenza

CHAPTER XII. Council of Trent indicted, prorogued, opened.—Objections to the Council considered

Part 2

SESSION I. Preparatory business transacted

SESSION II. Decree on the manner of life to be observed during the Council 

SESSION III. On the Symbol of Faith

SESSION IV. On the Canonical Scriptures

SESSION V. On Original Sin.—Reformation 

SESSION VI. On Justification.—Reformation

SESSION VII. On the Sacraments in General, and on Baptism and Confirmation.—Reformation 

SESSION VIII. Translation of the Council SESSION IX. Prorogation of the Council  

SESSION X. Prorogation of the Council  

SESSION XI. Resumption of the Council

SESSION XII. Prorogation

SESSION XIII. On the Sacrament of the Holy Eucharist.—Reformation 

SESSION XIV. On the Sacrament of Penance.—Reformation

SESSION XV. Prorogation 

SESSION XVI. Suspension of the Council

SESSION XVII. Decree for celebrating the Council 

SESSION XVIII. On the Choice of Books SESSION XIX. Prorogation SESSION XX. Prorogation

SESSION XXI. On Communion in one kind, and the Communion of Infants.—Reformation

SESSION XXII. On the Sacrifice of the Mass.—Reformation

SESSION XXIII. On the Sacrament of Order.—Reformation

SESSION XXIV. On the Sacrament of Matrimony.—Reformation

SESSION XXV. Purgatory.—Invocation of Saints.—Images, &c.—Reformation.—Bull of Confirmation

PREFACE.

Many years have elapsed since the Editor of this work formed the design of publishing a translation of the General Councils. The advantage, or necessity, of studying the Councils, as one of the chief records of the faith, morals, and discipline of the Church; as the main basis and exponents of canon law; as containing much of the history of the Church and of heresy; and finally, as forming part of that deposit of doctrine and practice, which so many are called upon to receive in the Profession of Faith of Pius IV; furnished motive enough to regard the undertaking as one of importance and general utility. And it was also thought, that a work of this class would be acceptable and advantageous, not only to the ecclesiastical student, but also to all who may wish to make themselves acquainted with the real doctrines of the Catholic Church, as stated and defined, not by individuals, but by her assembled prelates, secured from error, in matters of faith, by the promised assistance of the Holy Spirit, when thus representing in Council the entire Church of God.

The Council of Trent has been first prepared for press, because that Council is of more immediate use for the present times; as the errors of the Innovators of the sixteenth century are there condemned, and the Catholic doctrine is there also stated, on the chief points which still unfortunately separate so many from our communion; and also because the decrees of discipline and reformation, published by that Council, embody the leading principles of Canon Law, by which the government and polity of the Church are, in a great measure, now regulated.

This latter consideration weighed much with the Editor, in inducing him to proceed at once, with this last of the General Councils. The times were said to be ripe for a restoration, in this country, of the ordinary discipline of the Church, as regards bishops and clergy; or, at all events, it appeared to many, that the day could not be far distant, when such a consummation must be looked for; and when, therefore, it would become, or was becoming, necessary, to enable all, readily and easily, to study the true duties and rights which they would, perhaps soon, be called upon to exercise.

It only remains to notice such details, in the execution of the work, as may be thought likely to interest the reader.

1. The edition of the Council used, is Le Plat’s copy of the authentic edition, published at Rome in 1564

2. Neither time, nor labour, has been spared to render the translation as faithful a transcript as possible of the original; the most minute accuracy being essential to the value of a work of this character. Hence, the translation will be found to be a literal, and, as far as was attainable, a verbatim representation of the words of the Council; and where those words seemed, either susceptible of a somewhat different rendering, or to convey some slight shade of meaning not capable of being reproduced in our language, they have been uniformly placed in the margin.

3. Many notes, and especially numerous references to previous Councils, had been prepared, to elucidate the meaning of the Council; but, after much reflection, they have been, almost entirely, suppressed; for fear of infringing on a wise and extensive prohibition, issued in the Bull of Confirmation, against glosses, and other such attempts at illustrating the decrees of the Council. Such, then, is the general character, or what it has been the Editor’s endeavour to render the character, of this the first translation of the Council of Trent into the English language; but should any passage, or word, be discovered, or be thought, to be less accurately translated, than might be wished, the translator will feel grateful to have the place pointed out to him, that he may give the suggested emendation a candid consideration, and adopt it if advisable.

4. To the canons and decrees are prefixed two historical essays. The first of those pieces treats of the causes and events which immediately preceded and occasioned the convocation of the Council; whilst the second essay is a connected narrative of the proceedings of the assembled prelates and theologians, preparatory to each Session. The one gives the history of the times; the other of the Council; and the second especially will, it is believed, be found useful in elucidating many phrases and canons, and in fixing the meaning of passages and decrees which might labour under some obscurity, if considered only as they stand in the text. In fact, without an intimate acquaintance with the debates in the congregations, which prepared for and preceded the public Sessions, it would be difficult, or impossible, to form a just and an accurate judgment on the form of words used in several of the most important decrees, especially of discipline and reformation.

5. In compiling both the external and internal history of the Council of Trent, continued use has been made of the noble work of Pallavicino; and as nearly all the leading facts and statements are derived from that authentic record, it has not been thought necessary to load the margin with references; almost every important circumstance, narrated in the essays, being capable of being confirmed by reference to that work.

HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT.

Part first.

CHAPTER I.

Introduction, object of.—Fra Paolo’s and Pallavicino’s histories of the Council of Trent.—Luther.—State of the Church.—Julius II; Pisa and Lateran; the Pontiff’s wars and expenses.—Resolves to rebuild the Vatican Basilica—Proclaims an Indulgence.

In the following pages, it is not merely intended to sketch an outline of those events which preceded and led to the convocation of the Council of Trent; to trace its outward progress and the obstacles which it encountered when summoned; but the object of the writer will also be, to furnish such observations and facts as may serve to illustrate many of the canons and decrees which form the present volume. This Introduction, therefore, will be as much occupied with the internal, as with the external history of the Council; as much with phrases and their history, as with facts; though die limits of such an essay will require that both be touched briefly and rapidly.

A detailed history of the Council would, indeed, be a valuable addition to our English literature. Yet, though the English version of Fra Paolo’s skilful, but unfair, representation of that important event, is of easy access to the English reader, and though his statements have been copied by a host of servile followers; the laborious and authentic history by Pallavicino has neither been made accessible by translation, nor has the substance of it been presented in the more pleasing form of an original narrative, based on his minute investigation of the records and acts of the Council, and of the writings and letters of the eyewitnesses of this last, but, perhaps, most important, of the General Councils of the Church. This is the more to be wondered at and lamented, when we reflect, that the defection of Luther, and the rapid diffusion of his opinions or principles,—gathering in their course not individuals only, but whole cities and states, and threatening in turn almost every nation of Christendom,—are events, not only of great interest and importance in themselves, as filling one of the most curious pages in the history of religion, at a time when causes of unexperienced and vast power and magnitude gave an almost unexampled impulse to the human mind; but are, in their consequences, events so deeply felt and active, even in our days, that we see them influencing, more or less, and in various forms, the opinions, the practice, and the destiny of whole nations, even after the expiration of more than three hundred years.

But we must proceed, at once, from these wider views, to the more limited sketch before us; and, as the early history of Luther may be found, in sufficiently correct detail, in any of the numerous records of his chequered life, we will begin at that part of his career which has direct reference to the events which it is our immediate object to depict.

It was not till the year 1517, that is, when Luther was thirty-four years of age, and eleven years after his profession as an Augustinian monk, that any proposition actually opposed to the faith, or practice, of the Church emanated from his pen. There was, at that time, a profound peace throughout the Western Church. Hardly a remnant of any of the ancient heresies disturbed the general tranquillity: a few obscure and uneducated followers of the errors or impieties of the Vaudois, and here and there an adherent of Wickliff, were the only dissenters from the Church. The schism, that had convulsed the Church under Julius II, had been happily terminated by the death of that Pontiff; his successor, Leo X, had suppressed the Synod of Pisa; concluded and secured the acceptation of the Council of Lateran; and received the submission of the schismatic Cardinals, and that of their supporter, the French King, Louis X. But, in the midst of this tranquillity, the Church still felt the trembling agitation produced by those events; some of the demands and professed objects of the Synod of Pisa,—which was, after all, but a faint type of the Councils of Constance and Basil,—were rather suppressed and smothered under the schismatical character of that assembly, than settled and satisfied; so that, though the ecclesiastical reformation which it demanded, by being sought for in an improper manner, was not only not accomplished, but was rendered suspicious even, in the eyes of many; yet was it evident, that the evils complained of must be encountered, and a searching remedy applied, at no distant period, to the abuses that had crept into ecclesiastical government; to the rank vices engendered by ages of civil and unsparing wars; and to that license and confusion which a convulsed state of society uniformly creates in the discipline and outward character of the Church.

Moreover, the continued wars of Julius had not only exhausted the Papal treasury, but had forced him to have recourse to extraordinary methods of raising money from the various Christian nations; and when, in his declining years, he resolved to rebuild the Basilica of St. Peter, in a style of magnificence, suited to his own character, and to the dignity of that Apostle, he had not only himself, in order to raise the necessary and enormous supplies, to employ agents and means but little suited to the spirit of the times; but he left a similar legacy to his successor; who soon saw that there was no other resource left him, than to have recourse to a similar agency. The gorgeous designs of Bramante were in exact accordance with the spirit of Leo; whose ideas of splendour, and whose recklessness of expense exceeded, if possible, those of his predecessor; and the newly elected Pontiff soon found himself, like that predecessor, compelled to apply for the alms of the faithful, in order to carry out the splendid project; to complete, that is, such an edifice, as seemed to him alone worthy of the centre of Christianity and the ancient mistress of the world. Surrounded as he was with the brightest ornaments of his age, as far as secular learning is concerned, he had not, as yet, promoted, in an equal degree, the more solid parts of learning which were needed by his position; so that there were few around him, either to warn him of the danger of the step which he was about to take, or when it was taken, to defend his interests, and those of the Church, against the opposition which it created, and the perverted use which was soon made of the abuses, caused by the cupidity and mismanagement of the Questors.

CHAPTER II.

Leo X proclaims an Indulgence.—Agents; and object. —Luther’s opposition.—His letter to the Archbishop of Mainz.—His theses.—Tetzel’s reply burnt at Wittemberg. —Eck.—Prierio.—Maximilian’s reference to Rome.— The Elector of Saxony.

We have said that Leo but followed the example of Julius, in offering certain spiritual privileges, under the name of an Indulgence, to those who should lend their aid towards building the Vatican Basilica. This fact deserves attention, as it removes a popular prejudice on this subject,—that Luther’s opposition originated in Leo’s deviation from the custom of consigning such Indulgences solely to the Augustinians. Julius, in fact, had commissioned Girolamo Torniello, a Vicar General of the Minor Observants, and through him the Franciscans of his vicariate, to preach and recommend this indulgence to the faithful; confining it, however, to the twenty-five provinces comprised within the jurisdiction of that Prelate. Upon the death of his first agent, which took place in 1508, the Pontiff delegated in his stead, in 1510, Francesco Zeno, who had succeeded Torniello in his authority as a Religious. The term of this indulgence was originally limited to a year, but was afterwards enlarged, and made revocable at pleasure; and it had the same object in view as that promulgated by Leo,—the obtaining of alms towards rebuilding the Vatican Church.

It has been often asserted, that the opposition of Luther arose from the farming out of this grant; and especially because this commission was given, in Saxony, contrary to the usual custom, to the Dominicans. Both these suppositions seem devoid of truth. For Luther nowhere assigns this farming out of the Indulgence by Leo,—in conformity with previous usage, and a not unfrequent method of levying taxes in certain states,—as a cause of his opposition, nor does Sleidan make any such representation for him; and we have already seen that Julius had employed the Franciscans to disseminate his Indulgences; whereas the Teutonic Knights had, about the same time, made, use of the services of the Dominicans.

It is also to be remarked, that the Indulgences were not, as is commonly said, promulgated by Leo, for the Christian world, but for various specified districts only; that those Indulgences were of various kinds and of different tenor; and further, that the letters Apostolic granting them were expedited, if not wholly, at least for the most part, in the year 1514, and the early part of 1515, and promulgated in 1516; whereas Luther’s opposition did not openly begin, until the year 1517. Neither is it to be omitted, that the appointment of any Religious Order as his agents, in Germany, was not the work of Leo. That Pontiff selected, as his delegate, Albert of Brandenburg, archbishop-elector of Mainz, and bishop of Magdeburg; who consigned the promulgation to John Tetzel, a Dominican, who had been successfully employed by the Teutonic Knights, for a similar purpose.

There seems, however, no doubt, that the Augustinians, though not deprived of a privilege which they had a prescriptive right to expect, were disappointed, and otherwise disposed, from some unknown cause, to cavil, and look with a watchful eye, at the proceedings of the Dominicans; and to condemn any excesses, into which their zeal, or covetousness, might drive them.

Having thus corrected the usual misstatements as regards the Indulgences promulgated by Leo, we have to return to Luther, who had, in his character as professor of Philosophy at Wittemberg, already begun to show a disposition to change and to dogmatize. He had conceived a dislike for the prevailing philosophy of Aristotle, and the scholastic system of St. Thomas; and burning already, it is said, though fox what cause does not seem clear, with a fierce hatred against the court of Rome, he was eager and able to seize on the reputed exaggerations of Tetzel and his compeers, in the matter of Indulgences, to vent his bile against a rival order, and through them against the Roman court; to obtain notoriety for himself; to indulge his humour for novelty; ana to appear in the attractive character of a zealot and a reformer. Luther’s character is impressed on almost every page of his writings, and on the great events of his life. To considerable learning, acquired by patient study under able masters, he united great intrepidity, fertility of resource, singular readiness of plain but nervous language and metaphor; fond ness of applause, coupled with an unbounded love of self and of authority, which burst forth almost into frenzy against those of his party who dared oppose him; and above all a truculent ferocity of abuse, which, throughout his whole career, he heaped, without consideration of his whole career, upon every foe, or former friend.

Luther began his opposition to Indulgences, in private discourses and public sermons; instigated to this, it is said, by certain superiors of his Order; professing his abhorrence of the avarice of Rome; and magnifying his own love of truth,—though, in his letters, he himself, years afterwards, acknowledges, that he was not actuated in the least by those motives, but solely by hatred of the Roman court. 

He next proceeded to more open remonstrance; and addressed a letter to the archbishop-elector of Mainz; representing to him, that the Questors were reported, for of himself he knew nothing, to be falsely proclaiming to the people, in order to increase the value of their Indulgences, that, let them but give their alms abundantly, they were sure of heaven, as being freed at once from all guilt and from all necessity of further satisfactions for their sins. He then proceeds to instruct the archbishop; informing him, that such statements were directly contrary to the Scriptures, especially to the language of St. Peter, who teaches that hardly is the just man saved, and reminds him of the warning words of Amos and Zacharias, who compare the elect to brands plucked from the burning. Next he assures him, that Indulgences are nothing more than the remission of the canonical penances, which, as the Church had imposed them, so had she relaxed them, and could fix her own conditions for a participation in that relaxation. He warns the Elector, that a tract was circulated in his name, in which the false position was maintained, that, by contributing their alms, and profiting by the Indulgence, the faithful were not only able to receive absolution from any confessor, but to receive that absolution and the pardon of their sins, without repentance on their parts. The love of truth would not suffer him to remain silent, or to refrain from imploring the Elector to apply a remedy to these evil opinions and practices. He added to this letter a list of propositions on the matter of Indulgences, and the kindred subjects, which he begged the Elector to read.

If Luther, by this letter, meant to affect the appearance of submitting the matter complained of to the constituted ecclesiastical superiors, his rashness, or hypocrisy, was made manifest in a very plain manner: for, without waiting for an answer, or giving those authorities time to examine into the alleged abuses, he, on the very day, the last of October, on which his letter to the Elector is dated, published those very propositions,—amounting, according to one calculation, to 95, and according to another, to 97,— some of which were manifest truths, whilst others aimed at subverting all faith in Indulgences, and, as a consequence, all confidence in those adversaries of his own Order, who preached up their efficacy. Those propositions, or questions, are so well known that there is no need of giving them in full; but it may be remarked, that, so far from confining himself to denunciations of the abuses of the Questors, he at once in reality denied the value and efficacy of Indulgences, and advanced numerous errors on the subject of Purgatory and Penance, in so far as those doctrines are connected with that of Indulgences; and interlarded his objections with numerous pieces of irony and pleasantry, which, however sophistical and palpably ridiculous to the eye of the scholar, were calculated to raise a laugh, or a doubt in the mind of the poor and uneducated. Thus, amongst other similar things, he reminds the people of the riches of the Sovereign Pontiff, though in fact his poverty was well known; and assures them, that such is the virtue of the Pope, that he ought not, and, he was sure, was not willing, to raise the Basilica of St Peter’s put of the flesh and bones of his flock; knowing well, notwithstanding, that the alms were perfectly voluntary, and that the mite of the poor was as acceptable to Almighty God, as the more abounding contributions of the rich. He asks, why, if the Pope have the power, he does not at once free all souls from Purgatory; a question which would equally apply to the Prince who has the power of emptying his prisons of repentant and minor criminals. However, such was his usual method, through vulgar, and of wounding his adversaries by the envenomed darts of insult and irony; of which the above specimen will suffice, and is given as a test of the nature of the spirit that moved him, and of the character of his apostleship.

Luther proposed, and preached on, those same propositions, on that same evening, the Vigil of All Saints, in the magnificent church lately dedicated to their honour, by Frederick, Elector of Saxony; and, at the same time, caused them to be printed and circulated throughout Germany. All this he did, at first, with some degree of moderation and hesitation; professing at every turn his readiness to submit to the judgment of the Catholic Church. Whether that modesty and submissiveness were real, or affected, matters to our purpose but little; it is enough to remark that, at a much later period, he declared that he had no intention of proceeding further than that first step, and that the revolution which he effected had its origin in chance. The reader will decide for himself how far this is compatible with a divine message, and tallies with the language of Christ and the conduct and preaching of the apostles. 

We have now seen the first step taken by Luther in the dim region of change and doubt; his professions, notwithstanding, of submission to Church authority; we will now briefly observe the progress made in the same direction, until he arrived at the complete denial of all infallible authority; and thus, overthrowing all certainty of religious faith, became the parent of a hundred sects; living even to see his own system repudiated and ridiculed: his own authority and guidance despised by men as bold as himself, who but acted on his principles; until faith shrunk into opinion, and the short wand of weak and erring reason became the ever-varying measure of the stupendous, unchanging, and ineffable revelations of the Divine mind.

Tetzel, being the one most directly aimed at and ridiculed by Luther, replied, from Frankfort, to the propositions of Luther, with sufficient show of theological learning; but, eight hundred copies of his answer which reached Wittemberg, were publicly burnt in the open market-place, in the presence of the students of that university; and yet Luther declares, that neither he, the Duke, nor the magistrates, were cognizant of that act. But a more formidable opponent soon appeared in the person of Eck, vice-chancellor of Ingolstadt; a man possessed of many of the peculiar qualities of Luther; ready, resolute, eloquent, and deeply skilled in all the niceties of the Scholastics; and hitherto the fast friend of the innovator. He denounced him now, however, as a heretic, and galled him to the quick with his pungent satire, and weight of argument. Luther affected indeed to despise him; replied with tenfold bitterness and virulence; but his private letters show that such were not his real sentiments, and that, whilst he respected, he feared his new antagonist. Time showed that his opinion of Eck was well founded; for, of all his opponents, none clung to him with greater tenacity, or cost the reformer greater efforts, even to cope with, in his vain endeavours to crush him.

Other adversaries also, as was to be expected, appeared; but, though some were eminent for learning, as Silvestro da Prierio, the master of the sacred palace, they seem to have despised the almost unknown Friar; and to have considered it enough to expose his inconsistencies and sophisms, without entering into any laboured proofs of the truths and practices which he assailed. But, if the being denounced as a heretic by Eck ruffled Luther’s pride, and drove him on to greater rashness, the production of Prierio, if it did not convince, at least showed Luther, if before doubtful or ignorant, what reception his opinions were likely to meet with at Rome, and the fate which must eventually await him.

Accordingly, in anticipation, it would seem, of the sentence of excommunication, he began to assail the use of that spiritual weapon; to deny its validity; and, at the same time, to prepare the minds of the people, by tongue and pen, for an assault on the authority of the Pope;—an authority which he could not help foreseeing he would soon be driven to yield to, or resist, when brought to bear against him. For this purpose, whilst he still professed to venerate that authority, he continually mingled, with the most servile and exaggerated declarations of submission, raillery and irony on the Papal power; wondered why the Pope, with a word, did not empty Purgatory of souls; and with such like sarcasms, suited to the populace, endeavoured to prepare for the coming struggle. In the Diet of Augsburg, the Emperor Maximilian drew the attention of that assembly to the novelties of Luther, as threatening danger to the state; and, at the same time, addressed a letter to Leo; directing his attention to the same subject; asking him to deliver his judgment on the opinions of Luther; and promising that he, on his part, would provide that whatever that decision might be, it should be observed in the Empire, notwithstanding the secret support which Luther was receiving from certain persons in authority. But, as the event showed, the Emperor had overrated his power; for the Elector of Saxony was nothing daunted by the Pontifical judgment and command which soon followed,— egged on, perhaps, to this opposition, by the neglect of Leo and of the Emperor to secure beforehand his concurrence.

CHAPTER III

Luther summoned to Rome.—His fears.—Appeals to the Elector.—Letter from the University of Wittemberg in his favour.—His duplicity.—Fresh errors and general system.

Nine months after Luther’s first outbreak, there was issued, in August, 1518, a monitory, by the Auditor della Camera, requiring the obnoxious Friar to appear at Rome in person, within the term of sixty days; there to give an account of his opinions, and to clear himself, if possible, from the charges urged against his orthodoxy. That same officer was, according to custom, appointed the judge in the cause, and there was also deputed as his theologian, the master of the sacred palace; with the power of rejecting him as an interested party, should Luther feel so disposed. He was especially anxious to secure, by means of that prince, that his trial might take place within Germany, which would enable him, if condemned, to appeal to the Pope; and thus, by gaining time, feel his way more surely, and surround himself, if possible, with more powerful and active friends.

From the university of Wittemberg, he obtained a petition to the Pope, and a testimony, strangely enough, in favour of his orthodoxy, and adherence to every doctrine taught by the Roman Church; to which that university professed the profoundest veneration and obedience; with the further statement, that the propositions advanced by Luther, and which had moved the hostility of some, were merely opinions advanced by way of doubt and argument, and not decisions or dogmas propounded as matters of faith. But, fearing lest this application might be rejected by Leo, Luther besought the Elector to pretend, that he had been applied to for a safe-conduct through his states; that he had refused the request; and, as the time had now elapsed within which such application should have been made, in order to deceive, and yet show his willingness but inability to obey, Luther proposed that the letters of refusal should be antedated, and thus make it appear that he had made the request in time, and only been prevented from appearing to the citation, by the refusal of his passports. There is no evidence to show that the Elector was ever disposed to act this palpable deceit and falsehood. He seems to have contented himself with requesting Cardinal Cajetan, who was then the Legate from the Roman court to Caesar, to interpose his influence with Leo to prevent the cause from being tried out of Germany.

Meanwhile, Luther had increased the hostility of the Roman court, by advancing, in the university of Heidelberg, other and more monstrous errors; such as, that all human actions are mortal sins; that faith alone suffices for salvation; that, since Adam’s fall, man’s free will is utterly lost; that the human will is a merely passive instrument in all good works, and does not in any way concur towards their performance;—opinions so extravagant and ludicrous, that, as Luther himself confesses, they made his hearers laugh outright as he promulgated them. And no wonder: though their accordance with human negligence and lukewarmness soon obtained for them a ready reception in theory, as they have ever been the rules of conduct of too many in practice. Strange, however, as these opinions are, it is easy to show, as many have done, their necessary, or intimate, connexion with his first principles of error, in regard of indulgences and penance. And though it may be true, that certain Scholastics had maintained those principles, they had few followers at any time in the Church, and had ceased to be supported, since the definitions of various councils, especially of Lateran, in regard of the sacraments; and the doctrine of numerous Papal constitutions, especially the celebrated one of Clement VI. It is not my intention, however, to trace the gradual development of his opinions; suffice it to say that, having at length adopted the opinion that nothing was to be believed but what, according to his fancy, the Scriptures clearly teach—though, by a strange inconsistency, he admitted the inspiration of each apostle, and apostolic writing, nay of writings not by apostles, and framed for himself a canon of Scripture which the Scripture does not teach; and forced, by his own position and acts, to deny the existence, by divine institution, of any infallible interpreter, or authority divinely appointed to perpetuate the knowledge of the truths of revelation—he at once took up all the ancient landmarks, and lifted the sole barrier against any species of folly, or novelty, which the human mind could imagine to be based on the sacred volume. Nay, he reduced the conscientious examiner to the necessity of continually innovating; according as his varying judgment might be led to adopt, or reject, opinions as traced in the inspired writings. He indeed sowed the wind, and had, long before his death, to reap the whirlwind: “the same thing was lawful for the Valentinians as for Valentinus, the same for the Marcionites as for Marcion—to change the faith according to their own pleasure.”

The supremacy of the Pope, it may be remarked, though not at once repudiated, was soon, when exercised against him, discovered, or declared, to be unscriptural; a discovery which as it, at once, threw into the hands of his supporters the revenues of numerous benefices to be scrambled for, they naturally enough were not slow in regarding as exhibiting the reformation in a peculiarly attractive and golden light. Not that the poor were thereby benefited; nay they became poorer still; as the history, accumulation of enormous masses of lands and revenues, and of equal masses of destitution, may safely be dated as receiving a vast impulse at that period. Thus, with faith alone as the means of salvation; ecclesiastical laws abrogated; private judgment, even in the most ignorant, exalted into the sole guide and criterion of faith; free will denied, to the quieting of many a troubled conscience, as a bait for the masses; and, added to these inducements, the prospect of riches for the powerful and wealthy; the system of Luther was well adapted indeed for those nominal, lukewarm, and worldly-minded Christians, who, in all ages and countries, form the vast bulk of the community; was a ready-made foundation whereon to build a battery against all the mysteries of faith; the requirements of morality; all subordination in religion; ana eventuated, but too often, in the disorganisation of all constituted authority.

CHAPTER IV.

The Pope's Breve.—Luther’s cause to be tried by Cajetan.—The three interviews between Luther and Cajetan.—Conduct of Staupiz.—Luther offers a compromise.—Staupiz flies from Augsburg.—Is followed by Luther.—His letter and protest.—Cajetan’s letter to Frederick.—Who communicates it to Luther.—-His answer.—Is supported by the University of Wittemberg.—State of parties.

Leo was not sorry to be able to yield to Frederick’s request to have the cause of Luther tried in Germany; as he was enabled thereby not only to gratify a prince whom he wished to conciliate, but also to employ the most eminent theologian of his day, Cardinal De Vio, or, as he is commonly called, Cajetan. The proceedings between Luther and Cajetan have been so often reported, that it will be enough to give a rapid account of that transaction. The Emperor granted Luther a safe-conduct to proceed to Augsburg where the Legate was stationed; having, however, previously ascertained, that, to this act of his, the Legate would make no open objection. That prelate had already received, from Rome, a Breve in which the notoriety of the heresies of Luther is stated; he is commissioned to receive him again into the unity of the church, if penitent; but, if unchanged and obdurate, to call in the aid of the secular power, and to imprison him; or, if that should not be feasible or advisable, to excommunicate him and all his adherents, of whatsoever rank and condition, save and except the Emperor.

In the very first interview, the Cardinal perceived that he had to deal with one who had already really repudiated the authority of the Church; and who came, therefore, as a disputant to argue against her doctrine, and not as a believer prepared to submit to her decisions, when plainly set forth and manifested. He, therefore, declared to Luther, that he was not there to argue with him, as if the faith of the Church were doubtful or debatable, but to receive his adhesion to that faith, if he were disposed to accede to her authority; or, if he chose to repudiate it, on him was to be the blame, and his the usual punishment of excommunication from her communion.

Luther returned, on the following day, to the Cardinal, but in a manner utterly unexpected by that prelate; for he came accompanied by a notary, and four councillors, and shortly afterwards there appeared John Staupiz, the Vicar General of the Augustinians in Germany. The notary read a document, wherein Luther protested that, so far was it from being his intention to oppose any one doctrine of the Church, he even submitted whatever he had said, or written, or should write for the time to come, to the judgment of the Church. He was sure, however, that his doctrines had been hitherto orthodox, and conformable to the sacred Scripture; was ready to defend them in public disputation, or to submit them to the decision of the three chief universities of the empire, Basel, Fribourg, and Louvain, and would not refuse to abide by the judgment of the university of Paris : though he could hardly be ignorant, that the Pope would never submit to have the case referred to any other tribunal than his own. The event seems to show, that all this was but to gain time: for when the universities of Cologne and Louvain, and later the university of Paris, formally condemned his opinions, he took not the slightest heed of their decisions, further than to assail them with his usual ferocious invective and pungent ridicule. To Luther’s proposal the Cardinal made a reply similar to that given on the previous day,—that he required him to submit to the Church, and to condemn and revoke his past errors.

On withdrawing, Luther applied himself to the Constitution, Unigenitus, so often cited against him, and fancying to have discovered that the expressions of that Constitution were not unfavourable to his opinions, he returned on the following day to the Cardinal, armed with a lengthened written argument, in which he endeavoured to prove, that he had not in any way opposed the declarations of Clement VI. This but the more convinced the Cardinal, that mere disputation was useless with the character that he had to deal with; and, accordingly, having, in a few words, noticed the futility of the argument of Luther on the Papal Constitution, he declined having any further interview with him, except to receive his submission to the judgment and doctrine of the Church, and the recantation of his past errors. 

These three interviews are noticed, both by Cajetan and Luther, in their letters to the Elector of Saxony; and the amenity of the Cardinal, and his real earnestness to be of service to Luther, are borne witness to by that heretic, in the account published by him of that event; his sole complaint being, that Cajetan refused to argue with him, but required of him to retract his errors, as opposed to the authority of the Church, and the declarations of her sovereign Pontiffs,—authorities, be it remembered, which he still affected to respect and submit to.

But, to such a quiet submission, Luther was not only constitutionally opposed, but there is reason to believe, that the Vicar General of his Order, Staupiz, in his hostility to the rival order of the Dominicans, whilst he in public exhorted him to relent, in private and in reality confirmed him in his obstinacy; little imagining, at the time, to what a precipice this duplicity was leading; but, too soon to be fearfully convinced of the danger of indulging in such animosities and double dealing.

Before departing from Augsburg, Luther, being now denied access to the Cardinal, addressed a letter to him, in which, having stated his inability to retract opinions which to him did not seem erroneous, he offered, as a species of compromise, to express his regret, openly from the pulpit, for having spoken disrespectfully of the Sovereign Pontiffs; and promising to abstain, for the future, from all attacks on Indulgences, provided his adversaries would, on their parts, observe a similar silence in his regard, and in defence of that subject;—a condition which obviously could not be acceded to, as it not only involved the suppression of a truth admitted amongst all Christians, and would leave Luther to hold, if though but in private, heterodox opinions; but also, because, not on that point only, but on many others, had he put forth statements directly opposed to doctrines and practices of the Catholic Church.

To this offer, therefore,—which is a significant fact in the history of this innovator,—the Cardinal gave no reply: a silence which so alarmed Staupiz, that, unprotected as he was by a safe-conduct, he hastily withdrew from Augsburg, and was soon afterwards imitated by Luther, who, however, before departing, left a letter of excuse for his sudden departure, and entered his protest against the rejection of his overtures,—which protest was, on the day after his departure, fixed up in the market-place of Augsburg. In it he endeavoured to justify his refusal, or unwillingness, to appear in person at Rome; complained that no attempt had been made to refute his opinions by texts of Scripture; and declared that, under such circumstances, to recant would be to act against his conscience, and displeasing to the Elector, who would prefer this his appeal before any such repudiation of his tenets. His departure, he represented, was absolutely necessary on account of his extreme poverty; but that this step of his was not to be considered as indicating any unwillingness to submit to the Pope and to the Church,—authorities to which he would ever, and in every place, be obedient; that he appealed from the Legate, as a judge who was by him suspected as being a Dominican, an admirer of the Scholastic Theology, and especially of that of St Thomas; and finally that he appealed from the Pope ill informed, to the Pope under better guidance and light.

Thus terminated this singular exhibition of conflicting feelings on the part of Luther; of obedience professed and disobedience practised; of acknowledged veneration for Catholic doctrine and practice, and palpable opposition to the belief and usage of the whole Christian world. A singular exhibition indeed for a supposed messenger from God: if such was his character, he betrayed it by hypocrisy and time serving; if not God’s messenger, he was a messenger of Satan; if not an apostle of the Gentiles, he was a Saul; if he believed the authority of the Church, why resist it; if he disbelieved the supremacy of the Pope, why not reject it; if he believed it, and recognised the see of Peter as the centre of unity, why did he practically then and openly later, separate himself from it?

Cajetan continued, even after the departure, or flight of Luther, to exercise the same moderation towards him and contented himself with informing the Elector o Saxony, by letter, of the result of his interviews with Luther; representing him as undoubtedly holding heretical opinions; as using the poorest shifts to evade the clearest declarations of the Church, or of the Sovereign Pontiffs; and advising the Elector to withdraw his protection from one tainted with heresy, and thus keep his own conscience and territories clear from the infection of heterodoxy. But this advice was rendered fruitless, by the instances of Staupiz and Spalatin, both of whom having egged on Luther, and induced the Elector to support him, seem to have been,—though, in the main, orthodox enough, at least the former,—unwilling to be considered as injudicious and short-sighted in their judgment and counsels.

Acting on their recommendation, he communicated the Cardinal’s letter to Luther, who addressed a flattering and artful reply to the Elector; submitting himself to him as his judge; expressing his readiness to yield on the question of the treasure of Indulgences; but declaring himself incapable of denying that, for the reception of the grace of God communicated in the sacraments, it is absolutely necessary for the receiver to have an undoubting faith and certainty that such grace is received by him,—a doctrine which, in his judgment, was so clearly scriptural, that he could not in conscience teach otherwise. He acknowledges, that the Cardinal had treated him with kindness and urbanity; but complains bitterly, as usual, of the attempt to obtain his retractation without first convincing him, by Scripture, of the fallacy of his opinions:—a complaint to which few judges would attach much weight or importance, in their dealings with those brought before their tribunals; and which, so long as Luther affected to submit to the Church, and above all to the Pope, was as inconsistent as it was hypocritical.

The university of Wittemberg again supported Luther in this emergency, by an address to the Elector; but in a more subdued and hesitating tone than previously; for the recommendation was limited by the condition, that Luther was deserving of support, provided he did not withdraw himself from obedience to the Church of Rome, and did not refuse to satisfy the demands of the Sovereign Pontiff. This, in fact, seems to have been a time, when all parties were in a state of hesitation, wavering, and doubt; and it has been thought that, if the Bull, which Leo subsequently published, detailing the numerous and enormous errors of Luther, had been then fulminated, the heresy of that innovator would have been effectually crushed. In fact Luther had, at that time, many observers, and waiters on events, influenced by numerous motives whether good or evil, but he had but few friends, or real followers and admirers; and the contest had not as yet enlisted the passions of the combatants, nor become a political, as well as a religious, movement; nor had it as yet begun to help the temporal, as it professed to promote the eternal interests of greedy and discontented or deluded men.

CHAPTER V.

Luther appeals to a General Council.—Bull on Indulgences.—Luther condemned by the universities of Louvain and Cologne.—Death of Maximilian.—Leo’s letter ant present to Frederick.—Miltitz appointed Legate.—His interview with Luther.—Luther's promises.—Arbitration agreed to.

Cajetan’s letter had made it plain to Luther, that his condemnation at Rome was not only certain, of which he could have had no real doubt throughout, but also that it would speedily follow, as the necessary result of the interviews at Augsburg. It was, therefore, his obvious policy—so long as it seemed his interest, or his duty, to profess submission to the Church, and adhesion to the Sovereig Pontiff,—to anticipate that sentence, and thereby escape the appearance or resisting the decision of the Pontiff only after his own condemnation had appeared; and thus seeming to deny that authority, because exercised against himself. He, accordingly, changed at once his tone and ground. Hitherto, he had, in language the most emphatic, if not subservient and exaggerated, placed himself and his opinions at the feet of the Pontiff, to be by him approved, or condemned; he now had a document prepared by a public notary, and published at Wittemberg, on the twenty-eighth of November, 1518, wherein, whilst he professed obedience to the Church, and submission to the Roman Pontiff, when well informed, as Christ’s vicar on earth; he observed that, even as Peter had erred, so might his successors; and that, should the Pope, as was likely from the tenor of Cajetan’s letter, condemn him, he appealed from the Pontiff misinformed by his judges, and misinterpreting the Scriptures, to a General Council of the Church, which was above the Pope.

Leo no longer delayed the long expected condemnation; but addressed a Bull on the subject of indulgences, to his Legate, who was then at Linz. Cajetan published that document on the thirteenth of December, and caused numerous copies to be circulated throughout Germany. The Bull of Leo was speedily followed by similar condemnations of the opinions of Luther, from the universities of Cologne and Louvain, both of which approved of the decisions promulgated by Leo. But, the effect of these condemnations was rendered less, or even useless, as regards the innovators, by the death of Maximilian, which took place, about a month after the publication of the Bull, that is, on January the twelfth, 1519. This event placed the Elector of Saxony at the head of the Germanic Confederation; and, whilst it deprived the Catholic party of their mainstay in those countries, gave fresh courage and boldness to the supporters of the new ideas.

But Leo resolved to make a last attempt to gain over Frederick; and, for this end, taking advantage of his previous zeal for religion, which had led him to build and endow the magnificent church of the Apostles, in his fortress of Wittemberg; and to establish a university, in the same city; he resolved to send him the golden rose, which it is usual for the Sovereign Pontiff to bless on the fourth Sunday of Lent, and to present to some one of the Christian princes who has deserved well of Christendom. Miltitz, a German by birth, of a noble family, and the one to whom the university of Wittemberg had entrusted the protection of Luther's interests at the Roman court, was chosen as the most suitable person to convey the present to Frederick. He was also provided with the most affectionate Breves, addressed to the Elector, to Spalatin, and to other chief ministers of that prince, to withdraw them, if possible, from supporting Luther.

But Leo was doomed to find his condescension too late, and worse than useless. The Elector declined to receive the present publicly from the Papal Nuncio, who was accordingly compelled to have it conveyed to him by the hands of others. Frederick, however, professed, not to support the novelties of Luther; but neither would he condemn him, nor withdraw his countenance from him. In this emergency, Miltitz endeavoured to gain over Luther, by other methods than those used by Cajetan. At the command of the Elector, Luther had an interview with the Legate, who sought,—by praises of his learning and ability, by severe reproof of his adversary Tetzel, not sparing even the Elector of Mainz,—to induce Luther to cease from his attacks on the Catholic religion, and to retract his errors on the question of Indulgences. 

But Luther, feeling his advantage, assumed the tone of a conqueror; declared a reconciliation to be now impossible; that the fault lay with the Elector of Mainz, whose violence had driven things to the extremity in which they then were; and that the Pope was responsible for the conduct of that bishop, whom he ought to have reproved; but that the cupidity of his Questors and Florentine ministers had deceived him; with other accusations of a like kind, which Miltitz thought proper to receive in writing, and to bear with patiently.

As the fruit of this spirit of forbearance, or temporising, he obtained from Luther a promise, to maintain silence on the question of Indulgences, provided his opponents would, on their parts, observe a similar restraint, and thus “allow the affair to die out of itself;” to acknowledge the excessive severity of his language towards his opponents; to publish a writing wherein he would exhort the people to adhere to the pure worship of the Church of Rome; and, finally, to write such a letter to the Roman Pontiff as would prove his desire of reconciliation.

In fulfilment of this promise, a piece soon appeared in which he proclaims the Church of Rome as honoured of God above all others; in her two apostles, forty-six Popes, and hundreds of thousands of martyrs had shed their blood, and made her an especial object of God’s regard; that whatsoever of evil there might be in her could never justify separation from her, for God must not be abandoned on account of the Devil, neither is there any sin nor evil which should destroy charity, or break unity. He condemns his own unmeasured language, mingling, however, even with his expressions of sorrow for the past, new bitterness and insults.

On the third of March, he also addressed a letter to Leo, in which, though written in a tone of respect, he justified his past conduct as forced on him by necessity; and concluded, by again declaring his unbounded devotedness to the Roman Church and to the Sovereign Pontiff, in these words; “And now, most blessed Father, I protest before God, and all his creatures, that I have never intended, nor do I now intend, to touch or prejudice, by any craft, the power of the Roman Church, or of your blessedness. Yea, I most fully confess, that the power of that Church is above all things; and that nothing, in earth or heaven, ought to be ranked above it, but Jesus Christ alone, the Lord of all.”

Miltitz, furthermore, induced Luther to refer the whole affair to some unbiassed judge; and for this purpose the Archbishop Elector of Treves was fixed upon; but, when the time had arrived for fulfilling this promise, he excused himself from its performance, in a long letter addressed to the Legate, pleading his fears of treachery and of murder on the road; his poverty; the presence of Cajetan whom he now denounced as not being even a Christian; and, adding further, that the consent of Rome to this step had not as yet arrived; with similar manifest evasions.

CHAPTER VI.

Disputation with Eck.—Supremacy of the Pope, as of divine right, denied.—Further negotiations between Miltitz and Luther.—Luther offers to be reconciled.—Spread of heresy.—Zwingli.—Luther’s fresh errors.—Caricatures of the Pope.—Leo’s Breves to the university of Wittemberg and the Elector Frederick.—Luther’s letter to the Emperor Charles.—Burns the Decretals and Papal Bull.—Aleander appointed Legate.—Erasmus.

Amongst the more reasonable of his excuses was his approaching disputation with Eck, which was to take place shortly at Leipsic; of which, after various delays, the universities of Erfurt and Paris had been agreed upon as judges and arbitrators. It is, however, foreign from the purpose of these pages to enter into the details of that discussion, which began on the 27th of June, 1519, between Eck and Carlstadt, and was then continued by Luther; but the reader, who wishes for a well digested abstract of the arguments on both sides, will find it in Pallavicino’s history.  It may, however, be remarked, that it was here, that Luther first publicly denied the supremacy of the Pope to be of divine right.

Still Miltitz persevered in his endeavours to gain over Luther; and, during two entire years, spared nothing to bring about that result; but he was unfortunately betrayed into conduct but little suited to his character and dignity; and thus, as the event proved, all his efforts were worse than useless. He, however, obtained, by the interference of a chapter of the Order to which Luther still nominally belonged, another letter from Luther to the Pope, in which, his tone becoming more imperious, he treats with Leo on the conditions of peace, rather as a dictator than as a subject. He now throws all the blame on Eck; disclaims having had any intention of assailing the authority of the Sovereign Pontiff, but asserts that such a course had been forced upon him at the discussion at Leipsic; pours forth a torrent of abuse on that adversary and on Cajetan; and concludes with offering to be reconciled, on two conditions which he knew it was impossible to grant;—that he should not be forced to recant; and that he should not be restrained in his private interpretation of the sacred Scriptures.

Meanwhile, the seeds of heresy which Luther had sown began to grow up into a harvest; not only in Germany, but also in other countries, especially in Switzerland; where Zwingli, if not taught to innovate by Luther, had learned boldness from his example, and, advancing more resolutely to the work of destruction, not only adopted or preached the errors of Luther, but acquired notoriety by denying and ridiculing many doctrines which his prototype still firmly maintained. Similar innovators began to infect other portions of Europe; some led, by the hope of gain, to repair their ruined fortunes; others, by hatred of all things sacred, or of existing political institutions; others, by other motives, more or less virtuous, wicked, or selfish, joined in the general confusion which, both religious and political, agitated the age. When the centre stone, of authority and of prescription was removed, it was not to be wondered at, that the arch of truth tottered, and that the whole edifice was endangered.

It was now plain that nothing was to be expected from Luther, by the use of forbearance and kindness; nay his errors naturally went on increasing, as the poisonous germ began gradually to unfold itself. He now denied that the sacraments were divinely instituted to bestow grace; that baptism cancels original sin; allowed the power and right of absolution to women; demanded the use of the chalice as necessary for the laity; asserted that the souls in purgatory are capable of fresh sins; assailed the mendicant Orders; and published the grossest and most indecent lampoons and caricatures, both by pen and pencil, on the Pope, the Cardinals, and the court of Rome generally.

Leo was, at length, really aroused from his past carelessness or hopes; and by the advice of his Legate, and that of Eck especially, resolved to fulminate a Bull, condemning the numerous errors of Luther. Considering the character of that heretic, it was perhaps unfortunate that Eck had so large a share in the preparation of that document, and that to him the execution of it was consigned. Be this as it may, Eck carried the Bull into Germany as a trophy of his own victories; and, acting as Legate apostolic to many of his German princes, caused it to be published, and, as far as he could, to be executed, throughout their dominions. Luther took occasion from this to represent the Bull as the production of his personal enemies; whilst the universities, which had already denounced the errors of the Friar, in almost the very terms used by the Pontiff, received it with joy and triumph. To the university of Wittemberg, the Pope addressed a special Breve, in which he exhorted that body to abide in the ancient faith; and commanded them, under grievous penalties, to see to the execution of the Bull in all its parts. Frederick being then absent from his capital, the members of that university addressed him by letter to ascertain his wishes and intentions. That Elector had already received a most affectionate letter from the Pontiff, representing to him, that it was on his account that he had so long refrained from publicly condemning Luther; and after hinting pretty plainly that it was on his support alone that the hopes and cause of Luther rested; he conjured him, either to induce Luther to recant and so obtain his pardon, or to proceed against him by the Bull just published. The answer of the Elector to the university was couched in ambiguous terms, betraying the uncertainty of that prince, and that he still wavered between the religion of his fathers land of his youth, and the novelties of Luther. In this emergency, Luther, besides appealing again to a General Council, strove to gain over the mind of the newly elected Emperor, Charles V; depicting to him the tyranny of the Roman Pontiffs over Germany, and the glory which would accrue to him by casting off that yoke, and exercising, not only in temporals, but in spirituals, an independent authority. But his expectations were soon frustrated; for the Emperor, on his return from England, ordered the works of Luther to be burnt in Brabant, in the university of Louvain, and in other places under his sway.

Luther seems to have been driven to desperation by this insult; and with the connivance at the least of the Elector Frederick, and with the approval of the university of Wittemberg, he in revenge caused, on the tenth of December, a huge pile to be raised outside the walls of the city; and, having publicly invited the Academicians to witness the spectacle, proceeded with a large escort to the spot fixed upon, and cast into the flames a copy of the various volumes which form the Canon law, adding the Bulls of Leo, the writings of Eck, and those of Emser; exclaiming; “Because you have troubled the holy one of the Lord, may everlasting fire overwhelm you.” This example was imitated by his partisans in two or three of the cities of Germany, and even in Leipsic, under the very eyes of Duke George. Whether from remorse, or policy, however, Luther soon afterwards endeavoured to palliate this conduct, and to represent it as not done in hostility to the Roman Pontiff, who, he was sure, neither approved of the errors contained in that code, nor of the burning of his (Luther’s) works. But the wonder is that, after this public exhibition by the university, the Canon law still continued to be taught in that very university which had thus appeared to approve of its destruction and of the reproaches thrown on its contents by Luther, and that this office was filled by the fast friend of Luther, Justus Jonas. The secret is, that the professors of Canon law derived abundant remuneration from teaching it; the law students from practising it; and the city itself from the numerous students who crowded thither to learn it.

But Leo was not to be deceived by the idle protestations of Luther: he accordingly selected one of the most able and active of his court as Nuncio to Charles; and if virtue, ability, and zeal could have stayed the evil, Aleander would have succeeded. He immediately repaired to Charles, and the first result of his interview has been seen in the burning of Luther’s works in the patrimonial states of the Emperor; in spite of the open and secret opposition of Erasmus, who, at that time, was closely leagued with Luther, he caused the same to be done at Cologne; and obtained from the Emperor that an edict should be published, prohibiting the works of Luther throughout the whole extent of that Monarch’s dominions. Though foiled in this opposition, Erasmus confirmed the wavering mind of the Elector; who, upon the representation of Aleander, that he could not remain united to the Church of Christ, and continue his support of Luther, referred to Erasmus for advice; who replied, that he knew of nothing to be condemned so far in Luther’s doctrine; and thus settled the mind, or furnished an excuse to the conscience, of that prince. Meanwhile, this same Erasmus was writing letters of the most flattering and submissive character to the Pontiff, who replied to him in a kindly tone; informing, however, his Legate, who expressed his wonder at this conduct, that he was not unacquainted with the real disposition and tendency of Erasmus: but that it was thought prudent not to irritate him by unnecessary hostility. The works of Luther were also consigned to the flames, not only at Cologne, but also at Mainz, Treves, Alberstadt, Misna, Marsburgh, and in other cities of Germany. If this served no other purpose, it was thought useful as a practical demonstration, to the masses, of the character of Luther’s writings.

CHAPTER VII.

The Legate’s purpose.—Bull excommunicating Luther.— Diet of Worms.—Aleander s speech.—Luther summoned.— His conduct.—Refuses to abide by the General Councils.— Ordered to leave Germany.—Concealed at Wertburgh.— Placed under the Ban of the Empire.

Aleander was not content with this mere demonstration, but directed all his efforts to cause Luther and his writings to be placed under the Ban of the Empire. To attain this object, after having encountered and surmounted numerous difficulties and varied opposition, he obtained from Rome a Bull, published on the third of January, 1521, in which Luther’s doctrine was not only condemned as heretical, but Luther himself proclaimed a heretic, without any of the limitations and conditions hitherto introduced; as the term fixed for his recantation was long since elapsed, and he had proved himself obstinate.

He also caused it to be clearly understood, that the errors of Luther were not confined to a denial of Pontifical authority and jurisdiction, but extended to the sacraments, and other articles of faith, and renewed the abhorred heresies of Wickliff and of Huss. In this, he derived especial aid from the condemnation of Luther which had been issued, a short time previously, from the university of Paris.

Meanwhile the Lutherans, on their part, were not idle. The most flagitious calumnies were circulated against the Pope and Aleander; verses, songs, pictures, and caricatures were scattered throughout Germany to ridicule the authority of the Pontiff; and threats of revolution were held out if any such steps were taken against Luther.

But a more powerful aid than all this was to be found in the Elector of Saxony, whose authority, for a while, deterred the Diet, then assembled at Worms, from proceeding to its final sentence. But Aleander appeared in person in that assembly; and, in a discourse which occupied several hours in the delivery, proved, from the letters and writings of Luther which he produced and read from in that assembly, that he had not only violated every promise which he had given to recant his errors if condemned by the Pontiff, and his pledge to abide by the decisions of the universities, but had gone on step by step increasing in audacity and violence and error, till nothing was too vile for his pen and tongue where the authority and person of the Sovereign Pontiff were concerned, or the ancient doctrines of the Church to be impugned. He warned the Diet of the danger to the tranquillity of the state, as well as to the unity of religion, which any further terms kept with Luther and his party must necessarily entail; and by these facts, and his eloquence, produced so profound an impression on the minds and fears of the assembly, that Luther was summoned to appear in person at the Diet.

Aleander was indeed averse to this summons; but, upon the representation of the Elector of Saxony, that the works cited, though bearing Luther’s name, could not, he was persuaded, be from that individual’s pen, it was resolved to hear from his own lips his real sentiments. Luther, on the other hand, seems to have been delighted at the opportunity of professing his faith, or of obtaining further notoriety; and, having obtained a safe-conduct, from the Emperor, he proceeded to Worms, accompanied by a hundred horsemen, though he entered the city with only eight mounted attendants. On alighting at Worms, on the sixteenth of April, he cried out that “God would be with him and, having taken up his abode near the Elector, prepared to appear before the Diet on the following day, the seventeenth of April, 1521. The judgments of men naturally enough varied on his habits, manners, and appearance; but there is no doubt that his violence, arrogance, and ungovernable temper produced an impression anything but favourable on the minds of those who were not already embarked in his cause. Before he had been an hour before the Diet, the Emperor, having carefully watched and studied his demeanour, remarked to those near him: “This man at least would never make me a heretic.”

Instead of being suffered to launch into a lengthened discourse, as Aleander had originally feared, he was asked, whether the books that had been cited were his; and whether he still maintained the opinions therein contained. To the first question he answered readily, that they were from his pen; but to the second he demurred, as it was one, he said, of difficulty, in which the word of God and the salvation of souls were concerned, and asked for time to consider his answer. Upon this, a brief consultation was held between the princes there present, who, through their public officer, gave it as their decision, that it seemed strange that he had not come prepared to give an answer to so plain a question, and that he had not made up even his own mind as to what he believed or disbelieved ; that his request should, nevertheless, be granted, but that he must, on the following day, give a specific answer to the question.

Luther withdrew embarrassed at the prospect before him. Either he must recant, and thus compromise his character and reputation, or be prepared to meet the anger of the Emperor. For this latter alternative, his partisans were not as yet prepared, and they accordingly urgently advised him to recant all his opinions, except such as aimed at the Sovereign Pontiff and his authority; as thereby he would completely defeat the Legate, add to his own power and that of his party, and escape condemnation.

But Luther cared more for himself, his reputation, or his opinions, than for the views and safety of his party ; and feeling that, to recant, would be to proclaim that he had hitherto been a deliberate deceiver, who only now retracted through fear or policy, on his second appearance in the Diet, he professed that he still adhered to the doctrines advanced in his works, as being taught by the word of God, but that, as to the opprobrious language used against his adversaries, he had been provoked to it by their violence; that the blame was theirs not his, who did not profess to lead a holy life, but to teach a holy doctrine. He then proceeded to assail the Holy See with his usual ribaldry, but was stopped by the command of the Emperor. He was then asked, whether, if those opinions of his were shown to have been condemned by the Councils of the Church, and especially by the Council of Constance, he would submit to that authority, and revoke those errors. He answered, that he would not; for that Councils had erred, and were at variance with each other. Charles, on hearing this, broke up the assembly, and Luther returned to his dwelling, accompanied by many individuals attached to the Elector Frederick, and followed by a vast crowd of the populace, some animated by curiosity, others by respect, others by hatred.

After various vain attempts, on the part of Luther’s friends, and of others anxious for peace and unity, to induce him to agree to the decisions of the General Councils, the Emperor commanded him to leave his dominions within the space of twenty days; and to observe strictly the conditions of his safe-conduct, by abstaining, on his journey, from any act of aggression on the doctrines and practices of the Catholic Church. Luther left Worms on the twenty-sixth of April; armed with a safe-conduct and accompanied by an officer of the Emperor. In three days he reached Friedberg, where he dismissed that officer, and placed in his hands the safe-conduct; in order that, in the seizure of his person which had been planned by his friends, there might be no direct outrage offered to the Imperial authority. Having, on the third of May, set out for Wittemberg, and dismissed most of his attendants, his carriage was suddenly stopped by a number of horsemen in masks, who, having beaten his drivers, and made a show of violence to Luther, carried him away into the fortress of Wartburg belonging to the Elector of Saxony; it being understood that Frederick was not to be informed as to which of his castles Luther had been carried to, that he might deny any knowledge of his place of refuge.

On the eighth of May, Luther was publicly placed under the Ban of the Empire, with the consent of the Germanic Diet; his writings were ordered to be seized and burnt; his supporters to be banished; and, to prevent the diffusion of the poison of heresy, all works treating of faith were, before publication, to be approved of by the Ordinary, or his deputy, and by the nearest university.

Having thus traced, at some length, the steps by which Luther proceeded to refuse submission first to one authority and then to another, until his final refusal to abide by the decisions of General Councils, we must hurry rapidly over the subsequent events of his career, until the final convocation of the Council of Trent.

CHAPTER VIII.

Death of Leo.—Adrian VI—Resolves to reform the Roman Court.—Cherigato appointed Legate to the Emperor.— The Centum Gravamina.—Council recommended. —Death of Adrian.—Clement VII—Campeggio appointed Legate.—Diet of Nuremberg.—Council promised.—Meeting at Ratisbon.—Articles of Reformation published.— Progress of error.—Henry VIII.—Diet of Spires—The Recess.

The departure of Charles, and the exercise of authority, in his absence, by the Elector of Saxony, and other friends of Luther, rendered the Ban ineffectual. A short time after the above decision of the Diet, Leo X died; and was succeeded, on the ninth of January, 1522, by Adrian VI, whose country, virtues, and character for learning gave hopes, soon however to be disappointed, that he would succeed better than his predecessor in allaying the storm now raging in Germany. His first endeavour was to bring about a reformation in the Court and tribunals of Rome, and especially in the administration of Indulgences; in which efforts he seems to have been sincerely seconded by the college of Cardinals. He appointed Cherigato his Nuncio to the Emperor, with earnest instructions to bring back, if possible, the dissenters of Germany; and to complain to the Emperor, that the Ban of the Empire was inoperative, through the influence of Luther’s friends, who, not content with denying the doctrines of the Church, were possessing themselves, in all directions, of her goods and property, which, after all, seemed to be the main cause of their apostacy. He, furthermore, directed him to acknowledge to the Emperor, that the present troubles were a just punishment from God upon the sins of the clergy and people; that it was no wonder that the evil had spread from the head to the members; but that, with God’s help, he would apply such remedies as should restore the purity of discipline and manners.

These instructions, when communicated by the Legate to the Diet at Nuremberg, but served to aggravate the evil. The very concession, that the evils of Germany had one of their sources at least in the clergy and Court of Rome, and in the misconduct of her various ecclesiastical tribunals, whilst it seemed to excuse the invectives that had been directed by the Lutherans against the ad­ministrators of the Church, gave not only fresh audacity to those assailants, but also seemed to justify the complaints of false, or injudicious friends, against Rome and the clergy; as on the departure of the Legate, was soon made visible, by the publication of the Centum Gravamina; a piece said to be the production of the secular members of the Diet, but so replete with contempt and depreciation of the ecclesiastical body and tribunals, that it has been even doubted whether it did not emanate from the minds and pens of professed enemies.

In reply to the Breve and instructions of the Pontiff, the Diet, amongst other proposals, especially recommended the convocation of a General Council, as the most effectual remedy for the disorders of the times; and named certain towns as suitable for the place of meeting. The Legate declared, that such a Council would not be unwelcome to the Sovereign Pontiff, provided his rights and authority were not fettered by interference as to the time and place of its celebration.

But these negotiations were speedily terminated by the death of Adrian, on the fourteenth of September, 1523, after occupying the Pontifical throne little more than a year. He was succeeded by Julius De’ Medici, who took the name of Clement VII.

There is good reason for believing that this Pontiff was indisposed to the calling of a Council; which he felt persuaded could neither satisfy the minds of the Lutherans, envenomed as they were against the authority which alone could convoke and preside at it; and in which it was to be feared that questions relative to the superiority of the Pope and Council might be mooted; and thus the attempt to heal one disorder, might only create a greater. Besides this, Luther’s refusal, to submit to past General Councils, seemed proof enough that he would not be more willing to yield to any other that might be summoned.

Clement despatched, as his Legate to Germany, Campeggio, a prelate well versed in the duties imposed by that office, and already distinguished for great skill, learning and prudence. The Diet, in a decree published on the eighteenth of April, 1524, again urged on the Pontiff the desirableness of a Council, and thus brought the matter directly before the Legate. That prelate represented, that the wars then raging were unfavourable to such an assembly; but that, though he did not look upon such a meeting as likely to produce the present advantages which the princes of Germany seemed to anticipate, he would take upon himself to promise, to induce the Pontiff to summon a Council, as soon as a favourable opportunity should present itself.

Anxious to correct the grosser abuses existing in the Church in Germany, and to repress the Lutherans, the Legate caused a meeting of Electors and bishops to be held at Ratisbon, where, after much deliberation, it was agreed, that those present should enforce, as far as possible, the decrees of the Diet of Worms, and thirty-five articles of reformation were fixed upon, regulating and limiting the payments to the clergy, correcting the abuses introduced by the Questors, and making salutary arrangements in regard to the collation of benefices.

Meanwhile, the innovations and principles of Luther, who had returned to Wittemberg, were producing their natural fruits; not only in the unsettled state of politics, and confusion in the State, but especially in the numerous heretics and fanatics, who emulated his boldness. Carlstadt, Zwingli and the Sacramentarians, the Zwickau prophets, Munzer and his hordes of Anabaptists, and other sectarians, of less note, who were mutually opposing, vilifying, and anathematising each other, renewed the sad spectacle of the discords of other days, and presented a strange contrast to that unity of faith, sobriety of judgment, and uniformity of sentiment, which had for ages distinguished those lands.

It does not come directly within the purpose of this brief notice, to do more than allude to the divisions which began to prevail, at the same time, in England; mainly in consequence of the unbridled passions of Henry VIII; who, being wearied of the wife to whom he had been now united during more than seventeen years, and enamoured of Anne Boleyn, threw off the supremacy of the Pope, and established, in his own person, an authority far more stringent and unlimited; because that Pontiff refused to pander to his base lusts. I have, in another work, entered fully into the history of that event, and content myself here with just noticing the fact, as we shall soon see Henry, who had written in defence of the authority of the Church, and been designated, by the Pope, the defender of the faith, issuing his protest against that same authority, and the right of the Pontiff to convoke, and preside at, General Councils.

To add to these troubles, the coldness which had for some time, from political motives, been increasing between Clement and Charles, ended in an open rupture between them, and in those misfortunes which soon after overwhelmed the city of Rome, and placed the Pontiff himself as a prisoner in the hands of his enemies. It was in the midst of these untoward circumstances, that the Diet of Spires was opened in June, 1526. The Emperor, eager to conciliate the Lutherans, in order to secure their aid against the powerful league formed against him, changed his intention of enforcing the Edict of Worms; and contented himself with requiring that the affairs of religion should remain as they were, until the meeting of a General Council. The Recess was drawn up in accordance with this purpose; and thus the political interests of Charles caused him to abandon that system of policy and that support of religion, in which he had believed both his duty and interest involved, and which had hitherto formed the guiding principles and practice of his career.

He imagined that such a step would coerce Clement into another line of policy, and that his own change of system need only be temporary. The misfortunes, indeed, of Clement soon forced him to have recourse to the assistance of the Emperor, but the increased political and religious confusion which soon ensued, proved to Charles that late events had combined and given greater confidence and expectations to a party within the state, which all his energy and power would not, henceforth, be able to control.

CHAPTER IX.

Second Diet of Spires.—Attempt to reconcile the Lutherans and Zwinglians. —The Emperor abrogates the late Edict of Spires.—Struggle of parties.—The Recess.—The Protest.—Luther and Zwingli at Marburg. Diet of Augsburg. —Arrival of the Emperor and of the Legate.—Melanchthon and the Augsburg Confession. The Zwinglian Confession. —Opening of the Diet.—The Confession read.—Appeals to a Council.—-Dissents from no Roman Doctrine.—The Confession answered.—Fresh proposals and concessions of the Protestants.—Rejected.—Further negotiations.— The Tetrapolitan Confession.—Zwingli’s.—Proposed Edict.— The Recess.

In March, 1529, another diet was held at Spires, to arrange measures to oppose the inroads of the Turks, but the religious discords also came under consideration. The various sects of Anabaptists had no representatives at that assembly, but the rival parties of Zwinglians and Lutherans appeared there to watch over their mutual interests. The Landgrave of Hesse endeavoured, but in vain, to produce a kind of armed neutrality between these hostile religionists, by persuading them that their differences were, after all, but of minor importance; though they in reality affected some of the most essential doctrines, and extended also to the sacraments. The Emperor, now that his political position was more favourable, was desirous to revert to his previous religious policy, and to enforce resolutely the now almost obsolete Edict of Worms. In his instructions he complained, that the late Edict of Spires had been taken advantage of to increase religious change and discord, and that, by virtue of his absolute power, he at once abrogated that edict. But, the Elector of Saxony and his party were as urgent for its continuance, and it became obvious that, unless some compromise could be come to, the whole of Germany would be involved in the horrors of a civil war. In this emergency, a commission was appointed to consider and report on the measures best suited to the present state of parties; and their proposals, of some importance in themselves, but of more in their results, having been laid before the Diet, on the 4th of April, were adopted by a majority. It was resolved that, where the Edict of Worms had been received, it should continue in force until the holding of a General Council; where the ancient religion prevailed it was not to be disturbed, but, where the modern had obtained such possession that it could not be interfered with, without danger of disturbance, it was to remain unmolested and unchanged until a meeting of a council; all doctrines opposed to the real presence in the Eucharist were condemned and forbidden to be promulgated; whilst against the Anabaptists the severest measures were ordered and their utter banishment from the states enjoined. The use of the sacrifice of the Mass was to be retained; and not prevented, even where the dissentient party prevailed; and the Scriptures were to be interpreted in accordance with the expositions and sentiments of the Fathers approved of by the Church.

But the Lutherans continuing their opposition, other trials of strength took place in the Diet; at the second of which, on the 12th of April, the same majority required submission to the resolution of the assembly. Of the free cities, twenty-one expressed their assent, but fourteen resolutely refused to submit. On the 18th it was resolved that the dissentients should not be heard again, and on the 19th they were required to give in their adhesion unconditionally. Upon this, six princes and the deputies of fourteen cities of the Empire protested against the decision of the Diet; and their opposition being disregarded, they, on the following day, presented to the Diet their protest in writing; declared the resolution of the Diet opposed to Evangelic truth, appealed to a future Council, and to a judge not obnoxious to suspicion. This protest was the origin of the name of Protestant, which has ever since designated the sects of that age and their offspring; and it is a name, which, according to the principles of the Fathers of the Church, especially of those who settled the Arian and similar controversies, is of itself decisive of the heretical, or schismatical, character of the sects which bear it. The edict which was the subject of this protest finally passed the Diet on the 23rd of April, but was not published till the 6th of May.

A fierce and personal controversy now raged between Luther and Zwingli. At the request of the Landgrave of Hesse, they met, with their chief adherents, at Marburg, to effect a reconciliation, if possible; but they separated, after much violent discussion, as irreconcilable enemies as ever. The object of the Landgrave was, however, partially attained. If he could not induce them to agree in doctrine, he, in part, succeeded in convincing them that their common safety demanded union, at least in politics; and thus prepared the way for that Protestant league which had, for some time, occupied the minds of the princes of that party. But, for the present, the attention of all parties was fixed on the approaching Diet, which was appointed to be held at Augsburg, and at which, it was understood, that the Emperor intended to be present in person. His recent interview with the Sovereign Pontiff, at Bologna, where he had received the Imperial crown at his hands, prepared the minds of all for bold and decisive measures. In fact Charles had, in that interview, not only secured a promise from that Pontiff that he would aid him in his opposition to the Turk, but that he would not oppose the convocation of a council, if such an assembly should be deemed advisable; whilst the Emperor, on his part, declared his resolution to enforce, if possible, the Edict of Worms, and to use all his efforts to reduce the Lutherans to the unity of the Church.

The Emperor, accompanied by the Papal Legate, Campeggio, arrived, with a large retinue of princes, ambassadors, and electors, at Augsburg, on the fifteenth of June, 1530. He had been preceded by the Protestant princes, who had come prepared with a confession of faith to be presented to the assembled Diet. Having abandoned, for the present, all intention to have recourse to arms, the Elector of Saxony, early in March, had requested Luther, Jonas, Melancthon, and Pomeranus, to draw up their articles of faith in time for the approaching Diet. This request was complied with, and, the four divines having laboured at the document for a few days, it was consigned to Melancthon to be perfected. That timid and wavering theologian, after days and nights of anxious toil, at length completed his task on the 11th of May; and the confession was despatched, by the Elector, to Luther, who declared himself satisfied. But the councillors and theologians of the Elector were not so easily contented; for, as Melancthon tells us, there was not a day passed without numerous alterations being made in this their confession of faith. On the last day of May, this apology, for so it was also designated, was communicated to the various Protestant states; was adopted by the Lutherans, but peremptorily refused by the Zwinglians. The latter, in their turn, prepared also their confession of faith; and thus the Diet was soon doomed to behold a practical illustration of the all sufficiency and simplicity of Scripture; of the wisdom of refusing to hear the Church, as Christ had commanded; and the galling exhibition to the Lutherans of a schism within the schism. The Diet was opened on 20th June, 1530, by a speech from the Emperor, in which he treated of the war with the Turks, and the religious dissensions. He complained that the Edict of Worms had not been enforced; adverted to the inefficacy of the subsequent edicts; declared his resolution to bring about a union, and that, for this purpose, he was prepared to attend to the complaints and statements of all parties, provided they were delivered in writing. On the twenty-second of June, the Protestants were required to present their Confession at the next Session of the Diet, which was fixed for the twenty-fourth. On that day, the Elector of Saxony requested that the Confession might be read publicly before the Diet; but, as this was objected to, under the plea of the lateness of the hour, it was agreed that it should be read on the following day, in the presence of the Emperor, and of the actual members of the Diet, in a chamber of the Palatinate palace. This was accordingly done; and, as the document was drawn up with great moderation, in order to conciliate, as far as possible, the favour of the Diet, the Emperor, to prevent any further attempt at innovation, or future plea of abuse, caused the princes, whose signatures were attached to it, to be asked, whether they dissented in any other particulars from the doctrines of the Catholic Church, or had any other abuses to complain of. After some deliberation, they at length answered, that the document presented contained all that they dissented from or complained of.

This confession of faith, called, from the Diet to which it was presented, the Augsburg Confession, is so well known and is published in so many works, that it is unnecessary to furnish even an abstract of the twenty-one articles of faith, and seven objected abuses, of which it is composed. In the preamble, however, there is an appeal to a General Council which requires especial notice here.

The Emperor is in substance reminded, as follows: that, on several occasions, and especially at the Diet of Spires, in 1526, “whilst he declined to come to any determination on the controverted doctrines, he had promised to use his influence with the Roman Pontiff for the summoning of a General Council; that at the second Diet of Spires a similar promise had been given, and a declaration made, that the Sovereign Pontiff could be induced to hold such council, and further, that the said Pontiff should accordingly be applied to, to give his consent to convoke that assembly, with the co-operation of the Emperor as early as possible. If, therefore, the religious dissensions should not be amicably settled in the present Diet, they offer to appear and to plead their cause before such a general, free, and Christian Council, as had, in the various preceding Diets, been treated of and promised; that to such council they had often appealed, and now again solemnly entered their appeal in this their apology.” Yet, notwithstanding this voluntary promise, and solemn appeal, registered in their own Confession, we shall soon see this very party, assigning as their principal reason for refusing to repair, and to submit, to the Council of Trent, that it was convoked by the Sovereign Pontiff. The fact seems to be, that with few exceptions, the Lutherans were insincere in their demand for a council. “It is true, they made their appeals to it perpetually, and were the loudest in their clamours for its convocation; because thus they gave a show of equity to their provisional claims—a show of subordination and loyalty to all their proceedings. Besides they gained time, which was essential to their success. ”

There is also another portion of this Augsburg confession which deserves a passing notice at the close of the articles, the Protestants declare, that, in the whole of their faith, “there is nothing which is at variance with Scripture, with the doctrine of the Catholic, or even of the Roman, Church, in so far as that doctrine is known to them from the writers of that Church and they accordingly complain of being stigmatised as heretics, whereas their faith is that of the Roman Church, and the disagreement is only about certain abuses which had crept into the Church, without any clear or certain authority in their favour.” It would seem that a more bitter and severe condemnation of their schism there could not be than this their own confession. But we must proceed to the facts before us.

The day after the reading of the Confession, it was resolved, at a meeting of the Catholic members of the Diet, at which the Legate and many theologians were present, that a refutation should be drawn up in writing of such parts of that document as objected to any practice or rite of the Catholic Church; and the task was assigned to a body of theologians, amongst whom the most distinguished were Faber, Eck, and Cochlaeus. But scarcely had this resolution been come to, than the confession was again examined by its subscribers and authors, to see what portion of it might be abandoned; and Melancthon desired the Elector to consent, that the demands of their party should be reduced to two points,—the administration of the Eucharist in both kinds, and the permission of the marriage of the clergy, “For two such purely ecclesiastical regulations,” writes Melancthon to the Elector of Saxony, “it never surely can be their resolution to refuse to receive us, and thus risk a civil war.” To this proposal the Protestant princes assented, and Melancthon was deputed to make the offer to the Legated Accordingly, on the 6th of July, he addressed a letter to Campeggio, in which he makes the abovenamed offer, and remarks: “We hold not any dogma different from the Roman Church. We have even repressed many persons who were striving to sow pernicious doctrines; of which there are notorious and public proofs. We are prepared to obey the Roman Church, if, with that clemency which it has always practised towards all men, it will only dissemble, or relax, in regard of some few things, which, even if we wished it, we could not now alter.... Let not your Eminence give credit to our slanderers, who wickedly corrupt our writings, and impute to us whatever seems best calculated to inflame the public hatred against us. Besides this, the authority of the Roman Pontiff is by us respectfully reverenced, as is also the whole ecclesiastical polity. Now seeing that concord can so effectually be established, if your equity will but close your eyes in regard of some few matters ; and, rendering, as we do, obedience, with sincere faith, why pursue your suppliants with fire and sword? Many are sure, that your Eminence would not approve of these violent counsels, if you did but perfectly know our cause and wishes. On no other ground do we endure so much odium in Germany, as for our firm defence of the doctrines of the Roman Church. This fidelity, by God’s will, will we preserve to Christ, and to the Roman Church, to our last breath. A slight dissimilitude of rites between us and you is that which seems to be the obstacle to concord. But the very canons themselves affirm, that the unity of the Church may be preserved notwithstanding any such dissimilitude.” There is reason to believe that Luther, whatever expressions to the contrary may appear in his letters to some of his friends, was neither unacquainted with, nor opposed to, these concessions.

But even these two points,—communion in both kinds, and the marriage of priests,—the Legate informed Melancthon could not be yielded without the concurrence of the German princes.

But Charles, in the hope of procuring that unanimity so necessary for the intended war against the Turks, caused a commission to be appointed, consisting, at first, of seven, but which was afterwards reduced to three, of each party; yet, for some reason not clearly recorded, the anticipated agreement was not come to. On the 13th of July the reply of the Catholic Theologians was completed, but, on examination, it was required to be made shorter and less violent. On the 3rd of August, the amended copy was read in public Diet, and accepted by the Emperor as his own.

Of the various negotiations which ensued, it is needless to give any account, as they furnish no new fact, and as they ended in no practical result; though they furnish a clear and most curious proof of the fickleness of the self-styled Reformers, and of the little importance which they themselves attached to what they had so long proclaimed, and what are still propounded, as the fundamental principles and doctrines of the Reformation. Give them their wives; secure to them the Church property which they had plundered; content the people with a show of some necessity for the past changes, by giving them the com­munion in both kinds, and by enforcing or allowing some slight change in the canon of the Mass, and, for the rest, they were perfectly satisfied.

Meanwhile Bucer and Capito had presented to the Emperor their Tetrapolitan confession, or the confession of the four cities of Strasburg, Constance, Memmingen, and Lindau; and Zwingli, not content with this representation of his opinions, took upon himself to draw up and forward, to Charles, another confession, in which he visited with his abuse, not the Catholics only, but his rivals the Lutherans.

On the 22nd of September, the Diet assembled to hear, and to take into consideration, the proposed edict on the state of religion. It stated, that the confession of the Protestants having been considered and replied to; some of their errors having been retracted, but others being still adhered to; time was now allowed them till the 15th of the ensuing April, to consider whether they would return to the faith and practice of the Catholic Church, at least until the meeting of a General Council. That council, the Emperor had agreed with the Sovereign Pontiff, should be convoked within the term of six months, and be assembled, at the latest, within a year. In the meantime, the Protestants were forbidden to publish, or sell, any fresh works on religion; to make any further changes; or to prevent the return of their subjects to the ancient faith; it was ordered that ecclesiastical property should be restored to those from whom it had been taken; and finally that the Anabaptists and Sacramentarians should be banished from all the states of the empire.

This edict was opposed by the Protestant princes, except as regards the clauses against the Anabaptists and Zwinglians; and the dissentients unanimously came to a resolution to refuse their aid against the Turk. On the 19th of November, the Recess was formally approved of by all the Catholic princes and members of the Diet, and, on the 22nd of the same month was legally published. In it the Zwinglians were proscribed; the restoration of the ancient faith, practices and rights, wheresoever abolished, was commanded; the married priests were to be degraded; all changes of religion were prohibited under severe penalties; the destroyed monasteries were to be rebuilt and their revenues restored; finally, a council was promised. The above regulations were to be enforced by the Imperial Chamber, and the officers of the Emperor were to compel compliance.

Such is the history of the Augsburg Confession, and of the opinions of its authors and subscribers as to its necessity, truth, and unchangeableness; a judgment which experience has confirmed; for, as regards the actual state of religious parties, that confession has long become next to a dead letter.

CHAPTER X.

Civil war apprehended.—Preparation of the Protestants. —Luther.—League of Smalcald.—Foreign aid sought.-— Replies from England, Denmark, and France.—Charles negotiates for a Council.—Clement's answer.—Further instances by Charles.—A Council resolved on.—Conditions.— Papal Breve announcing a Council.—Hindrances.—Renewal of negotiations.—Interview between Charles and Clement.—Council again resolved on.—Refused by the Protestants.—Death of Clement.—Paul III.

A general apprehension that a civil war was imminent now prevailed throughout Germany; and, had such been the purpose of the Emperor, the opportunity was favourable. France was humbled and exhausted; Solyman had suffered a severe reverse; and the Protestants were, as yet, unprepared and disorganised. But he had no such wish; his designs and expectations were to settle the dissensions amicably, by the intervention and authority of a General Council,—an expectation which the events and proposals at Augsburg served to justify and confirm.

But such was not the moderation of the Protestants. Even during the sitting of the late Diet, the Landgrave of Hesse, after his departure from that assembly under the plea of his wife’s illness, had exhorted the Protestant princes not to yield, and declared that he, for his part, “would fight for the word of God, at the risk of his states, subjects, and life.” This advice was not followed at the time; but, as early as the 22nd of December, those princes assembled at Smalcald, and signed a provisional treaty for their mutual defence. To this step they were forcibly impelled by the writings of Luther; who, whilst his party was too weak for successful opposition, had obtained the credit and merit of preaching up the duty of obeying, and the sinfulness of resisting, by force of arms, the decrees of the civil authorities; but, now that there was some chance of success, under the flimsy pretext of yielding to the jurists, he proclaimed a contrary doctrine, and, by sermons and writings, urged his followers to resistance. Accordingly, under the form of an apology for their faith and conduct, in reply to a Breve of Clement’s, the confederated princes sent letters to the kings of England, Denmark, and France, soliciting support against the Emperor. The two former monarchs sent evasive answers, but the latter despatched William de Bellay as his ambassador, to egg on the Protestants to resistance; concluded a treaty with them at Eslingen, and deposited with the Duke of Bavaria a large amount of money to be employed in the contemplated war. A portion of the Zwinglians were admitted into the confederacy, and everything betokened preparation for a civil war. But Charles persevered in his peaceful policy; and contented himself with renewing his negotiations with the Pontiff for the convocation of a council. Clement still retained his conviction of the uselessness of such an assembly for the end which seemed anticipated by the Emperor. He represented to that monarch, that General Councils had hitherto only been summoned to condemn novelties in faith, whereas the errors of Luther were little more than the revival of opinions long since condemned; that Luther had already refused to submit to those General Councils, and there seemed no likelihood of his yielding to any other that might be convoked; that there were no solid principles in this their new system on which to build a hope of convincing and reclaiming them; for the Scripture alone was with them the record and rule, and such portions only of the Scriptures as they chose to account authentic and inspired, and that in the translation which they took upon themselves to declare faithful, and according to that interpretation which pleased their fancies, without regarding, nay contemning, the expositions of the Fathers, of antiquity, and of the Church, and those interpretations which the usages of so many centuries had sanctioned and confirmed. He also reminded him, that it would be impossible that the council should be convoked and constituted otherwise than according to the pattern of past councils; and that, as neither Scripture, nor precedent, allowed of laymen or heretics having a vote in such an assembly, the most that could be granted to the Protestants would be to hear them, and to hear them but to condemn them; and thus would the schism be rendered final and unchangeable, and all further negotiations impracticable.

These considerations, the Emperor replied, were indeed most grave and powerful, but that, after deliberation with Ferdinand, who had, shortly after the Diet of Augsburg, been elected King of the Romans, he could not help hoping that the difficulties were not so insurmountable as the Pontiff imagined; and that, as it seemed to be the only means left, as it was the only measure untried, he urged Clement not to delay the convocation of an assembly, which would, at all events, confirm the minds of the wavering, and enable him to keep his word to the Protestants, who were ever demanding, and appealing to, such a tribunal. The Pontiff assented, and forwarded to the Bishop of Portona the conditions on which the council should be summoned, and the specific objects to which it should be confined,—-to consider, that is, on the best means of opposing the Turk, and to examine and decide on the religious opinions prevalent in Germany. He stipulated also for the presence of the Emperor at the council; a direct petition from the Lutherans for the proposed assembly, and a promise to submit to its decrees; that the place of meeting should be in some city of Italy, at Rome, Bologna, Piacenza, or Mantua, a feudatory city of the empire; and finally that those only should have votes who were entitled to that privilege by the canons and customs of the Church.

The Emperor’s answer to these proposals was received at Rome on the 16th of October. He replied, that if the council were speedily summoned, he would set aside all other business requiring his presence, and assist at its proceedings; that Milan, or Mantua, would be the cities most acceptable to the Germans; that the canons of the Church were, of course, to be abided by; and that, as to the Lutherans, he did not now expect that they would make the required demand or promise; but that the council was not to be hindered by their obstinacy, as it would be enough to follow the usage of past councils, and proceed at once to the condemnation of the innovators.

Upon receiving this reply, Clement resolved to act without further delay; and accordingly, on the first of December, a Breve of a uniform character was directed to all the Christian princes, announcing his resolution to convoke a General Council, in some suitable city of Italy, and at as early a period as possible. A few days after the publication of this Breve, letters arrived from the King of France, urging the Pontiff to that determination at which he had already arrived.

It is not necessary to detail the obstacles which arose to prevent this purpose from being at once carried into effect. The danger of the empire from Solyman; the refusal of the Protestants to aid in repelling him; the convention of Ratisbon; the intrigues of France; the political differences between Clement and Charles; these and other events of great magnitude occupied the attention of all parties to the exclusion of all preparations for a council.

But, no sooner had Charles repelled the inroads of the Turk, and freed himself from his more pressing engagements, than he turned his attention again to that object; and, for this purpose, resolved to visit the Pope in person. A meeting took place, early in 1532, at Bologna, where, amongst other points treated of, the proposed council was discussed. It was admitted, by the Emperor, that the conditions prescribed by the Pontiff were just, and usual, and could not be departed from without compromising his authority, and yielding unduly to the demands of the innovators. Two conclusions were come to the first, that the Pope should send a nuncio, and the Emperor an ambassador, to the princes of Germany, to induce them to come into those conditions, and to pledge themselves to cause their party to assist at the council, and to submit to its canonical decisions. It was also further resolved, by the advice of Aleander, though not without opposition, that the Pontiff should at once issue a Breve, wherein a promise should be given that a council should be summoned with as little delay as possible. Accordingly, on the 10th of January, a Breve was transmitted to the King of the Romans, and to the other Catholic princes of the empire ; who were also written to, on the same day, by Charles, who declared that he had found the Pontiff most solicitous to perform whatever his high office required, and sincere in his resolution to assemble a council.

In fulfilment of his promise, Clement despatched, on the 20th of February, 1532, two nuncios; one, his private secretary Ugo Rangone, to Ferdinand and the Catholic princes of Germany; the other, Ubaldino Ubaldini, to the kings of France and of England. Their instructions were, that the Council should be perfectly free, and be celebrated according to the usage of the Catholic Church in her General Councils from the beginning; that those who should assist thereat should pledge themselves to submit to its decrees; that those lawfully hindered from being present should send proxies; that, meanwhile, there should be no fresh innovations in matters of faith; that the place should be mutually agreed upon, the Pontiff proposing Mantua, Bologna, or Piacenza, any one of which cities was safe, in a fertile country, suitable, and nearer to Germany than to any of the Ultramontanes who would have to assist at the Council; that should any of the princes of Christendom refuse to aid in the prosecution and success of so holy a work, it was not therefore to be abandoned; and that should any oppose the holding of the Council, the Pontiff was to be supported, against those efforts, by the power of the other prince ; that, upon the expiration of six months after a favourable answer to these proposals, Clement pledged himself to convoke the Council, to be held at the termination of a year, which period would allow sufficient time to prepare themselves for that assembly.

A meeting of the Protestants, to whom a nuncio and Imperial ambassador had been sent, took place at Smalcald, to consider the answer to be given to these conditions. After much deliberation, a reply was given, on the last day of July, by the Elector of Saxony, in the name of the confederates. After the usual invectives against the Holy See, they declared that they could not agree, or submit, to a Council summoned under the terms named; for that such a Council would not be free, as it was to be convoked and presided over by the Roman Pontiff an objection premature at the least, inasmuch as the instructions simply stated that the Council should be celebrated in the manner that had been usual in General Councils from the beginning; and the name of the Pontiff was actually nowhere introduced. It was further objected that, in the councils held for many ages past, there had been a divarication from the primitive usage of the Church, the Scriptures having been then the sole guides, and not the authority of the Pontiff and of the Scholastics; an objection which, in part, the history of those councils, especially of Ephesus and Chalcedon, shows to be as baseless as the preceding, and which involved the absurd supposition, that the doctrine of the Scholastics, and the decrees of the Roman Pontiffs, had been, or were admitted to be, in opposition to the sacred Scriptures; as if the meaning of those Scriptures, the extent of doctrine conveyed in them, and the authority divinely appointed to guide us in their interpretation, were not some of the real and most fundamental questions in dispute between the Catholics and Protestants, and as such to come under the consideration of the Council.

But, in the midst of these events, Clement died, on the 25th of September, 1534, recommending, as his successor, the Dean of the Sacred College, Alexander Farnese, who was unanimously elected Pope, on the 13th of October, on the very first day of the Conclave. He ascended the Pontifical throne, taking the name of Paul III.

CHAPTER XI.

Disposition of the Pontiff towards a Council.—Commission appointed.— Vergerius sent into Germany.—His interview with Luther.—Mantua proposed for the Council. —Refused by the Confederates.—Interview between Paul and Charles.—Indiction of the Council at Mantua.—Prorogation.—Convoked for Vicenza.—Legates sent.—Paul repairs to Nice.—Mediates a truce.—Council again prorogued.

The new Pontiff had always shown himself favourable to the convocation of a Council; a disposition which had no slight influence on his election. Nor was it long before he endeavoured to carry that purpose into effect; but the difficulties, which he encountered during so many years, showed that Clement had not exaggerated the obstacles to such an assembly. But he met with the usual fate of cautious and politic princes; the difficulties were ascribed to his own delays and wishes and not to the unfortunate course of events, by which they were really occasioned. Paul considered peace between Charles and the King of France, as the first essential to the successful convocation of the Council; a result which, for many years, he laboured in vain to produce. However, in the very first consistory, held on the 13th of November, 1534, he renewed his declaration of being favourable to a Council, and exhorted the Cardinals to pave the way for it by an exemplary reformation of themselves, and of the whole Roman Court. He, shortly afterwards, deputed eight of the most eminent cardinals and canonists, to draw up such a scheme of reformation as should seem to them desirable, giving them for this purpose full authority over every tribunal in Rome. He also sent nuncios to the various princes, in order to secure their concurrence and help in the proposed council ; and, at the same time, promoted several individuals of great merit to the cardinalate, and, amongst the rest, our illustrious countryman, Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, who was then in prison for refusing to follow in the schismatical footsteps of Henry.

In furtherance also of his wish for the speedy celebration of the Council, and as a further proof of his sincerity, he summoned Vergerius to Rome, and shortly afterwards sent him on a special embassy to the various courts of Germany, that the place for holding a meeting might be finally agreed upon.

Of the Catholic princes of Germany, all, but the Elector Palatine, expressed their concurrence in the city of Mantua as a suitable and desirable locality; and, even amongst the Protestant princes, George of Brandenburg, was of the same opinion.

On his road through the territories of the Elector of Saxony, the Legate was most honourably received and treated by that prince; was waited on at table by his own hands; and heard from him many expressions of respect and admiration for the Sovereign Pontiff. The Elector also introduced Luther to him at Wittemberg. He came accompanied by an associate of his, John Bugenhagen, surnamed Pomeranus, who was in the habit of ordaining priests, by authority of Luther and of the academy of Wittemberg. From the account given by Vergerius to the Pope’s secretary, Luther seems to have produced a most unfavourable impression on his mind. He represents him as speaking so barbarously in the Latin tongue, that he could not believe that some of the works published as Luther’s were really from his pen; and, he adds, to give my opinion “derived from his countenance, dress, gestures, and words, be he a man of talent or not, he is the very personification of pride, malice, and impudence.” His report of Luther’s conversation assuredly bears out this judgment. Speaking of the proposed Council, Luther burst out into phrensy, and exclaimed: “I will go to the Council, and may I lose my head if I don’t defend my opinions against all the world. What comes from my lips is not anger of mine, but God’s.”

If the Legate had cherished a hope of reconciling the Protestants to the council, he was speedily undeceived, by the reply returned from Smalcald, on the 21st of December, 1535, by the confederated princes. Besides indulging, as usual, in the bitterest invectives against the Roman See, and the Catholic faith, they peremptorily refused to be present at a council assembled in Italy; pleading that the fate of Huss would await their party there, at the hands of the Pontiff; forgetting, it may be supposed, that Huss perished in Germany, by the hands of Germans, at a Council that had deposed various Pontiffs, and at a time when there was no actual Pope to control the proceedings.

They required that the council should be held in Germany; that the Pope should neither convoke nor preside at it; adding other demands of a like nature, which could not be acceded to without at once sacrificing fundamental points of doctrine and jurisdiction. They were encouraged in their opposition to the council, by the ambassadors of France and England: by the former power from political motives; by the latter as a counterpoise to the hostility of Rome, occasioned by Henry’s late marriage, and proceedings in religion. Vergerius, at his own request, was recalled to Rome; to give an oral account of his mission, and of the state of parties in Germany, not only to the Pontiff, but also to the Emperor, who was then at Rome, on his return from his expedition in Africa. The result of lengthened interviews between the Pope and the Emperor was made known in a consistory, held on the 8th of April, 1536, in which Paul proposed, and all the Cardinals assembled agreed, that a council should be immediately convoked, at the city of Mantua, a fief of the Empire. The arrangement of the necessary preliminaries was assigned to seven of the Cardinals, assisted by Aleander and Vergerius. The last named prelate advised that the city of Mantua should not be named as definitively fixed upon, until the concurrence of the German princes had been secured; and he also recommended, that in the Bull of convocation the customary clause, “according to the form of preceding councils,” should not be inserted, as being likely to give occasion to complaints on the part of the Protestants, and as having been omitted in the Bulls convoking the Councils of Constance and Basil. The latter advice was followed, but not the former; as all hopes were now lost of securing the agreement of that party to any legitimate assembly of the Church, which it was now resolved to summon to vindicate Catholic truth, and to promulge the judgment of the Church on the novelties of the day. It was moreover remarked, that as Mantua was a city, indirectly at least, under the power of the Emperor, the Germans could have no reasonable pretext for objecting to it, and that the majority of the German princes, the King of the Romans, and the Emperor had already consented to that city as a fit and desirable place.

A Bull, accordingly, was issued on the 2nd of June, 1536, appointing the 23rd of May next ensuing for the meeting of the Council at Mantua; and various nuncios were immediately sent to the princes of Christendom to notify to them formally the convocation.

The Protestant princes, who were again assembled at Smalcald, renewed to the Papal nuncio their refusal to attend at the Council, and in this they were imitated by the King of England, who declared that he had nothing more to do with the Pope than with any other bishop; that it was the right of princes to summon councils; that the claim of the Pope was a usurpation; with similar assertions in conformity with his new character, as head of the Church in England. As this had been anticipated it created no difficulty; but an unexpected obstacle was occasioned by a demand from the governor of Mantua, that the Pontiff should pay a guard of soldiers to consist of 150 infantry and 100 cavalry. This the Pontiff refused, not merely on account of the unnecessary expense, but also, because any such act on his part was likely, or sure, to be represented by the adversaries of the Church as destructive of the liberty of the meeting.

Many difficulties arising in the choice of another city, the Pontiff, almost at the last moment, promulgated a Bull, dated April 20th, 1537, in which, throwing the blame of the delay on the Duke of Mantua, he prorogued the Council until the month of November; no place, however, being designated for the assembly, as none could, as yet, be determined on. Various negotiations immediately ensued on this subject; the Pope proposing Padua, Verona, and Vicenza, cities of the Venetian territory; or Bologna, and Piacenza, in the Ecclesiastical States. The King of the Romans incidentally recommended to the Nuncio the city of Trent as least likely to be objected to by the Confederates. Paul had, meanwhile, obtained from the Republic of Venice permission to assemble the Council in the city of Vicenza; information of which he communicated to the Christian world by a Bull, dated the 8th of October, appointing the first of May of the ensuing year, 1538, as the day of meeting; and expressing a hope and expectation that, before that period, peace would be concluded between the Christian princes.

To prepare for the Council, Paul again appointed a committee, consisting of four cardinals and five other prelates; with instructions to prepare such a scheme of reformation as seemed to them suitable; a task which they performed with unsparing zeal accompanied with admirable prudence. To obtain the blessing of peace, so necessary to the profitable assembling of the Council, the Pontiff sent nuncios to the King of France and the Emperor; whilst his legates hastened to Vicenza to make the necessary preparations for opening the Council, thereby giving assurance to the world of the sincerity of his intentions. The legates chosen for this purpose were three cardinals of very distinguished merit and reputation, Campeggio, Simonetta, and Aleander. As the reports of his nuncios were unfavourable to his hopes of peace, Paul resolved to assume the character of a mediator between the two crowns, and proceeded to Nice, to bring about, if possible, an interview between the hostile monarchs. Upon reaching Piacenza, information reached him that as yet not a single bishop had arrived at Vicenza; and, as now but five days remained before the appointed opening of the Council, he forwarded to his legates, on the 25th of April, a Bull of prorogation, delaying the opening till some future day to be by him determined; which, by another Bull, dated June 28th, 1538, was appointed to be the following festival of Easter.

During the month that Paul remained at Nice, first visiting one of the monarchs, and then the other, he failed to bring them to a conference; but succeeded in obtaining their consent to a truce of ten years. Almost, however, immediately after his departure, an accident brought the two princes into personal and friendly intercourse; an event for which the Pontiff caused public thanks to be returned to God, as the presage of a lasting peace. Under these more favourable circumstances, the council was again prorogued, at the request of the reconciled monarchs.

CHAPTER XII.

Charles opposed to a Council.—Attempts at pacification. —Diet of Spires.— The Council of Trent indicted.—Appointment of Legates.—Their instructions.—Arrival at Trent.—-Efforts to assemble prelates.—Arrival of the Imperial ambassadors.—Their departure.— War between Francis and Charles.—Prorogation of the Council.—Diet of Spires—Peace of Crépy.—Convocation of the Council. —Legates.—Arrival of prelates and ambassadors.—Council delayed.—Prohibition to appear by proxy.—Preparations.—Instructions to the Legates.—The French prelates ordered to withdraw.—Recalled.—First general congregation of the prelates.

When every obstacle seemed at length removed, a fresh difficulty arose in an unexpected quarter. Hitherto the Emperor had been urgent for the council, but, as it had now become perfectly manifest, that there was no longer any hope that the Lutherans would yield to its authority, he foresaw that nothing awaited them but a public condemnation by the assembled prelates of the Church, which would only add to their irritation and hostility against the Catholics. Surrounded as he was on all sides by watchful and powerful enemies, and awed by the growing power of the Confederates, his policy was now to prevent, or at least to delay the Council; and as a means of securing this object, he requested of the Pope that another attempt should be made to conciliate the Lutherans, by sending Aleander as his Legate into Germany. To this the Pope assented; but the result was as fruitless as must, from the circumstances of the times, and the temper and state of parties, have been anticipated.

Paul, wearied with opposition, and ashamed of having again and again to prorogue the meeting of a council, which he had authority to indict, but had not power to assemble, resolved, after much deliberation, to represent to Christendom the difficulties of his position, and to postpone the Council to an indefinite period; declaring, at the same time, his anxiety to convoke it at the earliest possible opportunity. A Bull to this effect was accordingly promulgated on the 13th of June, 1539.

Nearly three years were now employed in various fruitless attempts to effect a reconciliation, in matters of religion, without having recourse to a council. But, the colloquy begun at Hagenau, and continued, at intervals, during the years 1541-42, at Worms and Ratisbon; the interview and conferences between the Emperor and the Pope at Lucca; the Book of Concord; and other similar attempts at pacification, ended in nothing but disappointment. At length, in the Diet of Spires, held in 1542, the Legate Morone proposed that a council should be held in some town of Italy, and, as a last concession, at Trent,—a city which, being in the Tyrol, subject to the King of the Romans, and on the confines of Germany, could not reasonably be objected to by those of that nation, who really desired the final settlement of the existing controversies. Ferdinand, and the whole of the Catholic members of the Diet, agreed to the offer; but, as usual, especially in the absence of the Emperor, the Protestants rejected it, protesting against it as being a meeting to be convoked by the Pope, and to be assembled without the precincts of Germany. On his part, Paul proceeded at once to fulfil his pledge, and in a consistory held on the 22nd of May, 1542, the form and tenor of the Bull of Convocation having been agreed upon, it was published on the feast of the Apostles Peter and Paul, indicting the Council for the first of November, the festival of All Saints.

Morone, lately raised to the cardinalate, with the Cardinals Parisis and Pole, having been appointed the Legates to the Council, received their commission on the 16th of October. They were instructed to notify to the Christian princes their arrival at Trent; to affix to the doors of the Cathedral the usual intimation, requiring those to repair to that city, who, by right, or custom, ought to assist at General Councils; but they were not to proceed to open the Council, until after the arrival of the principal of the prelates from Italy, Germany, France, and Spain; nor then without apprising the Pontiff, and awaiting his commission.

The Legates received the cross on the 20th of October, but being unable to reach Trent by the day fixed for the opening of the Council, they were preceded by Giantommaso di San Felice, Bishop of Cava, who was deputed, with the cardinal bishop of Trent, to receive the prelates as they arrived; and to make such preparations as were required: but their services were little needed, as but few bishops reached Trent prior to the appearance of the Legates, on the 22nd of November. So slow, in fact, were they in presenting themselves, that Cardinal Farnese had repeatedly to urge on the nuncios at the various courts the necessity of expediting, in every possible way, the prelates of their respective countries; and the Pope had, after all, to send Baron Truxes into Germany, armed with a Breve exhorting the bishops of the Empire to attend. The real cause of this tardiness was the renewed war between Charles and Francis, which rendered it unsafe for the bishops to attempt the journey.

The Emperor, however, sent Granvel and Mendoza as his ambassadors to Trent, at which city they arrived on the 8th of January, 1543. Granvel, the Emperor’s chief minister, remained but a short time,—but enough transpired, before his departure, to show that the Council was not now desired by his master. Mendoza still remained, for a time, as the representative of Charles; but, taking advantage of the small number of prelates at Trent, which prevented the opening of the Council, he soon, contrary to his promise, proceeded to his original embassy at Venice. This satisfied the Legates that nothing could be done at present; and having now remained fruitlessly at Trent for seven months, during which only a few prelates from the Ecclesiastical States had arrived; as the Turks were pressing Christendom; and the war was raging between the King of France and the Emperor; they advised the Pontiff to prorogue the Council to a more favourable opportunity. A Bull to that effect was shortly afterwards published by the Pope.

Pressed on every side by powerful enemies, the Emperor found himself constrained to conciliate the confederate princes; and, in the Diet held at Spires in 1544, he not only repealed the Edicts of Worms and Augsburg, but placed the Protestants in a position, both as regards the ecclesiastical property which they had seized, and their general religious and political condition in the state, which they had not hitherto occupied. These concessions excited the indignation of Paul, who, in a breve, dated August the 24th, 1544, remonstrated with the Emperor in bold but paternal language, and went so far as to threaten him with the censures of the Church, if the steps which he had taken were not retraced, or were proceeded in.

Bold as was this letter, it was received without resentment by Charles, who was conscious that his late necessities had laid him open to the just complaints of the Pontiff.

But a most unexpected event soon filled the mind of Paul with gladness. After a short campaign, peace was concluded between the King and the Emperor; for which the Pope ordered public thanksgivings throughout Christendom; sent to congratulate the two princes; and, shortly after, removed the suspension of the Council, in a Bull published on the 19th of November, summoning that assembly to meet at Trent, on the 15th of March of the ensuing year.

It was now evident that the real business of the Council would have to be proceeded with; and Paul, without delay, selected as his Legates men every way equal to so important an office; Giammaria del Monte, bishop of Palestrina, Marcello Cervini, and Reginald Pole. The first of these had already greatly distinguished himself in numerous embassies of importance, and was afterwards created Pope, under the name of Julius III; the second succeeded Paul on the apostolic throne; and the last had well-nigh been appointed Pope in the preceding conclave, and was no less distinguished by his virtues than by his high birth and attainments. The Bishop of Cava was again sent to precede the Legates; two of whom almost immediately followed; Pole delaying his departure, from fear, it is supposed, of meeting with violence from the emissaries of the King of England.

The Legates, on leaving Rome, had neither received their written instructions, nor the Bull of their faculties; but the necessary documents were forwarded shortly before the opening of the Council. With one clause of their faculties, which required them to act with the consent of the assembled Fathers, they were discontented; it was, however, decided at Rome that it should be retained.

On their arrival at Trent, they found no other prelate there but the Bishop of Cava; but, in a few days, there arrived Campeggio, bishop of Feltro, and Fra Cornelio Musso, bishop of Bitonto. Mendoza again repaired to Trent from Venice, to act as the representative of Charles at the Council. The ambassadors also of the King of the Romans soon followed. The small number of prelates present rendered it, in the opinion of the Legates, unwise to open the Council on the day appointed; especially as they were given to understand, by Mendoza, that the Spanish bishops would soon set out for the Council; and the Pope had given strict and urgent orders, that the bishops immediately under his jurisdiction should hasten to the place of meeting. Other motives also induced the Legates to delay. They were anxious to have specific information as to the proceedings of the Diet then assembled at Worms; and to see, furthermore, what would be the result of the prohibition issued by the Viceroy of Naples, forbidding the bishops of that kingdom to leave their dioceses, and requiring them to content themselves with the four proxies which he promised to depute to act in their names.

The Pontiff, immediately on hearing of this interference, commanded the opening of the Council to be delayed; issued a Bull forbidding any bishop whatever to appear by proxy; and enjoining, under the severest penalties, that each should appear in person, in conformity with the oath taken at his consecration. Injuriously as this affected many bishops of Germany, the Pontiff resolved to adhere to it, until he had compelled the Viceroy to withdraw his prohibition.

Meanwhile, in consequence of a communication received from two of the Legates, Pole being still absent, the Pontiff determined to open the Council on the 3rd of May, the festival of the Holy Cross. To beg a blessing on the assembly, he had purposed to sing Mass himself publicly on that day, in the Vatican church; but a letter which reached him from his Legates on the day preceding, changed his resolution. The opening of the meeting was yet awhile delayed from considerations of expediency connected with the small number of prelates present, and the secret opposition to the Council on the part of the Emperor ; who, embarrassed as he was with the Turkish war, found it still necessary to conciliate the Protestants. It was, however, understood that the Legates, without waiting for any direct orders from Rome, should open the Council as soon as it seemed to them expedient, guided by the advice of Cardinal Farnese, then Legate to the Emperor. As regards the Viceroy of Naples, he felt himself compelled to yield, in appearance at least, to the Papal Bull; and nominally to leave his prelates to act according to their own judgment and sense of duty; sending, however, only the four whom he himself had chosen, though without the odious name of proxies.

The Legates, fearing lest these delays might seem to justify the assembled prelates in their wish to leave Trent, caused them to be daily employed in preparing for the future business of the Council; and thus not only succeeded in quieting the discontented, but saw with pleasure that the arrivals, not merely of able theologians and canonists, but also of bishops, increased day by day. During this delay the Pope, still desirous of carrying out his original wish to hold the Council within his own territory, opened his purpose to the Emperor, who, at once, through fear of the Protestants, objected to it, and expressed himself contented that the Council should be proceeded with at Trent. Accordingly, in a consistory, held on the 16th of November, 1545, it was resolved that the Council should open on the 13th of December following; a Breve to that effect was expedited on the 4th of December to the Legates, and a Bull issued to the Christian world. It was also arranged that the prelates of Germany, on account of their peculiar circumstances, should be allowed to appear by proxy. All the bishops present at the Council were freed from the payment of tithes, and empowered to receive their episcopal revenues during the time of their absence from their dioceses. Various instructions were also forwarded to the Legates in reply to their inquiries:—they were to treat of doctrine at once, notwithstanding any opposition to the contrary; the opinions, and not the persons, of heretics were to be condemned; but they were not to content themselves with a general condemnation of heterodox tenets, but to proceed to details also; the matter of reformation of discipline, as being of secondary importance, was not to be proceeded with at once, but to be deferred, though not so as to give occasion to a belief that it was not also in due time to be attended to. As regarded the reformation of the courts of Rome, they were to listen and attend care­fully to such suggestions as might be offered in the Council, but to leave the determination of the matter to the Pope, whose business it was, and not that of the Council, to apply a fitting remedy. All letters and other documents, expedited in the name of the Council, were to bear the signatures of the Legates, as presidents, and of the Pope whom they represented; and to have the seal of each, or at least of the first, of the Legates; finally, they were empowered to bestow indulgences, but not in the name of the Council.

In the midst of these arrangements, an unexpected difficulty was occasioned, by an order from the King of France for the return of the prelates of that nation. The Bishop of Clermont instantly departed, and after much trouble, and not without threats of enforcing a breve of the Pope requiring them to remain, it was arranged that, of the three remaining French bishops, the Bishop of Rennes should repair to the King; the Bishop of Agde linger in the neighbourhood of Trent until further orders from the crown, which soon required him to return to Trent; and that the Archbishop of Aix should remain. A few days, however, removed the opposition of Francis. On the 7th of November final directions were sent to the Legates to open the Council on the 13th of December; and a breve to that effect having arrived at Trent on the 11th of that month, a solemn fast, and public prayers and processions were appointed for the day following, to implore the blessing of Heaven on the undertaking. On the same day was also held a general congregation of the prelates, one of whom, the Bishop of Jaen, expressed a wish that the breve appointing the Legates, and assigning their faculties, should be read on the following day, when the Bull indicting the Council would, according to custom, be read. This was not agreed to; as it seemed enough to the majority of the prelates, that the last received breve, directing the Legates to proceed, on the day specified, to open the Council, should be publicly read.