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CHAPTER 16
SPAIN UNDER PHILIP III.
PHILIP'S last earthly care had been to enjoin his son to keep by his
side his faithful friend and minister Cristobal de Moura.
Young Philip had contracted a close intimacy with a brilliant young noble named
Sandoval, Marquis of Denia; and the father had warned
the Prince against allowing his favorite to
influence him when he became King. In order, if possible, to guard against
this, while not altogether offending his son, Philip in his last days appointed Denia to a high ceremonial post at Court, and at the
same time bestowed upon the Prince's tutor, Father Loaysa,
the archbishopric of Toledo, vacated by Archduke Albert; to Moura he gave the Lord Chamberlainship; and to Don Juan de Idiaquez the Mastership of the
Horse under the new Queen Margaret, when she should arrive - urging his son to
retain these three tried ministers as his political counselors,
and to limit Denia to his ceremonial functions. When
the Prince had, as he thought, left his dying father for the last time, the
King handed to Moura the keys of his secret cabinets,
adding an injunction that they should be on no account delivered to anyone
before his death. "And if the Prince demands them", asked the
minister, "what am I to do?" "In that case", replied the
King, "tell him the orders I have given you". "But if he still
persists?" asked Moura. "Then give them to
him", were the last words of the King. As no doubt Moura knew, the Prince was awaiting him outside. "The master-key, who has it?" he demanded. "I, your Highness". " Give it to me!" "But your Highness, pardon me; it is the private key of the King,
and without his leave I dare not give it to you". " Enough", the
Prince exclaimed, angrily, and flung away. Moura at
once entered the sick-room and told the dying King what had passed. "You
have done ill", was all Philip had strength to say; and when the Prince
was summoned to the bedside, Moura dropped on his
knee and tendered him the keys. Without a word the Prince handed them to the
Marquis of Denia, who followed him closely. Thus,
before the Crown was his, Philip III struck the dominant note of his reign,
that of complete abandonment to his favorite; and
his first act as King was to supplant the laborious ministers in whom his
father trusted, and to hand to Denia, whom he
immediately created Duke of Lerma, almost every
prerogative of his Crown.
The sudden change in the demeanour of Philip III astounded even those who had known him all his life. He had
always displayed a humility and submissiveness of manner which had led to the
belief that he was the gentlest of creatures. He now suddenly assumed a haughty
and arbitrary tone that was really as misleading as his previous meekness. Denia, who alone possessed his confidence, had schooled him
to assert himself in his new position; and he did so with the exaggeration of
a weak novice, supported as he was by the greater strength of his favorite, who artfully used the monarch's despotic mood to
get rid of all the old courtiers, and pack the Councils and secretariats with
his own kinsmen and nominees. Everything was to be changed; the timid,
laborious policy of Philip II, to which the new men attributed the misery and
degradation that had fallen upon the country, was to be replaced by a bold
assertion of Spain's undiminished greatness; and the rivals who had dared to
question it were to be taught a sharp lesson.
But the treasury was empty, and nothing could be done without vast sums
of money. Before Philip III could even start on his way to the east coast to
meet his Austrian bride, who, escorted by her cousin Archduke Albert, was
travelling with dazzling pomp through Italy, where, at Ferrara, the two
marriages had been celebrated by proxy on November 13, 1598, starving Spain had
to provide the travelling expenses of the King. The Cortes, which had not met
for five years, were summoned anew, and heard from the King a worse tale of
penury than ever. Not even money for the daily maintenance of the royal table
was in hand; and not an asset was unpledged or available. A vote to cover six
years, at the rate of three million ducats a year was demanded, with
an extraordinary grant of 400,000 ducats for the King's journey, a similar sum
for the new Queen's pin-money, and 300,000 ducats for the wedding feast. The
sums were voted, for the country itself was a prey to reaction. The ghastly
austerity of the old King's Court during many years, the forced sanctimonious
tone of society, the national depression, and the hopeless misery of all
classes but the ecclesiastics and higher nobles, had now given place to
sanguine exuberance. The new King, young and gay, would bring plenty to all;
Spain, no longer scorned and defied by insolent rivals, was once more to be the
head of Christendom; and the brilliance of the Court would in future reflect
the prosperity of the people.
Philip III ( 14 April 1578 – 31 March 1621) King of Spain and Portugal and the Algarves from 1598 until his death. His chief minister was the Duke of Lerma. Philip III married Margaret of Austria, sister of Emperor Ferdinand II, and like her husband, a member of the House of Habsburg.
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Condition of Spain [1598-1601
With these vain ideas the Court, and then the country at large, flung
themselves into a frenzy of waste and extravagance. The King's journey to
Valencia to meet his bride was a series of pompous shows, in which one million
ducats, more than thrice the sum voted by the Cortes for the wedding, were
spent, besides three millions lavished by the nobles in entertainments, Lerma being the most prodigal of them all (together more
than the whole revenue of the country raised by taxation in a year). The people
thought the millennium had come. But as the manufacture of luxuries had been
effectually discouraged in Spain for many years, nearly all the squandered
treasure eventually went abroad; and Spain became so much the poorer. The one
thing that might have saved Spain would have been a limitation of the vain
pretensions that had brought to her so much misery, under a firm, alert
government pledged to close economy and to a policy that would set the people
again to productive labor. The course actually
pursued was the exact opposite. Not a jot of Spain's
haughty claims was abated; wild prodigality in expenditure was at first met by
the corrupt sales of offices, titles, and dignities; and idle ostentatiousness, always a failing of the nation was
flattered and encouraged.
The prices of commodities continued to rise with the
decrease of production; yet specie currency was extremely scarce, an anomalous
condition of things which may be explained by the fact that, although there
still existed in the colonies a demand, partly satisfied, for Spanish
manufactures, the remittances from America did not to any large extent become a
medium of internal exchange, but were mostly hoarded or diverted abroad. Lerma was as unsound an economist as the other statesmen of
his age, and attributed the scarcity of currency to the lavish use of silver in
the churches and for household purposes, with the result that in 1600 and 1601
rigorous edicts were issued confiscating such silver to the King's use, and
strictly limiting the future employment of the precious metals for ornament.
The bishops and clergy soon frightened the minister out of his project, so far
as the church silver was concerned; and to maintain the royal table, officers
were sent as a last resource from door to door in the capital, to beg any sum
not below fifty reals for the sustenance of the King and his family.
In this unhappy state of things, with waste and penury going hand in
hand, the fields untilled, the looms idle, and Castile a wilderness, a foreign
policy of bold aggression was adopted on every side. Throughout the latter
years of Philip II the futile plotting of the Scottish and English Catholics to
obtain the aid of Spain for their respective causes had continued; the English
Jesuits, led by Father Parsons, still persisted in their idea that the only
satisfactory solution of their trouble would be the establishment of the Infanta as Queen of England when Elizabeth should die, and
they were ceaseless in their intrigues to that end. After the disaster of 1588,
Philip II had never really allowed himself to be deceived as to the practical
impossibility of this being done by outside force; and although he gave soft,
evasive answers to the urgent prayers of his English pensioners, he saw that
his only chance of success in future lay in providing at the crucial moment
support to any rising of Elizabeth's own Catholic subjects sufficient to turn
the scale in their favor. Demands for such aid had been numerous enough from
England and Ireland, as well as from the body of extreme Scottish Catholics led
by Huntly and Bothwell; but
Philip II had always required a fuller guarantee of success than they could
give, and one chance after another had been lost by delay or had miscarried.
Don Francisco Gómez de Sandoval y Rojas, Duke of Lerma (Seville, 1552/1553 — Valladolid, 1625), the favourite of Philip III of Spain and minister, was the first of the validos ('most worthy') through whom the later Spanish Habsburg monarchs ruled.
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1596-1601] Spanish policy towards England
The disaffection in Ulster and the dangerous coalition of Irish Catholics
formed by O'Donnell and Tyrone had seemed to Philip II to offer the best
opportunity for effectually embarrassing Elizabeth. The Desmonds and Munster men in Lisbon, and priestly emissaries from Donegal, constantly
coming and returning to Corunna, had persuaded Philip that with Spanish aid
they might drive the English out of Ireland and make him King, as a preliminary
to the capture of England; and already Spanish officers had met the Irish
chiefs in Donegal, and had well surveyed the land. It was against the
consequent naval preparations, neither so large nor so threatening as had been
reported, yet still formidable enough, that the attack upon Cadiz had been
directed. Great, however, as the loss at Cadiz had been, it was not there, but
in Lisbon and the northern ports that the Adelantado of Castile, Martin de Padilla, was busy organizing his new Armada, the real destination of which was unknown to anyone but Philip
himself and Moura; and the bold Cadiz raid convinced
the moribund King that the blow against the English in Ireland must be dealt
swiftly, strongly, and secretly to be successful. But, as usual, the blighting centralization of his system had spoilt all. Corruption,
ineptitude, and indolence reigned supreme; and again, as in the case of the
great Armada, the King peremptorily ordered his unwilling officers to sail with
his unready fleet, foredoomed to failure.
On October 23, 1596, the new Armada of 98 ships and 16,000 men sailed
from Corunna only to be scattered by tempest off Finisterre. Twenty vessels
with 3000 souls on board perished in the storm; thousands more died of
pestilence in the ports of refuge in northern Spain; and for that year, at
least, England and Ireland were safe from attack. Again, in 1597, an attempt
was made with exactly similar result. All unready, foul and unseaworthy, with
rotten stores and fainting crews, the third Armada, consisting of 44 royal
galleons, 16 chartered ships and a large number of hulks and small craft, put
to sea too late in the season for safety (October 18), not bound this time for
Ireland at first, but, with instructions drawn up in defiance of all prudence,
to capture Falmouth by surprise or treachery. A mere head-wind in the Channel
took the heart out of admiral and men for so hopeless an enterprise; and the
fleet ran back ignominiously to Spain, without even making an attempt. Early in
1598 England was again thrown into a paroxysm of alarm at the news of the
coming of a great Spanish fleet. In fact, a strong Spanish force of 38
transports had sailed up the Channel unmolested, and had landed 5000 men at
Calais (February, 1598), though half of the ships were wrecked at the entrance
to the port, and the rest dared not return down Channel. Lacking this squadron,
the new Armada which was fitting out in the Spanish ports was never even able
to sail: and, by the time when it should have been ready, France and Spain
were at peace. The Spanish garrisons in the north of France were withdrawn;
and the death of Philip II, added to the desire of the new sovereigns of
Flanders for peace, provided an opportunity, if Philip III and Lerma had been wise, to reverse the policy, irremediably
hopeless now, of trying to force upon rich, well-organized,
and confident England a foreign faith and sovereign. The Spanish organization was indeed rotten at the core: the faith of
the people in their high destiny had been sapped by repeated failure and
all-pervading misery; industry was not only languishing but was despised; and
society, high and low, was in utter decadence. A wise ruler beginning a new
reign would have recognised the actual conditions of things, and have abated unwarranted
national pretensions that stood in the way of retrenchment and internal reform.
But Philip III was not wise.
As the old King lay dying Ireland blazed out into
rebellion again; and on Bagenal's defeat at Armagh
the rebels sent hopeful messages and prayers for aid flying across to Spain.
With the death of Philip II the hopes of the irreconcilable English Catholics
revived. Fanatics such as Fuentes and the Adelantado assured the new sovereign that it would be easy to impose a Spanish monarch
upon England. Philip listened; and once more the arsenals of Spain resounded
with naval preparations. By the end of July, 1599, the Adelantado,
Don Martin de Padilla, had mustered in Lisbon and Galicia the most formidable
Spanish fleet collected since the great Armada. The new squadron consisted of
35 galleons, 22 galleys, and over 50 other vessels, with a military force of
25,000 men. There was for the moment a revival in Spain of the proud old
crusading spirit, thanks to the youth of the King, the lavish splendor of his Court, and the heroics of Lerma. This futile boasting incensed England, and animated
Ireland; but the danger was not really great; for the demoralization,
the corruption, and the penury that still paralyzed Spain have only in our own days been fully brought to light. The Adelantado might brag and threaten in Lisbon or Ferrol;
Fuentes in the Council might sneer at the heretics, but the ships in port were
ill-found and crazy; troops were starving in one place, while food was
spoiling in another. No ready money was to be found anywhere, except for costly
shows. Plague and famine devastated the land, and Lisbon itself was a
wilderness, most of the population having died or fled.
1598-1601] Spanish armaments for Ireland
But the English did not know how bad things were in Spain, and were
seized by a panic when they learned that the Dutch fleet, which had undertaken
to watch the Spanish ports, had gone off on a marauding expedition into the
Atlantic. The London trained bands were called out; a camp was ordered at Tilbury; nobles mustered their armed retainers; every
English ship was put into commission; Sir Francis Vere and his 2000 Englishmen were summoned from Holland; and all along the south
coast the nation stood ready, as it had in 1588. News came once that the
Spaniards had effected a landing in the Isle of Wight; the gates of London were
shut; and a fear fell upon the citizens of which they were heartily ashamed
afterwards when the news proved false. After three months of vain vapouring the Adelantado's great
fleet, badly provided, ill-armed, and poorly manned, could only start on a
fruitless attempt to escort home the American silver ships and defend the
Canaries from the attacks of the Dutch. By the time the wretched Spanish
squadron reached the Azores (September 30, 1599), 22 out of the 85 ships had
foundered at sea. The Adelantado had failed to meet
the Indian flotilla and had failed to find the Dutch; and the four millions of
gold ducats, wrung out of miserable Spain, were worse than wasted. As for help
to the Irish Catholics, only two small pinnaces were
sent to Loch Foyle with arms and money, over the
division of which Tyrone and O'Donnell quarrelled;
and nothing was seen of the oft-promised Spanish army. But Philip and Lerma would not learn wisdom from defeat. Though unable to
send such aid as Tyrone demanded, they still kept up the hopes of the
insurgents with fine messages, gold chains, swords of honor,
Spanish bishops for Irish sees, and pompous embassies to the rebel chieftains
meeting in council at Donegal.
Finally, in answer to the prayers of the Irish, and the offer of Tyrone
to accept a Spanish sovereignty over the island, young Philip himself scrawled
across the report of his Council, in which he was told that not even the 20,000
ducats ordered to be sent long ago to the Irish had yet been obtained, an order
which gives us the measure of his failure to grasp the real position to which
Spain had descended. His Council had stated that the very utmost that could be
done at present was to obtain the 20,000 ducats somehow, and send it to Ireland
with a supply of biscuit. Philip's peremptory command was that a powerful army
and fleet should be raised immediately, and be despatched to conquer Ireland. The Council praised to the skies so noble and wise an
order, but pointed out that it could not be executed without money, and of
money they had none. The King again sent back the Council's report, saying that
means must at once be found to raise the necessary funds. His Majesty's
resolve, replied the Council, was worthy of his "grandeur and
catholicity"; but a vast sum of money would be needed for such a fleet as
that required, as well as six months' pay for an
army; and there were only six weeks of the season (1600) left in which the
expedition could sail, even if the money could be obtained. They would do their
best, and muster every possible ship and man; but they were not sanguine of
success. Philip's comment upon this in his own hand was as follows: "As
the expedition is so entirely for the glory of Almighty God, all difficulties
must be overcome. The greatest energy and diligence must be exercised on all
hands. I will find the money for it; even if I sacrifice what I need for my
own person, so that the expedition may go this year. Settle everything without
delay. Get statements for all that will be needed, and send them immediately to
me. Do not wait to send to the Adelantado. I will
give orders for the immediate collection of the money sufficient to send a
force of 6000 men. In the meanwhile send to Ireland instantly the 20,000 ducats
and 400,000 pounds of biscuit".
This was in August, 1600; but such was the
prevailing demoralization that in November not even
half the biscuit was ready, much less the fleet. Tyrone's demands continued to
grow. Spain must appoint him Governor-General of Ireland, Hugh O'Donnell and
Desmond (James Fitzgerald) respectively Governors of Connaught and Munster;
and a great force of Spaniards must be landed to cooperate with the rebels.
This, said Tyrone, was their last stand: unless aid came promptly they would
make terms with the English in earnest, and abandon the struggle. The Cortes of
Castile were persuaded to vote a larger sum than ever before (24 millions of
ducats in six years) and at length the Spanish fleet of 33 ships and 4500 soldiers
sailed from Lisbon to support Tyrone and O'Donnell early in September, 1601. Brochero, the Admiral, was
on bad terms with Don Juan del Aguila, the General;
jealousy and divided counsels as usual hampered the efficiency of the force. A
northern gale struck the fleet off Ushant, and drove back to Spain the
Vice-Admiral, Zubiaur, and nine ships with 650
soldiers and most of the stores. The design was to seize Cork as a base; and
Carew stood ready to defend the port to the last. But the Spaniards, unable to
make the harbor, drifted into the almost untenable
port of Kinsale, except three ships that sought
refuge at Baltimore. Aguila in Kinsale had only 3000 soldiers; and as soon as he had landed, the Admiral, in a hurry
to get back to Spain, dumped the cannons and stores on to the ooze of the harbour, and left him to his fate.
The position of the Spaniards was hopeless from the first; for Carew
with a force of 4000 men was within reach. In vain beseeching messages were
sent by Aguila to Spain praying for help, and to the
rebel chiefs in the north to hurry down and relieve the Spanish garrison. Zubiaur's squadron at Corunna was not ready for sea again
until December, when it sailed to reinforce Aguila.
Four of its ten ships were wrecked before reaching Ireland; and those that were
left, frightened at learning on reaching the neighborhood of Kinsale that an English squadron was blockading
the harbor, drifted into the port of Castlehaven. Here were three separate Spanish forces
bottled up in as many isolated harbors. The Munster
chiefs, generally, were trying their best to keep on fair terms with the
English, whilst helping the Spaniards: but Castlehaven and Baltimore, belonging to the O'Driscolls, and Dunboy, the stronghold of the O'Sullivan Bear, were solemnly
ceded by their lords to the King of Spain. Everything depended upon the arrival
of the rebels from the north; and at length Tyrone and O'Donnell, having
marched the length of Ireland, appeared with 6000 rebels upon the hills above Kinsale, now being besieged by the English. All Ireland was
aflame; and this was perhaps the most dangerous moment for the future of
Protestant England in Elizabeth's reign. On January 2,1602 (N. S.), the
decisive battle was fought. Outmanoeuvred by Montjoy, the rebel forces, with the Spanish auxiliaries
that had joined them from Castlehaven, were utterly
routed. Twelve hundred Irish and nearly 200 Spaniards were slaughtered in the
fight, and the rest were captured, killed, or put to flight. Tyrone was wounded
and reached his own country in a litter; O'Donnell, brokenhearted, fled from Castlehaven to Spain with Zubiaur.
The news fell upon Spanish pride like death. "The prestige of Spain",
wrote the Council to the King, "is at stake". "Something must be
done, or we shall never hold up our heads again". Wild, impossible
suggestions of great fleets and armies were made. O'Donnell, O'Driscoll, O'Sullivan, and the Irish bishops, prayed
earnestly for help. But the poverty of Spain forbade further rash adventure;
and all that could be sent were a few small ships, only one of which reached
Ireland, to find that the Spaniards had ignominiously surrendered, and
abandoned the Munster chieftains to the tender mercies of the English.
O'Donnell died in despair at Simancas; O'Sullivan became a Castilian noble;
and the hope of Irish independence under a Spanish overlord was at an end.
Efforts for peace between England and Spain [1599-1603
This tame ending to young Philip's heroics had an immense effect in
Spain; but it was not entirely displeasing to the English Catholic pensioners.
They had long been urging that the Infanta should be
openly adopted as Philip's candidate for the English throne on Elizabeth's
death, and that the Catholic party in England should be liberally subsidised and prepared beforehand for a Spanish armed
intervention in favor of that solution. Father Parsons in Rome, and his
successor, Creswell, at Philip's Court, were indefatigable in their efforts.
But the English enterprise, as it was called, meant more money even than that
required for aiding Irish rebellion; and three years passed at Madrid in
futile discussion. Some leading personages in England had now been gained for
the Infanta's cause, which, at all events, would shut
out the King of Scots; and the union of the sovereignty of Flanders with that
of England, independent of Spain, would not have been entirely antagonistic to
traditional English policy.
But, though the extreme English Catholics kept asking for the Infanta as their Queen, the new ruler of Flanders and her
husband had no desire to be drawn into such an impossible adventure as the
seizure of England. They were in the thick of their struggle with Maurice of
Nassau; they were middle-aged and childless; they knew Spain's poverty,
slowness, and disorganisation, and looked coldly upon
the visionary Jesuit plans of conquest that were discussed so seriously and
ineffectually in Philip's Council. At length one councilor more sensible than the rest, Count de Olivares, had the good sense to prick the
bubble. In December, 1602, he asked his colleagues what was the use of keeping
up the pretence any longer. The Infanta had no desire
for the English crown; Spain was impotent and could not force a foreign
monarch upon England. Why not face the facts at once, and promise Spain's
support to the most popular English claimant, thus keeping out the King of
Scots, and securing some influence, even for gratitude's sake, to Spain in the
new government? The advice was adopted when it was already too late to be of
any service. Communications were opened with the English moderate Catholics.
Money was ordered to be sent to Flanders; and a naval force under Spinola was to stand ready at a moment's notice for the
news of Elizabeth's death (March 24,1603). Doubtless the design was to forward
the election of Arabella Stewart, in conjunction with
her marriage to Lord Beauchamp, the son of Hertford and Catharine Grey. But
while the interminable preliminaries were yet in progress, Elizabeth died.
Robert Cecil had secretly prepared everything for James' accession. With the
acclamation of the new King in England, Protestantism was safe; and it had
become certain that the dream of the Emperor and his son would never be realized. Immediately after the Peace of Vervins had been signed (1598) between France and Spain,
Archduke Albert had written from Flanders to Philip II, pressing for permission
to make peace with England. Friendly messages had for some time previously been
passing between Cecil and the Archduke, whose evident intention was to secure
an understanding with Elizabeth's government so soon as the Infanta and himself were acknowledged as independent sovereigns. He could only hope for
a peaceful and prosperous reign for his wife and himself by shaking off the
strangling toils of impossible Spanish ambitions. Yet owing to the constantly
renewed cries of the Essex party in England about Spanish designs, the foolish
bombast of Philip III and Lerma, the aid furnished by
Spain to the Irish rebels, and the intolerance of the Infanta,
a true daughter of Philip II, the peace between England and Spain and the
Archdukes was not signed until after Elizabeth's death (August, 1604).
In the late autumn of 1599, when the Archdukes came to their new
dominion, an attempt was made by Albert to escape from the devastating war
which had united against him all the Protestant elements in Europe; and
negotiations were opened with Nassau and Elizabeth for peace, Spain itself
being represented. But the demands of Philip III were more inflated than ever;
and the conferences at Bergen-op-Zoom and Boulogne broke up fruitlessly in May,
1600. The new sovereigns began their reign auspiciously during the progress of
these negotiations. The Belgic Catholics were
overjoyed at the possession of complete independence, such as had been their
boast under their Burgundian lords; and both the Infanta and her husband were personally popular. The tolerant and diplomatic Archduke
would of himself easily have made terms with the Dutch, had not the
impracticable Spanish claims stood in the way, and had not there still rested
upon the Infanta the shadow of her father, which made
it repulsive for her to treat with heresy in any form. The reversion clause
restoring Flanders to Philip if no issue was born to the Infanta unhappily gave to the King of Spain a voice in all that concerned the country,
and thus effectually prevented the peace for which all Europe was yearning.
Maurice of Nassau (14 November 1567 – 23 April 1625), Prince of Orange (1618–1625), son of William the Silent and Princess Anna of Saxony, was born at the castle of Dillenburg. He was named after his maternal grandfather, the Elector Maurice of Saxony, also a noted general. |
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1600-4] The Archdukes in Flanders
During the Archduke's absence in Spain his place in Flanders had been filled by
his young cousin, the Archduke Andrew; and the war had still lingered on in Cleves.
When the sovereigns arrived and a new campaign with Spanish help was
threatened, now that the peace negotiations had fallen through, Maurice of
Nassau with a great force carried the war into Flanders itself. It is related
elsewhere in this volume how he was unable to pursue his victory over the
Archduke at Nieuport (June, 1600); and how the
interest of the campaigns of the ensuing years centred in the efforts of the latter to recover Ostend, and in the great military
struggle between Maurice of Nassau and Ambrogio de Spinola. The latter had arrived in 1602 with an army of
some 8000 Italians, which he had raised on the guarantee of Spain; and
throughout the campaign of 1602 his genius and the efficiency of his troops
kept the Catholic cause from defeat. The elder brother, Federigo Spinola, who had also on the Spanish guarantee taken
to Flanders a fleet of eight galleys to blockade Ostend by sea, was less
fortunate than Ambrogio, and lost five of his vessels
by the attacks of the Dutch and English before he arrived at Sluis. Thus, ruined as Spain was, Philip and Lerma listened still to the promptings of old ambitions,
and consented to wring from the people the resources needed for the hopeless
task of forcing Catholicism upon Holland. Under the vigorous action of Ambrogio de Spinola a new
mercenary force, mainly of Germans, was raised with Spanish credit and money;
and in the spring of 1603, after Federigo Spinola had been defeated and killed at sea by the Dutch,
his brother Ambrogio, who had succeeded to his
marquisate, formally took command of the siege of Ostend. During the winters
and summers of 1603 and 1604 the siege was continued without a break. In April,
1604, Maurice of Nassau determined to attempt a vigorous diversion by besieging Sluis with an army of 17,000 men, after defeating a
Spanish force sent to intercept him. Once again the hold of Spain upon Catholic
Flanders seemed relaxing. The Infanta and her husband
worked heroically, personally exhorting and beseeching their mutinous unpaid
levies to trust them yet awhile; and summoning Spinola from Ostend to beat Maurice at Sluis. But in this he
failed ; for Sluis was captured by the Protestants in
August, 1604, leaving Ostend still in the firm encircling grip of Spinola and the besiegers.
But already the great change that was coming over Europe by the death of
Philip II and Elizabeth was making itself felt. James I had for many years been endeavoring to ingratiate himself with Spain. He had
no motives of pride for maintaining the old enmity, and was willing to admit
all the inflated Spanish claims. This of itself was much; for the peace
negotiations at Boulogne, in May, 1600, had broken down mainly upon questions
of dignity and precedence; and, if concessions were made to Spanish pride, the
more important material points could be easily settled. James hated piracy as
much as he feared revolt against sovereigns, and was ready to agree to such
terms as Elizabeth would never have subscribed. Juan de Tassis,
Count of Villamediana, was sent by Lerma to congratulate the new King of England upon his
accession in the autumn of 1603. Following the King on his progress in the home
counties, he was detained for a time at Oxford in consequence of the death of
some of his household from plague; and his first audience of James at
Winchester was delayed for several weeks. But he made good use of his time, and
won all hearts by his frank joviality and numerous presents of perfumed Spanish
gloves and dressed kid for garments to both the ladies and the gentlemen. His
fame as a good courtier and charming gentleman had preceded him; and, when
James saw him at Winchester at the end of September, he overcame the rivalry of
the French envoy, de Rosny. Count Arenberg,
the Flemish special envoy, had already broached the desire of the Archdukes for
peace some weeks previously, and terms had been tentatively discussed before Tassis' interview; James' principal desire being that
Spain should be included in the arrangement, provided that he himself was not
drawn into antagonism with the Dutch. Tassis'
assurances to the King, that Philip III desired nothing better than to make
peace with England, were therefore very complacently received.
Don Ambrogio Spinola Doria, 1st Marquis of the Balbases (1569–September 25, 1630), was born in Genoa, the eldest son of Filippo Spinola, marquis of Sesto and Benafro, and his wife Polissena, daughter of the prince of Salerno. The family of Spinola was of great antiquity, wealth and power in Genoa. Don Ambrogio's sister Donna Lelia was married to Don Giulio Cesare Squarciafico, 2nd Marquess of Galatone, from whom descend the Princes of Belmonte.
In the 16th century the republic was practically a protected state under the power of Spain, the Genoese being the bankers of the monarchy and having entire control of its finances. Several of the younger brothers of Ambrogio Spinola sought their fortune in Spain, and one of them, Federico, distinguished himself greatly as a soldier in Flanders. The eldest brother remained at home to marry and continue the family. In 1592 he was married to Giovanna Baciadonna, daughter of the count of Galerrata.
The houses of Spinola and Doria were rivals for authority within the republic. Ambrogio Spinola continued the rivalry with the count of Tursi, then the chief of the Dorias. He was not successful, and having lost a lawsuit into which he had entered to enforce a right of pre-emption of a palace belonging to the Salerno family which the Doria wished to purchase, he decided to withdraw from the city and advance the fortunes of his house by serving the Spanish monarchy in Flanders. In 1602 he and his brother Federico entered into a contract with the Spanish government--a condotta on the old Italian model. It was a speculation on which Spinola risked the whole of the great fortune of his house. Ambrogio Spinola undertook to raise 1000 men for land service, and Federico to form a squadron of galleys for service on the coast.
Several of Federico's galleys were destroyed by English war-ships on his way up the Channel. He himself was slain in an action with the Dutch on May 24, 1603. Ambrogio Spinola marched overland to Flanders in 1602 with the men he had raised at his own expense. During the first months of his stay in Flanders the Spanish government played with schemes for employing him on an invasion of England, which came to nothing. At the close of the year he returned to Italy for more men. His experience as a soldier did not begin till, as general, and at the age of thirty-four, he undertook to continue the siege of Ostend on September 29, 1603. The ruinous remains of the place fell into his hands on September 22, 1604.
The archduke Albert and the infanta Clara Eugenia, daughter of Philip II, who then governed Flanders and had set their hearts on taking Ostend, were delighted at his success, and it won him a high reputation among the soldiers of the time. On the close of the campaign he went to Spain to arrange with the court, which was then at Valladolid, for the continuance of the war. At Valladolid he insisted on being appointed commander-in-chief in Flanders. By April he was back at Brussels, and entered on his first campaign. The wars of the Low Countries consisted at that time almost wholly of sieges, and Spinola made himself famous by the number of places he took in spite of the efforts of Maurice of Nassau to save them - these places included Groenlo.
In 1606 he again went to Spain. He was received with much outward honour, and entrusted with a very secret mission to secure the government of Flanders in case of the death of the archduke or his wife, but he could not obtain the grandeeship which he desired, and was compelled to pledge the whole of his fortune as security for the expenses of the war before the bankers would advance funds to the Spanish government. As he was never repaid, he was in the end utterly ruined. The Spanish government began now to have recourse to devices for keeping him away from Spain. Until the signing of the twelve years' truce in 1609 he continued to command in the field with general success. After it was signed he retained his post, and had among other duties to conduct the negotiations with France when Henry II de Bourbon, prince de Condé fled to Flanders with his wife in order to put her beyond the reach of the senile admiration of Henry IV of France. By 1611 Spinola's financial ruin was complete, but he obtained the desired Grandezza. In 1614 he had some share in the operations connected with the settlement of Cleves and Juliers. On the outbreak of the Thirty Years' War he made a vigorous campaign in the lower Palatinate and was rewarded by the grade of captain-general. After the renewal of the war with Holland in 1621 he gained the most renowned victory of his career, namely the capture of Breda after a long siege (August 28, 1624-June 5, 1625) and in spite of the most strenuous efforts of Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange to save it. The surrender of Breda is the subject of the great picture by Velázquez, known as Las Lanzas; the portrait of Spinola is from memory.
The taking of Breda was the culmination of Spinola's career. Utter want of money paralysed the Spanish government, and the new favourite, Olivares, was jealous of the general. Spinola could not prevent Frederick Henry of Nassau from taking Groll, a good set-off for Breda. In January 1628 he left for Spain, resolved not to resume the command in Flanders unless security was given him for the support of his army. At Madrid he had to endure much insolence from Olivares, who endeavoured to make him responsible for the loss of Groll. Spinola was resolute not to return to Flanders.
Meanwhile the Spanish government added a war over the succession to the duchy of Mantua to its other burdens. Spinola was appointed as plenipotentiary and general. He landed at Genoa on September 19, 1629. In Italy he was pursued by the enmity of Olivares, who caused him to be deprived of his powers as plenipotentiary. Spinola's health broke down, and, having been robbed of his money, been grudged the compensation he asked for his children and been disgraced in the presence of the enemy, he died on 25 September 1630 at the siege of Casale, muttering the words "honour" and "reputation." The title of 'marquis of Los Balbases', still borne by his representatives in Spain, was all that his family received for the vast fortune they spent in the service of Philip III and IV.
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Peace with England [1604
The States
General were not easy to deal with, when, throughout the spring of 1604, the
details of the agreement were discussed in England by representatives of all
the parties concerned. It was soon seen that the Dutch would bate no jot of
their claim to independence; and public opinion in England, still distrustful
of Spain, was strongly in favor of standing firm by the Protestant cause. But
the Constable of Castile (de Velasco, Duke of Frias),
who was sent to London with a splendid train of grandees, to conclude the
peace, bribed broadcast the Howard interest and the ladies and gentlemen of the
Court, whilst impressing the King by alternate flattery and veiled threats. To
the indignation of those who had been bred in the school of Elizabeth, and in
spite of French opposition, the pact was signed in August, 1604; and the
Constable left Somerset House, where he for many weeks had been entertained by
James at a cost of £300 a day, fully satisfied that, with so pliant a King as
James upon the throne of England, Spain might yet hope for resurrection. Some
of the clauses to which James consented were a complete surrender of the policy
of Elizabeth and her ministers. No aid was to be given to the Dutch; no
English ship was to trade with the Indies; the Inquisition was to be allowed
to seize and condemn Englishmen who failed to kneel to the Sacrament in Spanish
territory; and a firm alliance and friendship was to exist for ever between
England and Spain.
The signature of the treaty changed the position in Flanders.
Thenceforward the Dutch stood alone. Maurice of Nassau had captured Sluis almost simultaneously with the settlement of peace;
and immediately afterwards the heroic defenders of Ostend came to terms with Spinola (a dearly bought victory that cost the Archdukes at
least forty thousand men). In Spain, as in England, the peace was welcomed
ostentatiously, but not without dissent. The English sailors who had grown rich
on privateering plunder, the large Puritan party, and
the men who recollected the great days of the Armada, looked with frowning
brows upon the abandonment of their fixed traditions; while in Spain the great
churchmen declaimed almost violently against the shame of making terms with
heretics. But, however much extreme partisans on both sides might object, the
peace with England opened, to Spain at least, a vista of possible prosperity
such as she had not enjoyed for forty-five years. Lerma's insane lavishness had inflicted upon the unhappy country the last extreme of
misery and degradation; his financial experiments had made matters worse. The
sudden doubling of the face-value of the copper coinage, with the idea of
making its purchasing power greater, of course failed in that object, while it
practically drove silver coin from circulation, and caused the introduction
from abroad of vast quantities of forged copper currency, causing a still
increased appreciation of the price of commodities. In 1600 Lerma conceived the opinion that the terrible condition of Old Castile, the
depopulation, the famine and the dearth that scourged the land, would be
remedied if the Court was removed thither with its luxury and expenditure. By
decree (January, 1601), therefore, the capital of Spain was transferred from
Madrid to Valladolid. In vain the Cortes protested that the cause of the
trouble was over-taxation and the discouragement of industry; in vain all
classes in Madrid appealed against so unwise a step. Valladolid became (until
1606) the capital; and the misery was increased enormously by the greater
demand for food and commodities and the appreciation of rents in the poorest
part of Spain; while Madrid was utterly ruined and deserted. In vain the
household silver was seized and church plate begged, to be turned into coin;
it disappeared so soon as it was put into circulation.
While this general wretchedness prevailed (with industry dead, the fields
untilled, the husbandmen turned into beggars and vagrants throughout the Castiles) the Cortes continued to vote larger subsidies than
ever, which it was quite impossible to raise. It is true that the relief
afforded by the improved international relations now enabled the silver ships
from America to arrive with some regularity; but for the fiscal reasons already
given, and in consequence of the general corruption, only a small proportion of
the bullion reached the treasury or went to increase the wealth of the country.
Through all this penury Philip III, occupied alternately in devotions and
costly shows, entirely failed to grasp the true condition of affairs. Depending
implicitly upon Lerma, who kept him in a fool's
paradise, he squandered the money, so painfully wrung from his starving people,
upon pompous christenings, such as that of his daughter Anne of Austria (1601),
and the sumptuous baptism of his heir Philip in Valladolid, which coincided
with the arrival there of the Earl of Nottingham (Charles Howard) in April,
1605, to ratify the peace. Grants, offices, and endowments, grandeeships with estates, and knighthoods with pensions, were showered upon Lerma's followers; and the King, with no possibility, even
if he had possessed the desire, of knowing the truth, hunted, danced, prayed,
and trifled, while the country was dragged from misery to misery.
Spain continues the war with the Dutch [1605
(By Frans Pourbus II) Albert VII, Archduke of Austria (13 November 1559 – 13 July 1621) and Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia of Spain, (12 August 1566 – 1 December 1633)
Albert VII was the fifth son of Maximilian II, Holy Roman Emperor and the Infanta Maria of Spain, daughter of Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor and Isabella of Portugal. He was sent to the Spanish Court at the age of eleven, where his uncle Philip II looked after his education. Initially he was meant to pursue an ecclesiastical career. In 1577 he was appointed cardinal at the age of eighteen and was given the Santa Croce in Gerusalemme as his titular church. Philip II planned to make him archbishop of Toledo as soon as possible, but the current incumbent, Gaspar de Quiroga y Sandoval, lived much longer than expected. In the mean time Albert only took lower orders. He would never be ordained priest, nor bishop. His clerical upbringing did however have a lasting influence on his lifestyle.
After the annexation of Portugal, Albert became the first viceroy of the kingdom and its overseas empire in 1583. He was likewise appointed Papal Legate and Grand Inquisitor for Portugal. As viceroy of Portugal, he took part in the organization of the Great Armada of 1588 and beat off an English counter-attack on Lisbon in 1589. In 1593 Philip II recalled him to Madrid, where he would take a leading role in the government of the Spanish Monarchy.After the death of Archduke Ernst in 1595, Albert was sent to Brussels to succeed his elder brother as Governor General of the Habsburg Netherlands. He made his entry in Brussels on 11 February 1596. His first priority was restoring Spain's military position in the Low Countries. She was facing the combined forces of the Dutch Republic, England and France and had known nothing but defeats since 1590. During his first campaign season, Albert surprised his enemies by capturing Calais and nearby Ardres from the French and Hulst from the Dutch. These successes were however offset by the third bankruptcy of the Spanish crown later that year. As a consequence, 1597 was marked by a series of military disasters. Stadholder Maurice of Orange captured the last Spanish strongholds that remained north of the great rivers, as well as the strategic town of Rheinberg in the Electorate of Cologne. Still, the Spanish Army of Flanders managed to surprise Amiens, thereby stalling the counter offensive that Henry IV was about to launch. With no more money to pay the troops, Albert was also facing a series of mutinies.
While pursuing the war as well as he could, Albert made overtures for peace with Spain's enemies, but only the French King was disposed to enter official negotiations. Under the mediation of the papal legate Cardinal Alessandro de'Medici — the future Pope Leo XI — Spain and France concluded the Peace of Vervins on 2 May 1598. Spain gave up its conquests, thereby restoring the situation of Cateau Cambrésis. France tacitly accepted the Spanish occupation of the prince-archbishopric of Cambray. It pulled out of the war, but maintained its financial support for the Dutch Republic. Only a few days after the treaty, on 6 May 1598, Philip II announced his decision to marry his eldest daughter, the Infanta Isabella to Albert and to cede them the sovereignty over the Habsburg Netherlands. The Act of Cession did however stipulate that if the couple would not have children, the Netherlands would return to Spain. It also contained a number of secret clauses that assured a permanent presence of the Spanish Army of Flanders. After obtaining the pope's permission, Albert formally resigned from the College of Cardinals on 13 July 1598 and left for Spain on 14 September, unaware that Philip II had died the night before. Pope Clement VIII celebrated the union by procuration in Ferrara on 15 November, while the actual marriage took place in Valencia on 18 April 1599. |
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No sooner had
peace relieved Spain of some of her most pressing troubles and provided an
opportunity for retrenchment of expenditure, than Spinola hurried to Valladolid to beg for means to carry on a renewed vigorous campaign
against the Dutch Protestants. The capitulation of Ostend on the one hand had
been balanced by the loss of Sluis on the other; and,
if Philip and Lerma had been wise or even patriotic,
they might have seen that the opportunity was a golden one for a general peace
and reconciliation. After forty years of struggle, it was evident to all the
world that Holland could not be forced to submit to the religious tyranny of
Spain. The Archduke had no desire to prolong indefinitely a hopeless struggle;
and though the Infanta was willing to fight to the
end for a principle, she would have been powerless to do so without the great
material aid of Spain, which as a nation had nothing whatever to gain from
victory over the Dutch, even if it had been within her reach.
But the vain hope that the Protestants, now that they were deprived of
English aid, might yet be subjugated, still inspired the inflated claims of
Philip; and when Spinola, the victor of Ostend,
arrived with his flattering tale, all thought of the misery of Spain was cast
aside, and subventions of money and contingents of men, larger than before,
were again thrown into the bottomless gulf of the Flemish War. The Spanish contingent
was captured at sea by the Dutch; but, just as Maurice of Nassau was
threatening Antwerp itself, the Italian and German troops paid by Spain
fortunately arrived in Flanders by land; and Spinola was able to carry the war into his enemies' country on the other side of the
Rhine (1605). In the winter, again flushed with such successes as he had
obtained, Spinola returned to Spain for further help.
This time he was less fortunate. The Indian flotilla had not come into port,
and it was feared had been lost; not half of the taxes voted by the Cortes for
the year had been collected, or could be; the change of capital, it was now
seen, had made matters worse instead of better, and Philip's treasury was
absolutely empty. The Italian bankers would advance nothing upon the King's
credit, even at the 30 per cent, interest paid by him in the previous year;
and Spinola had to pledge his own fortune before even
a small loan could be obtained.
The next campaign (1606), although it was still
carried on in the Dutch territory, and added to Spinola's military prestige, was less vigorous and effective than the previous one.
Whatever visions may have still dazzled young Philip in far-away Spain, it was
now clear to the genius of Spinola, on the spot,
that, unless Spanish arms, men, and money were provided very lavishly, the
United Provinces could not be crushed by force of arms. His two visits to Spain
had opened his eyes to the exhaustion of that country and he saw that
continued and sufficient resources could not be found there. The soldiery,
without regular food and pay, were an element of disorder and weakness, not of
strength. So he accepted the position, and sided with the Archduke and the
Catholic Flemings in their desire to end a fratricidal war which could produce
no good result to anyone. To propose peace was a difficult matter; for the
"rebels", as they still were called, had again and again rejected
compromise, and would accept nothing short of complete independence, which
Spanish pride could not openly acknowledge. After some fruitless wrangling,
however, a preliminary truce of eight months from May, 1607, was accepted, to
which, for the first time, the Archdukes appended a private declaration that
they entered into the arrangement with the United Provinces as with sovereign
States, over which they claimed no authority.
(By Daniel Mytens) James (19 June 1566 – 27 March 1625) became King of Scots as James VI on 24 July 1567, when he was just thirteen months old, succeeding his mother Mary, Queen of Scots. Regents governed during his minority, which ended officially in 1578, though he did not gain full control of his government until 1581. On 24 March 1603, as James I, he succeeded the last Tudor monarch of England and Ireland, Elizabeth I, who died without issue. He then ruled the Kingdom of England, Scotland, and Ireland for 22 years, often using the title King of Great Britain, until his death at the age of 58.
Under James, the "Golden Age" of Elizabethan literature and drama continued, with writers such as William Shakespeare, John Donne, Ben Jonson, and Sir Francis Bacon contributing to a flourishing literary culture. James himself was a talented scholar, the author of works such as Daemonologie (1597), True Law of Free Monarchies (1598),and Basilikon Doron (1599). Sir Anthony Weldon claimed that James had been termed "the wisest fool in Christendom", an epithet associated with his character ever since. |
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1606-9] Negotiations for peace with the United Provinces
Before the truce was ratified by Spain another heavy blow fell upon
Philip. A Dutch squadron off Gibraltar attacked the Spanish fleet and almost
annihilated it, and then sailed to the Azores to intercept the American silver
flotilla. To surrender so great a source of revenue as the plunder of the
Spanish treasure-ships was not at all to the taste of Maurice; and he stood
out against the very natural demand of Spain that the suspension of hostilities
should be operative on sea as well as on land. This difficulty was at length
overcome; but it was found that the protocol was signed by Philip in the
haughty ancient form of Spanish monarchs: "I the King". "Philip is no King of ours", said the Dutch Commissioners; and for a time
it looked as if the war would be reopened upon so small a point as this. James
of England intervened, as did the German Protestant Princes, in the interests
of a permanent peace; but both sides were obstinate. Nothing less than the
recognition of their independence would satisfy the United Provinces; nothing
less than the acceptance of their supremacy would content the Spaniards. At
length Philip offered to waive his claim if the Dutch would refrain from
trading with the Indies; but to this Maurice would not agree, and the peace
negotiations came to a deadlock. France and England together proposed that at
least a long truce should be settled in order that old animosities might be
allowed to cool. Oldenbarneveldt in the States
General eloquently advocated conciliation; the Archduke sent his own confessor
to Spain to calm the scruples of Philip; and gradually moderate counsels
prevailed. It had been a bitter humiliation for Spain and the Infanta to consent to the Peace Conferences taking place at
the Hague; but war for them was no longer possible and they had bent to what
they could not avoid. At the later stages, when the situation was less tense,
the negotiations were much facilitated by the transfer of the sittings to
Antwerp, where an agreement was finally reached in March, 1609, for a twelve
years' cessation of hostilities by land and sea, the clause respecting traffic
with the Indies being purposely drafted so obscurely as to be unintelligible.
The compact consisted of thirty-eight clauses, by which the Archdukes in their
own name, and in that of the King of Spain, contracted with the United
Provinces, as with independent States upon which they had no claim; and in a
great assembly of 800 representatives of the States at Bergen-op-Zoom, on April
9,1609, the momentous Treaty that was to bring peace to Europe, at least for
twelve years, was signed and ratified.
It was a political event of the first
importance; for it marked the abandonment of the principle by which Charles V
and his son had hoped to dominate the world: namely, the forcible religious
unification of Christendom on Spanish lines. Once more, the waning dream seemed
temporarily revived a few years later by another Philip and another favorite; but its realization was hopeless from the moment when sheer exhaustion compelled Philip III to
renounce the struggle, and sign the Twelve Years' Truce with the United
Provinces on equal terms. When the war was renewed under Philip IV and
Olivares, it was no longer with the hope of forcing the Spanish form of
Catholicism upon Europe; it was no longer animated by the burning zeal and
supreme confidence in the sacredness of Spain's mission that had lent the
factitious strength of a crusade to the struggle in its earlier stages; it was
but the despairing effort of an utterly decayed and disillusioned nation to
postpone the evil day when its secular enemy, France, should dwarf and crush
it.
1601-9] The Mediterranean corsairs.
Terrible as had been the drain upon Spanish resources caused by the long
wars against France, England, and the United Provinces, and in later years by
the prodigality of Lerma, there had been another
class of claims for expenditure which could not be neglected. The peace signed
with Henry IV at Vervins in 1598 had not included Henry's
ally the Turks; and with them and their fellow-unbelievers, the Barbary
corsairs, the conflict had never ceased. The battle of Lepanto had, it is true,
to a great extent broken the power of the Sultan in the western Mediterranean,
and the task of holding in check the Muslim empire east of Sicily had been left
to the Venetians and the Knights of Malta. The Papacy had tried almost
unceasingly to draw Spain into the league with the Italian States to pursue the
Turk into his own seas; but, for reasons already set forth, it was not until
the recklessness of Lerma swayed the Spanish policy,
and Philip III, without resources, dreamed of rivalling his grandfather's achievements, that overburdened Castile was called upon to
contribute to a new Holy League against the infidel. In 1601 a powerful galley
fleet of 70 vessels and 10,000 men was raised by Spain and the Italian States,
except Venice, to surprise and capture Algiers. There was no Don John now to
infuse enthusiasm into the expedition; there was only his evil genius, the
incompetent Gian Andrea Doria,
nephew of the great Andrea; and he, in accordance with his invariable
ineptitude, returned with his fleet to Messina without striking a blow. Two
more attempts, one in alliance with Persia, were made in the following years,
with little better result. The Barbary corsairs, insolent before, now became
boldly aggressive; and the coasts of Spain in the Mediterranean were harried
by the Muslim from end to end. By 1608 these pirates had become intolerable, and
English seamen like the famous Captain Ward, and many others, raised and
commanded in their service regular fleets of broadside ships and galleys, which
defied the Christian Powers and mocked at Spain's supremacy. But with the
signature of the truce with Holland a change in Philip's tactics in the
Mediterranean became possible. The day of the galley was nearly over; sailing
ships could now be spared from the Atlantic; and for the first time in history
a great Spanish sailing fleet entered the Straits to punish the pirates. It was
to join a squadron of freighted ships under Sir Anthony Shirley; but the
Spanish Admiral Fajardo missed them, and fell in with
a French privateer fleet, which joined him. Together they made a dash upon
Tunis, utterly destroying a fleet of over thirty sail there that had been organised by Ward, Verney,
Bishop, and Kara-Osman, thus breaking for many years
to come the pirate power in the Mediterranean. Spain rang once more with joyful
hope. Trade was possible again, for the pirates were conquered, Drake was dead,
the King of England was the servile friend of Philip, and the Dutch were at
peace with Spain.
But though Spain had now no foreign foes, the attacks of the corsairs
upon the Valencian coast had shown that in Spain
itself there was a whole people who would be enemies if they dared. During the
peace negotiations all Europe had watched with distrust the preparation of a
great fleet of galleys in the Spanish ports. No one could guess the object of
such a mobilisation; but after the corsairs were
destroyed at La Goleta (Tunis), distrust gave way to astonishment, and the
extraordinary design of Lerma was revealed to the
world. The kingdom of Valencia was largely peopled by Spaniards of
unquestionably pure Moorish descent and sympathies; and for years accusations,
true or false, had been made against them of friendship with the Muslim
corsairs, to the detriment of Christian Spain. Lerma himself was a magnate of Valencian Christian descent,
and, like all his class, bitterly hated his Morisco countrymen, towards whom he had been ruthless during his viceroyalty. The Valencian Moriscos, mostly
agriculturists and horticulturists, were thrifty and prosperous, and had made
the plain of Valencia the most fertile spot in Spain by means of patient toil
and irrigation. Amidst the slothful misery that surrounded them they were
envied and loathed for their prosperity by their Christian neighbors; and petitions had frequently been presented to the King for the expulsion of
intruders, who, it was said, were eating food intended by Heaven for pure
Spanish Christians. But the Moriscos were always
ready to pay the heavy taxation; and Philip II, bigot though he was, could not
afford to lose the contributions of his prosperous subjects. With the rise of Lerma, prejudiced, shortsighted, and impracticable
visionary as he was, all was changed. The churchmen thundered denunciations
against the Valencian Moriscos as doubtful Christians; the poor people were oppressed and persecuted beyond
endurance; and at one time, before Elizabeth's death, they had entered into a
correspondence with her and the Protestants with a view of organising a revolt in Spain. When James I made peace with Philip III, he cruelly sent to
Spain this correspondence; and the hatred of Lerma against the Moriscos grew. Philip III was a mere
puppet in the hands of his favorite and the monks
who swarmed around him. For years the Archbishop of Valencia had demanded the
expulsion of these "sponges who sucked up all the Spanish wealth".
Fanaticism and envy joined forces against the Moriscos.
They were backsliders who secretly carried on their infidel worship, said the
priests; by devilish arts they contrived to be rich when worthier Christian
gentlemen starved, said the sluggards, who despised industry as disgraceful;
they were bad Spaniards and rebel subjects, said the King's officers; out with
the whole vile brood, cried Spaniards everywhere.
The expulsion of the Moriscos [1609-10
But there were in Valencia
30,000 families, mostly large, of known Moorish blood; indeed it was, and
still is, difficult to find a Valencian free from the
admixture; and to depopulate a kingdom was no easy matter. When total expulsion
became the cry, the Valencian landlords, fearful of
losing their best tenants and husbandmen, protested; and some of the saner
churchmen who were content to oppress, shrank from deporting the population
which had turned Valencia into a garden. At the instance of the Pope a
commission of ecclesiastics and officials met, ostensibly to devise means for
the effective conversion of the Moriscos. But the
latter, in fear and anger at the threats used towards them, became defiant;
and rumors ran that the whole Moorish race in Spain
would stand together to resist persecution. Whether this were true or false, it
turned the wavering balance against them; and like a thunderclap, there fell,
on September 22, 1609, the dreadful edict which made clear to all men the real
object of the great mobilisation of galleys in
Spanish Mediterranean ports, that had puzzled Europe for months. With the
exception of six of the "oldest and most Christian" Moriscos in each large village, who were to be retained to
teach their system of cultivation, every man and woman of them was to be
deported to Barbary, taking only such personal property as might be carried by
the owner. In heartbroken multitudes the unhappy exiles were driven to the
waiting galleys from fields and homesteads, from looms and workshops. Thousands
were murdered or plundered on the way, for there was no protection for them.
They were forbidden to take money with them, so that their property had to be
abandoned. Some resistance to the cruel order was attempted in the winter, but
it was suppressed with ruthless severity; and in March, 1610, Valencia was
declared free from its most useful citizens. During the six months 150,000 Valencian Moriscos were driven
from the land which they and their fathers for centuries had made fertile.
Nor
was this all: fear and bigotry drove Lerma to
greater lengths; and not Valencia alone, but Aragon, Murcia, Andalusia,
Castile, and Estremadura, also were swept clear of those who were regarded as
"new Christians". In Castile and Estremadura, especially, the races
had become so closely amalgamated that it was almost impossible to distinguish
in most cases the old Christians from the new; and in these kingdoms the
greatest hardship and wrong accompanied the expulsion, which was frequently
made an instrument of private vengeance and cupidity. It is difficult to
reconcile the many estimates that were made as to the number of Moriscos expelled; but at a moderate computation it cannot
well have been less than half a million souls; to which should be added the
great number who fled previous to the issue of the edicts, and those who fell
victims to the Inquisition and to murderous attack. With these people, the best
and most thrifty workers in the country, there went what was left of Spanish
skilled industry. In horticulture, goldworking,
silk-weaving, embroidering, damascening, and fictile manufactures, they had been
supreme; and their productions had been in demand throughout Christian Europe
and the East. For more than a century they had been loaded with disabilities,
their industries impeded and clogged, in some cases almost destroyed, by
mistaken fiscal edicts and sumptuary pragmatics. The reasons that have already
been set forth had made work of any sort despised by most of their countrymen;
yet, in the face of all these obstacles and drawbacks, the Moriscos had persevered, and had kept their beautiful crafts from complete extinction,
contributing by them to the wealth and revenue of the country, in spite of the
purblind governors, who thought that the way to make the country rich was to
keep the people poor.
The expulsion was one of the most popular acts of Philip's reign, a
subject for the admiring boast of his eulogists to the day of his death, and in
his own eyes his chief claim upon the gratitude of posterity. Such a feeling,
which was general throughout Spain, is not easy fully to understand in our own
more tolerant and enlightened times. It must not be forgotten, however, that
Spain's most splendid days were contemporary with (indeed had mainly been owing
to) the fierce spiritual pride of the majority engendered by the forcible
suppression of religious dissent; and it was not unnatural that, led by false
guides, the people at large should believe that the decadence which had fallen
upon their country was due, to some extent, to a slackening of religious steadfastness
amongst the growing population of "new Christians", accused of
looking with something more than sympathy upon the Muslim corsairs whose bold
aggressions had reduced Spain to a cipher upon her own seas. The reasons that
inspired the expulsion were consequently partly religious, partly social, and
partly political; and in the eyes of most contemporary Spaniards the measure
was necessary and meritorious. The underlying error of it, from an economical
point of view, was the same as that which had rendered so ruinous the system of
taxation pursued by the Emperor and his son: namely, that coin was wealth
instead of a convenient token of value; and that, so long as the precious
metals could be prevented from leaving the country, the creation and dissemination
of wealth by the industry of the people was a matter of minor importance. The
expulsion of the Moriscos practically killed the
higher handicrafts in Spain; but another hundred years passed before it began
to be understood by Spanish statesmen that the riches of a country do not
depend primarily upon the bullion introduced into it as tribute, but upon the
net value of its own products.
Spain's decadence
The decadence that had set in as the inevitable
consequence of the policy inherited and accentuated by Philip II, very far from
being arrested by the lavish recklessness of Philip III and Lerma,
had been immensely accelerated by it, and by 1610 had attacked every element in
Spain. The next twelve years of peace brought, it is true, greater security and tranquillity than had been enjoyed for many years,
and some apparent revival of general prosperity was noticeable; while the
political importance of the country had been renewed after the murder of Henry
IV (May, 1610), by reason of the Spanish leanings of Mary de Medici, and the
anxiety of James I of England to outbid her for the friendship of Philip. This
phase of Spanish history must be left for a future chapter, and it is mentioned
here to emphasisze the fact that this temporary
revival, during the rest of Philip III's reign (he died in 1621) really
aggravated the social dry-rot that had fallen upon Spaniards of every class.
The craze for ostentation reached from the highest to the lowest: the
frequently repeated edicts for the suppression of extravagance were evaded with
impunity after the first few weeks; and where the King and Lerma set the fashion for unexampled magnificence of attire and adornment, it was
difficult to prevent imitation becoming general, in various degrees. Idleness
and corruption filled the towns to the detriment of the country; and every
noble and churchman was followed by hosts of threadbare dependents and
hangers-on, looking for easy preferment or plunder. The abundant Spanish
fiction of the time presents an appalling picture of the demoralization of society, especially in the capital. The stock characters of the picaresque novels are the swaggering, penniless hidalgo, gaining a scanty subsistence by
cheating and impudence; the sham student living, according to his luck, by
alms, service, or theft; the self-indulgent hypocritical priest; and the
leering ladies who bandy coarse jests with strangers in the streets. Crowds of
crapulous mumpers (false cripples some, and some
suffering from awful, self-inflicted diseases) throng the streets and churches,
and cluster at the convent gates. Office-seekers, panders, and swindlers fill
the ante-chambers of ministers; and assassins for hire stand at the corners of
filthy alleys, reeking with sloth and vice. Above all, the scoff of men, the
tattered poet seeking for a paymaster, is everywhere.
These types, presented to
us with a fidelity and vividness peculiar to the genius of the time and
country, when mordant satire and luxuriant verbiage ran riot, had all one
spirit in common. From the King down to the self-maimed wretch in the gutter,
they all scorned work, and sought to live in idleness upon the wealth of
others. The State was regarded in some mysterious way as being the fount of
riches, from which each citizen hoped to draw, while contributing nothing to it
by his own labor. How such a general feeling would
affect the life of a country is obvious. Idleness was honorable,
work a disgraceful necessity to be avoided whenever possible; and corruption
was so widespread that denunciation of the greater peculators by the less
successful caused Lerma more than once to throw some
of his too greedy officers to the lions, in order to escape unpopularity
himself. One such, the powerful Pedro Franquesa, the
Secretary of the Council of Finance, was made to disgorge nearly a million and
a half of ducats, of which he had defrauded the revenue; and even Lerma finally saved himself from a similar disgrace at the
hands of his own envious son, Uceda, by becoming an
ecclesiastic and a Cardinal, and retiring to pious obscurity.
But this period of complete social decadence coincided, as similar
periods had in the previous history of Spain, with a development of literary
brilliancy and activity so extraordinary as to have stamped an enduring impress
upon European letters. At a time when manual work was at a discount, and the
Inquisition discouraged science and speculation, the only outlet for the florid
fancy, the mocking malice, and the vehement verbosity, which are characteristic
of the Iberian nature, was social satire based upon the observation of current
life: and the period now under review, the golden era of Spanish literature,
produced the great masterpieces of imagination, description, verbal felicity,
and satire, which have become Spain's principal contribution to the
intellectual wealth of the world. The earlier influence of Spain upon European
thought had been mainly didactic. The science and culture of Greece and the
Orient had been preserved through Hebrew and Arabic texts by the scholars of
Cordoba and Toledo; and had, previous to the revival of Greek learning in the
latter part of the fifteenth and at the beginning of the sixteenth century,
reached Europe almost exclusively through the medium of Spaniards. The
sententious and proverbial form of wisdom, peculiarly Eastern in origin, and
the didactic apologue from a similar fount, had also been revived and
strengthened as a literary form in Europe through the translations of Spanish
Hebrews and Arabs.
Spain's literary development
Great as these services were, they sink into insignificance
before the intellectual debt incurred by Europe to Spain from 1540 to 1640. The
revival in Spain, and to some extent thence communicated to the rest of the
world, of the Celtic tales of chivalry, at a time when the realities of modern
life had weakened their influence elsewhere, was rather in the nature of a
manifestation of national character and ideals than an outcome of the true
literary genius of the Spanish people. The central idea which lent to the
nation the temporary greatness it enjoyed was individual exaltation by
sacrifice. The spirit which had led thousands of Christians in Moorish Spain to
insist obstinately upon martyrdom, in spite of opposition; the feeling which
provided for every barren hill-side an ascetic hermit, and for every convent a
bleeding cataleptic nun; which animated alike the ghastly pencil of Ribera,
the bitter mortifications of Philip II, and the reckless bravery of the
American Conquistadores, centred in the special
distinction of each individual by self-sacrifice in the face of the Lord. The
ruling idea of the romances of chivalry was merely a literary embodiment of the
same spirit. The purely altruistic self-sacrifice of the hero for an idea; the
seeking of wrongs to remedy, and of the oppressed to liberate, had for its ultimate
object the exaltation of the hero in the estimation of a Higher Power; and the
avidity with which the whole nation cast itself upon the stories, foolish and
unnatural as they obviously were, was caused by the fact that they represented,
for the first time in literary form, the spirit to which Spain owed its passing
potency as a nation. For reasons which have already been set forth at length,
the spirit itself had decayed rapidly towards the end of the sixteenth century.
The old faith had waned in the face of repeated disaster. The craze for
self-indulgence and ostentatious idleness had, by the time of Philip III, taken
the place of a desire for suffering as a distinction. The chivalric ideal, when
the influence of the Italian Renaissance was making the rest of Europe almost
pagan in its love of beauty and ease, had long kept Spain stern and
sacrificial; partly, it is true, as a protest against the sensuous Moorish civilisation, which the Christians had fought so long. But
by 1610 a mocking scepticism had ousted the simple
faith, and selfishness had supplanted abnegation. Lip-service to the old ideal
alone remained.
Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra (September 29, 1547 – April 23, 1616). His magnum opus, Don Quixote, often considered the first modern novel, is a classic of Western literature and is regularly regarded among the best novels ever written. His work is considered among the most important in all of literature. His influence on the Spanish language has been so great that Spanish is often called la lengua de Cervantes (The language of Cervantes). He has been dubbed el Príncipe de los Ingenios - the Prince of Wits. |
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When, therefore, Cervantes, the man who of all Spaniards most completely
personified, with boundless wit, the passing spirit of his countrymen, wove
into an interesting story, overflowing with satirical pictures of daily life, a
pitiless exposure of the dead ideal, and, stripping it of its glamour, scoffed
at its absurdity, Spain seized upon Don Quixote (1605) and raised it upon a
pinnacle as the quintessence of the cynical disillusionment that had fallen
upon the nation. To other countries that welcomed the marvelous book it appealed by its wit, its satire, and its truth; and these qualities,
together with its pathos, doubtless aided its popularity in Spain also. But to
Spaniards it was much more than a witty book: it was the supreme cry, echoing
from the inmost heart of the nation, that the old gods were dead, and that
Spain's exalted heroics were now but a laughing-stock. The nation was indeed
decadent: its faith and belief in itself had fled, and presumptuous pretence,
personal and national, was but a poor substitute for the spiritual exaltation
that had made it great.
The chivalric tales had produced, however, another
offspring besides the satire that killed them. The mawkish, unreal stories of
the self-sacrificing hero had by the middle of the sixteenth century inspired
by reaction a tale which centred round an anti-hero,
as selfish as Amadis was altruistic. Lazarillo was but another form of protest against a false
ideal of life. The other rogue tales which followed on the same lines were
purposely cast in squalid scenes, as a reaction against the ineffable
surroundings of the princes and princesses of chivalry. The hero was not a wandering
noble helping others, but a cunning rogue helping himself at the expense of
others. The rogue tales, Lazarillo de Tormes, Guzman de Alfarache,
Marcos de Obregon, Pablo de Segovia, and their
imitators, appealed to Europe as amusing stories of peripatetic adventure, and
inspired the modern novel of movement through Fielding, Smollett, and Dickens;
but, like Quixote, they meant much more to Spain than to the rest of the world; for they voiced the reaction and disillusionment that had fallen upon the
people after the false standards of nearly a century.
The vast literary activity of Spain during the late sixteenth and first
half of the seventeenth century, especially in the drama, did not exercise its
greatest influence upon Europe until after the date when this chapter closes
(1610), although the plots invented by the inexhaustible Spanish dramatists
were liberally appropriated by English playwrights at about this period. The
swaggering Spanish man-at-arms, who had overrun Europe, had also been accepted
by Shakespeare and the Elizabethan dramatists as the type of his countrymen;
though he had usually been employed as an object of derision, which was natural
enough in view of contemporary international jealousies. But when Anne of
Austria was wedded to Louis XIII, and Philip IV married a French bride (1612),
Spain became the fashion. Anne of Austria throughout her life kept a Spanish
Court; and for forty years Spanish actors and authors flocked into France.
Spanish dress, demeanour, and manners were the rage.
Scores of Spanish words were adopted into French. The games, dances, the favurite dishes, even the terms of endearment, of
Spaniards were naturalised; and Spanish was the modish language. Spanish plays
and novels were translated into French, and thence into English and other
tongues; or, at least, their ingenious plots and intrigues were appropriated.
The romantic tradition of Spanish bearing which permeated the Court of Louis
XIII exercised an enduring influence upon the form of French letters; and,
when the reaction came from classicism to realism under Molière,
it was in Spanish originals that models and inspiration were sought. Where
France led, England followed; and the dramatists of the late seventeenth and
early eighteenth centuries perpetuated on the English stage, and this time in
English form, the romantic story of intrigue which had its origin in Spain.
When in the nineteenth century another realistic reaction took place against
the neo-classicism of the Napoleonic period, it was to the Spanish times of
Louis XIII that Dumas and the other novelists turned: and d'Artagnan and his numerous fellows faithfully reproduced the demeanour and sentiments which popular tradition ascribed to the swaggering gallant of
Spain's decadence.
In addition to the popular peripatetic rogue tales, and the
drama of romantic intrigue, with which Spain endowed Europe at this period,
Spanish literary influence was seen in other directions during the latter half
of the sixteenth century. English maritime ambition under Elizabeth promoted
the search for information as to foreign countries and the science of
navigation, and a large number of Spanish books describing exploration of the
western Continent, and others teaching the science of seamanship, were translated
into French and English, especially the latter, and became extremely popular.
The extent to which English knowledge of distant countries was indebted to
Spanish originals may be seen from Hakluyt's three Introductions to his
volumes. The fame of the Spanish military commanders, again, led to the
adoption of Spanish tactics and army organization in
other countries, and many military treatises in Spanish were translated and
used as text-books in England. Literary form in England was to some extent
influenced at this period by Spanish tradition, the sententious apothegm or
didactic proverb, then a fashionable vehicle, being to a great extent Spanish
in its revived form; while the preciosity made popular in England by Lyly in
his Euphues, was beyond question largely inspired by
the philosophical and sententious writings of Antonio de Guevara, which were
much read and admired in England in the last half of the sixteenth century.
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