LIFE AND TIMES OF
A.D. 806-882
ARCHBISHOP OF RHEIMS
BY
REV. JAMES C. PRICHARD
I
REIGN OF LOUIS THE
PIOUS
CHAP. II.
FROM THE DEATH OF
LOUIS THE PIOUS, A.D. 840, TO THAT OF THE EMPEROR LOTHAIRE, A.D.
845.
CHAP. III.
CONTROVERSIES ON
PREDESTINATION AND THE THREEFOLD DEITY.
CHAP. IV.
FROM THE DEATH OF
THE EMPEROR LOTHAIRE (A.D. 855) TO THAT OF KING LOTHAIRE, HIS SON, (A.D. 869).
CHAP. V.
DISPUTES ON THE
DEPOSITION OF ROTHAD AND WULFAD. CHARGES OF PHOTIUS AGAINST THE WESTERN CHURCH.
CHAP. VI.
FROM THE DEATH
OF KING LOUIS TO THAT OF CHARLES THE BALD.
CHAP. VII.
DISPUTES OF THE
YOUNGER HINCMAR AND POPE ADRIAN WITH KING CHARLES AND THE ARCH-BISHOP OF
RHEIMS.
CHAP. VIII.
FROM THE DEATH OF
CHARLES THE BALD TO THE DEPOSITION AND DEATH OF CHARLES THE FAT. DEATH OF
HINCMAR.
I
REIGN OF LOUIS THE
PIOUS.
To the student of
civil or ecclesiastical history, the eighth century and the tenth seem, at
first sight, to have higher claims upon his notice than the intervening age.
The rise of the Carolingian dynasty, and the conquests and policy of
Charlemagne, are surpassed by few events in the history of mankind in interest
and importance; and the pope’s successful revolt from eastern dominion, and
alliance with the western emperor, forms a no less striking epoch in the annals
of the Church. Again, if we pass on to the tenth age, the reigns of Henry the
Fowler and his successors, the commencement of the third royal dynasty in
France, and the renovating influence of the Norman character and example on the
minds and manners of the people from whom they had conquered their new
inheritance, are themes to which we gladly turn, from the wearisome and
complicated annals of the later Carolingian princes.
But it may be
doubted whether either the eighth or the tenth century filled in reality a more
important position in the history of Europe than that which is occupied by the
ninth. The system which Charlemagne established, in the Church as well as in
the empire, had no fair room for displaying its real nature, and for the
development of its legitimate results, while the strong arm and masterly genius
of its founder were at hand to check or direct its progress. It was the policy
of Charlemagne greatly to increase the weight and dignity of both the papal and
the episcopal powers; two powers, which though originally one, and probably
regarded as the same even by him, became thenceforward, as years flowed on,
more and more distinct. While he never lost sight of the natural supremacy
which the temporal sovereign must needs exercise over the ecclesiastical as
well as civil authorities subordinate to him, he appears fully to have realized
the truth that the Church is the teacher and civilizer of the world. This was a
principle which had ever been claimed by the Church, and which indeed had been
denied by none, for centuries before his time; but since the days of the first
Christian emperors it appears never to have been so definitely understood by
the ruling power, and so practically enforced. Accordingly, during his
lifetime, the whole ecclesiastical influence, papal and episcopal, worked well,
and worked together, in the great task divinely allotted to the Church. It is
true that the former of the two authorities stood in a relation to the rest of
the Church greatly altered from that which had existed in the days of St. Leo
and St. Gregory. This was owing partly to a gradual increase of influence
during the last two centuries, and in part to the act of Charlemagne himself.
Yet while he reigned no signal attempts were made by Rome upon the independence
of other Churches, which imply more than a somewhat exaggerated idea of the
legitimate authority belonging to the first patriarchate of the Christian
world. Or if some such encroachments were attempted from time to time,
they were perhaps not more remarkable than certain acts of a similar nature
made in earlier periods by Stephen, Zosimus, or St. Leo.
It is from the time
of Charlemagne, and not till after the death of that monarch, that we must date
the systematic endeavors of the Roman pontiff to raise the sovereignty of his
see to a point inconsistent with the independence of national Churches. Its
interference with the temporal power, and assumption that all earthly kings
within the limits of Christendom held their crowns of the pope, may be traced
also to the same age. The ninth century, better than anyone which preceded or
which followed it, exhibits the struggle for sovereignty or independency
between the papal and episcopal powers, or between the former and all national
Churches, which are represented on this occasion by the national Church of
France.
This contest is
more worthy of note than others of a similar kind, both because it lasted
longer, and because the combatants were more nearly matched in energy and
influence. Of those which had occurred in earlier times, the most remarkable
were the dispute between St. Cyprian and St. Stephen, and that between St. Leo
and St. Hilary of Arles. In each case the history of the struggle tells us
little more than that the pope, on being opposed, excommunicated his opponent,
and that the bishops of Carthage and Arles, with all who took their part, lived
thenceforward and died out of Communion with the Church of Rome, although both
have been since recognized as Saints by that Church, with the rest of
Christendom. Whatever weight and interest the circumstances may possess in our
time, from the proof which they afford that Rome is inconsistent in maintaining
communion with herself as essential to the being of a Church, further than this
their importance scarcely extends. They led to nothing beyond themselves. No
principle was established by them. The pope from his victory, if victory it can
be called, gained no new accession of power; nor indeed, had he done so, would
the result have been of any great importance when compared with those which
followed on the disputes of the ninth century. The Churches of Africa on the
one hand, and the metropolitan Church of Arles on the other, were in, the
former instances alone concerned; and the Churches of Africa, however numerous,
and the see of Arles, though at that time the first in Gaul, carried with them
far less weight in the world, and were far less suited to represent the whole
of Christendom than were the archbishopric of Rheims, and the Churches that
joined with it in the time of Hincmar.
At this period the
Churches of both Africa and Spain scarcely maintained a feeble struggle for
existence; England and Ireland, though already rich in sanctity and learning,
hardly as yet had weight among the Churches of Europe; Italy appeared
singularly devoid of life and vigor, and the East, if not altogether broken off
from the Western Churches, had ceased to take interest in their fortunes, or to
hold any communication with them. Meanwhile, the Churches founded of late in
Germany and the north were in their infancy; in the midst of barbarism and
heathenism they had little leisure to trouble themselves with political
struggles, however important in their object and results; nor could they yet
claim any place of authority in the list of metropolitan sees. Moreover the new
provinces in Germany, and, in a somewhat lower degree, the Anglo-Saxon Church
in England, had been from their origin more dependent upon Rome than the rest
of Europe, and were unlikely to put themselves forward in the assertion of
their own independency. The Gallican Church was that which possessed the
greatest vigor, and which was ruled by the most accomplished and energetic
prelates; and of these, Hincmar of Rheims, for nearly forty years, was
acknowledged by all his contemporaries as the chief in learning, character, and
authority.
Throughout the
whole of the struggle the pope had great advantages upon his side, which
neither the justice of the adverse cause, nor the talents and perseverance of
those who supported it, could counterbalance. The degree of preeminence which
was really his due, indefinite as it was in itself, was rendered more so by the
varying claims and practice of earlier times. Hence the opposition to his
authority, which like all opposition to existing power, seemed at first sight
to partake of the nature of rebellion, was thought by some, even among the more
learned and patriotic of the French bishops, to be not altogether undeserving
of the imputation. Others, from love of peace, were willing rather to yield
their just rights and those of the Catholic Church, than persevere in a contest
which seemed to involve breach of charity, and unwillingness to suffer wrong.
The age too was one profuse in terms of compliment and respect. Men
addressed to one another, especially to such as were in any degree their
superiors, high-sounding appellations of reverence and honor, which, if taken
literally, would amount to a recognition of the most unlimited authority on the
one hand, and on the other to a confession of the most complete subjection; and
it is easy to perceive that what may probably have been meant for nothing more
than Christian courtesy, might be represented, and perhaps understood, as a
serious acknowledgment of superiority or sovereignty. Add to this, that the
temporal prince was often backward in supporting the claims of the national
Church, and sometimes even took part against it; for episcopal censure was no
less strict, and oft times more offensive, than that which was launched from
the apostolic throne. Moreover France itself was continually divided by
different political interests; Lorraine, and sometimes Aquitaine, were under
different sovereigns from the rest of the country; and the other Carolingian
princes, whose legitimate rule should have been confined to Italy or Bavaria,
seldom lost an opportunity of interposing in the affairs of France, and of
creating or encouraging factions in Church as well as in State.
Hence the
consequence was, that from one cause or another, and in most cases from several
causes combined, the Gallican Church was prevented from acting in concert, or
from bringing her whole weight of influence to bear with efficiency on any
question of national importance; and least of all, upon the question of
independency, or unlimited subjection to the Roman see. Even when these adverse
circumstances operated with least effect, there was another advantage possessed
and used by Rome which weighed more than all the rest. This was the publication
of the early decretals, first made in the end of the eighth or the beginning of
the ninth century, although not generally known, and perhaps not systematically
arranged, for half a century more. Hincmar lived to see them almost universally
accepted as really what they purported to be. He himself indeed not unfrequently quotes them, although he refused any blind
obedience to their authority, and probably had some suspicions of their
genuineness. The age, as it has been truly remarked, was uncritical, and
Hincmar, although he was probably one of the best read scholars of his day, and
although his works show a thorough acquaintance with the whole range of
Catholic writers, from St. Cyprian’s time to his own, and with the canons of
Councils, general and provincial, which made up the body of ecclesiastical law,
can hardly be supposed so far in advance of his contemporaries as to discover
at once and without doubt the falsity of documents which were unimpeached, or at all events not disproved, for many
centuries afterwards. Even if he had more strongly suspected the forgery of the
decretals, however great his boldness in the cause of truth, and resolution in
defence of his Church, no prelate of that time would have ventured, for the
sake of their common Christianity, and the credit of the station which they
both held, to bring so heavy a charge against the first bishop of Christendom.
At the present day, with prejudices less enlisted in favor of the papal power
than were those of all the European Church of the ninth century, and with far
greater experience in the history of the Roman see, we shrink from supposing
that so gigantic a forgery, so unprincipled an attempt to uphold their own
supremacy at the expense of truth and justice, could have been suggested and
maintained at the instance, or even with the knowledge and consent, of a
succession of Christian prelates, some of whom have been held as Saints by the
later Church, and many of whom were certainly men zealous for the truth in
other points, and unwearied in their endeavors to spread the Gospel through the
world. The alternative, with all its difficulties, seems preferable; the
hypothesis which would throw all the blame of the publication upon Isidore the
merchant, if such were in reality his name, and which would represent the popes
as equally deceived with the rest of the Church as to the fictitious character
of the documents palmed upon them by the over-zealous and unscrupulous
Spaniard. In either view their effect was the same; and whether knowingly or in
ignorance adduced by Nicholas and Adrian, they equally increased the
difficulty, to Hincmar and his party, of defending the primitive independence
of their Church.
In questions more
purely doctrinal, scarcely less than in the disputes about papal supremacy, the
history of the Gallican Church of the ninth century is full of interest to the
ecclesiastical student. In some of these, especially the question of
Predestination, Hincmar took an equally leading part, and has justly won for
himself the reputation of being the great champion of orthodoxy on this
difficult but important article of faith. In some other discussions, carried on
with much vehemence and learning in his time, as in those upon Image Worship,
and the Real Presence in the Holy Eucharist, his name is less prominent,
although his sentiments may be discovered on both subjects; and although, on
the former of the two, he appears to have been chosen as a judge or umpire by
many of his learned brethren, and to have written a treatise which is not now
extant, but which, doubtless, had its influence in his day.
Meanwhile the
archbishop of Rheims was not only the acknowledged leader in ecclesiastical
affairs, but took an important share in most of the secular or political
movements of his time. These, if less striking than some events which
distinguished the previous or succeeding age, occupy no insignificant place in
European history. In the forty years during which Hincmar was the chief
counselor of his sovereign, the kingdom and people of France may be said to
have commenced their existence, as a nation distinct in character, interests,
and language, from the Franks of the last century. Charles the Bald was the
first true king of France, and during his reign the separation of Germany on
the one side, and Italy on the other, from the country over which he ruled, was
continually widening. In many respects, the old system of national life, the
former gradations of society, the manners and relations of men, changed more
rapidly within the same period than has been the case in an European country in
any other equal space of years. This must be mainly attributed to the ravages
of the Normans. The chief cities of France were destroyed, again and again, by
these unsparing and unsatisfied invaders, and population was thinned to so
great a degree, that large tracts of country were reduced anew to their
primitive state of waste or forest land. Meanwhile the degeneration in
vigor of character was more rapid in the successors of Charlemagne than even in
the preceding dynasty; although in respect of morality or purity of life they
offer a favorable contrast, not only to the Merovingian princes, but to
Charlemagne himself. This single circumstance confers an interest of its own
upon the character and actions of Louis and his sons, of a different kind from
that with which we regard the exploits or policy of vigorous or warlike
sovereigns, yet not less real, and perhaps better merited. It encourages the
idea that the precepts and principles of Christianity had a truer hold upon
both rulers and people than is often the case in times of greater national
prosperity, and under the sway of princes of military prowess, and of wiser or
more successful policy. The occasional exceptions which occur to the usual
respectability of conduct in the Carolingian family, may be regarded, from the
notice which they attracted, and the unsparing censure bestowed upon them, as
proofs of this character itself, rather than of its contrary. How little, a
hundred and fifty years before, would far grosser violations of the moral law,
in princes occupying the same throne and station, have been considered worthy
of observation or reproach!
At the time of
Charlemagne’s death, which took place on the 28th of January, 814, the Western
Empire extended from the Ebro as far eastward as the Elbe or Oder, and from the
duchy of Beneventum northward to the Eyder. Within
these limits were contained France and Germany, Italy from Calabria to the
Alps, and the Spanish March, which included all the country between the Ebro
and the Pyrenees. The name of France in this division must be taken in its
widest acceptation, as representing not only the old provinces of Neustria and
Austrasia, but Aquitaine and Burgundy, Gascony, Languedoc, and Provence; all
the country, in fact, bounded by the Rhine and Alps on the eastern side, by the
Mediterranean and Pyrenees on the south, and by the ocean on the west. It is
true that both Brittany and the most southern provinces were in a troubled and
unsettled state, even to the end of Charlemagne’s reign; still they were parts
of his kingdom, in a truer sense than that in which the duchy of Beneventum, in
Italy, can be considered as subject to him. This duchy, nearly co-extensive
with the modern kingdom of Naples, was never altogether conquered, and Charles,
notwithstanding the constant and urgent entreaties of the pope that he would
entirely destroy its independency, consented to recognize Grimwald
as duke, and to commit to his management the wars with the Greeks and Saracens.
The appellation of
Germany was nearly confined, in those days, to the countries bordering on the
Rhine, to Alsace, Swabia, Switzerland, and Franconia, the last of which
provinces preserves in its name a memorial of the old Frankish empire. These,
however, formed but an inconsiderable portion of Charlemagne’s German
dominions, which included the kingdoms or duchies of Hesse,
Thuringia, and Bavaria; Saxony, a country of wide extent, and whose limits seem
to have been defined with little accuracy; and Bohemia and Hungary, to which we
must add the Turkish or Illyrian provinces of Istria, Liburnia,
and Dalmatia, and perhaps Slavonia.
Charlemagne had
made a partition of his dominions eight years before his death, between his
three sons, Charles, Pepin, and Louis. At that time the oldest had received for
his portion France or the provinces of Neustria and Austrasia, and Germany;
Italy and Bavaria, with the conquests in Pannonia, were given to Pepin; and
Aquitaine, Burgundy, Provence, and the Spanish Marches, fell to the share of
Louis. But it was not then for the first time that these princes were
introduced to their kingdoms. As early as the year 781, when Louis was but
three years old, he had been nominated king of Aquitaine, and committed by his
father to William the Short-nosed, duke of Toulouse, and several other counts
or nobles, who were charged with the education of the infant monarch, and the
defence or extension of his dominions. Thus his childhood and youth were spent
almost exclusively in the southern provinces of France; his first essays in
war, against the half-savage inhabitants of Gascony, who fought for their
freedom with an obstinacy scarcely inferior to that of the native Saxons, and
especially against the Saracens in the siege of Barcelona, and other campaigns,
were directed by the nobles, and performed in the presence of the freemen of
that country; and the gentleness and kindness, as well as seriousness of his
disposition, won for him at once the well-merited name of the Pious, or the
Debonair, and a far greater share of the affections of the people than was
probably ever granted, in this portion of his empire, to Charlemagne himself.
For Charlemagne, like his father and grandfather, was essentially a German.
Although France was the centre of his empire he seldom visited it, he was
probably ignorant of its language, and he seldom even called its counts and
freemen to follow him in war. He had transferred the splendor and importance of
a royal residence from Paris and the other French capitals, to Aix-la-Chapelle;
although in truth Charlemagne could scarcely be said to have had any fixed
residence, except during the last few years of his reign, so much of his time
was spent in the camp, or in winter quarters at different places, from Ravenna
to Ratisbon, where his presence and that of his army were required. But his Gaulish or Roman subjects, as the inhabitants of western
and southern France were still called, in contradistinction to the Franks of
Austrasia and Germany, were more neglected than any other portion of the
empire, of which the main reason no doubt was, that his attention was less
needed there than elsewhere, whether in Italy or in the north. The Saracens of
Spain were the only foes to be dreaded, when the mountaineers of Gascony or Novempopulania were once subdued; and the civil wars for
the Mussulman throne of Cordova so greatly weakened these natural enemies of
the Christian emperor, that the defence of the Spanish Marches and the rest of
Louis’s dominions might generally be left with safety to the young prince
himself, and the nobles who were his subjects and instructors.
Within four or five
years from the partition of his dominions, the emperor lost first his second
and then his eldest son. The latter had no children; but Pepin, king of Italy,
left one son, named Bernard, and several daughters. The laws of primogeniture
were little regarded at that time. At all events the reigning prince was
considered at liberty to choose his successor from among his children.
Accordingly, he contented himself with nominating his grandson king of Italy,
and committed him to the care of Wala, whose father,
Bernard, was an illegitimate son of Charles Martel, and who had held the same
position of guardian or chief minister to the younger Pepin. He then sent for
Louis from Aquitaine, and on his arrival at Aix-la-Chapelle presented him with
great solemnity to the bishops and nobles assembled for the purpose in the
national comitia or parliament, and required them to declare him
emperor. After receiving the unanimous consent of all present, he bade him take
with his own hands a crown of gold, similar to that worn by himself, which had
been laid upon the altar of the newly-built Cathedral, and place it upon his
own head; a symbolical act, by which he, doubtless, meant it to be understood,
that though the approbation of the Church, as well as that of the nobles, or
lay estates of the realm, might be requisite or desirable in the choice of an
emperor, the royal power and privileges were the gift of God alone, and to Him
alone could the monarch be responsible for the way in which he used them.
Charlemagne then solemnly commended to his son’s care the interests of the
Church and nation which had thus been put into his hands, as vicegerent of the
Supreme Ruler; and bidding him preserve a fraternal affection towards his
sisters and three illegitimate brothers, dismissed him again to his kingdom of
Aquitaine.
Louis was at
Toulouse at the time of his father’s death. On receiving the news, he proceeded
at once to Aix-la-Chapelle, and was accompanied during his march, and met there
on his arrival, by the rejoicings and congratulations of all classes of his
subjects. Great hopes were formed by all from his high reputation for
strictness and even sanctity of life, and for such kindness of disposition as
was thought likely to lead to a watchful care for his people’s welfare. In both
of these particulars he was regarded, not without some justice, as superior to
his father. For although Charlemagne’s talents as a statesman were probably not
inferior to his wonderful energy and genius in the field, his constant wars had
reduced a large part of the empire, especially the countries then known as
France and Germany, to great poverty and distress. The custom, universal in
those ages, in the western world, which compelled each freeman, in possession
of a certain extent of land, to follow his lord to battle, when the general
summons was issued by the king, and to furnish himself with all necessaries for
the war, and during its continuance, at his own expense, had impoverished the
people to so great a degree, that the class of freemen had in many places
well-nigh disappeared. Multitudes had been forced to sell their possessions,
and reduce themselves to the condition of slaves. The slaves were not required,
or permitted, to carry arms; they never formed part of the army, and in
consequence as their number increased, and that of the freemen diminished, the
whole country gradually became weak and defenseless, and exposed, without
protection, to the attack of any foreign power. Hitherto, it is true,
the more civilized part of the empire had been secure, by reason of its central
position, from such dangers. But the poverty and general slavery of the
inhabitants, and the frequent oppression of the weak by the powerful, were more
general in France and Germany, and especially in the former country, than in
the less civilized and more warlike provinces of Bavaria or Saxony, or even,
though perhaps from somewhat different causes, than in Italy or Aquitaine.
From these and
other evils all classes looked to the new sovereign for protection and redress.
But the task would have been far too difficult an one for him, even had he
possessed the greatness of mind and independence of thought which had raised
his father above all contemporary princes. In this resolution and self-confidence
he was unfortunately deficient; and, for a monarch who had to play so difficult
a part, and to regulate, even independently of actual rebellion, or foreign
war, a lawless aristocracy, a barbarous and oppressed population, and the
ambition of ecclesiastics, who were the chief counselors and the chief
intriguers in all state affairs, no integrity of purpose, no feelings of
benevolence, could make amends for the defect. Accordingly the reign of Louis,
except perhaps for the few first years, presents a striking contrast to the
vigorous rule of Charlemagne. With qualities which, in another state of life,
would have made him respected and beloved, which even as a king demand for him
our interest and sympathy, it cannot be denied that he failed in the government
of the empire, which had been with so great solemnity, with so universal a
consent, and with such high expectations, committed to his care. He was
not unaware himself of his deficiency in resolution; before his father’s death
he had permitted himself to be stripped of all his possessions, to gratify the
constant demands of those who formed his court in Aquitaine, and it required
the interference of Charlemagne to reinstate him in his right and property.
Whether from a persuasion of his own unfitness for the throne, or from a purely
religious motive, he expressed, at one period of his life, a strong wish to
retire into a monastery. This was overruled at the time, and although repeated
several years after his accession to the throne, when the death of his wife
deprived him at the same time of a companion and a counselor, it seems to have
been but a short-lived resolution. A time arrived when those who had before
dissuaded him from the idea, were anxious that he should put it into effect,
but he refused then to comply. Perhaps he had become so accustomed to the
dignity of an imperial throne, accompanied as it was with dangers and
vexations, as to be unwilling to relinquish it, and he may have felt that it
was the place allotted to him by Providence, which he had no right to desert in
the time of trouble for his own ease, or at the wish of others.
On his first
arrival at Aix-la-Chapelle, Louis fulfilled the requisitions of his father’s
last will with strict impartiality, although the enormous wealth left by the deceased
emperor to the Church, and his large allowance to his daughters, legitimate or
illegitimate, might have fairly appeared excessive to the new sovereign, who
found himself considerably straitened by the liberality of these
bequests. But his justice in this particular extended not to any
indulgence towards vices, for which the strictness of his own morality could
feel no sympathy. He dismissed from the palace with unrelenting severity not
only all the mistresses whom Charlemagne, after the death of his fifth wife
fourteen years before, had taken to supply her place, but his sisters, whose
character and manner of life seems to have been no better than might have been
conjectured from the licentiousness or irregularity of the court in which they
had been brought up and educated. Louis sent them to different nunneries, and
punished the nobles who had been their lovers with banishment or death.
Among those who
received the new emperor on his arrival at his father’s capital was Wala, before mentioned as grandson of Charles Martel, and
as the tutor and minister of Bernard, the young king of Italy. Wala, who though at present a layman afterwards became
abbot of Corbey, and his brother Adelard, who now held that wealthy and dignified
situation, were men of talent and learning, and had been in great favor and
trust with Charlemagne. Adelard was at present in
Italy, but Wala joined with the other courtiers and
inmates of the palace in advancing to receive Louis, and in taking the oaths of
allegiance. Nor do we hear of any treasonable or suspicious conduct either on
his part or on that of his brother Adelard. It is
true that both were friends of the emperor’s nephew Bernard. The king of Italy,
however, no less readily than his ministers, gave in his adherence to Louis,
and presented himself at the first parliament, or convocation of the bishops,
abbots, and nobles, summoned at Aix-la-Chapelle, little more than half a year
after the death of Charlemagne. But notwithstanding this, influenced by a
secret mistrust, which was doubtless increased by a consciousness of his
nephew’s claims to the imperial throne, and in all probability at the
instigation of his queen Ermengarde, Louis, before
the termination of the first year of his reign, banished Adelard
from his abbacy of Corbey to the island of Noirmoutiers, compelled Wala to
dismiss his wife and become an inmate of that monastery, and sent a third
brother of the name of Bernard to the monastery of Lerins,
a small island, or group of islands, off the coast of Provence.
At his first
comitia at Aix-la-Chapelle, the emperor had made a partition of his dominions
between his three sons, Lothaire, Pepin, and Louis. As Italy was not included
in this division, it interfered in no way with the rights of Bernard, of
whatever nature they may have been. But three years afterwards, at another
meeting of his parliament, he gained the consent of the estates of his realm to
the nomination of his eldest son Lothaire as partner with himself in the
empire. At the same time he altered the former distribution of his territories,
giving to Pepin the kingdom of Aquitaine, which he had formerly held himself,
and declaring Louis, the youngest son, king of Bavaria. Until this last
division, Bernard, the emperor’s nephew, had not only abstained from interfering
with the imperial authority, but had acted as if his own kingdom of Italy were
merely a government held under his uncle. He had attended with regularity
at the parliaments summoned to meet at Aix-la-Chapelle and Paderborn; he had
followed Louis on an expedition into Saxony, undertaken in the second year of
his reign; and at his command had marched, in character of his lieutenant or
viceroy, from Frankfort to Rome, to support the rights of the emperor, which
appeared in danger of being set aside by pope Leo III.
The circumstances
of the case were the following: Leo, on his accession to the pontificate,
nearly twenty years before, had been treated with great indignities, and had
been accused of various crimes by some of the Roman clergy, who were hostile to
his election, and who were joined and supported by a large proportion of the
citizens. He had escaped from his enemies at that time with difficulty, had
submitted himself to a public trial, at which his accusers had not the courage
to appear against him, and had accordingly been reinstated by the emperor. As
long as Charlemagne lived the pope remained in security, but after his death
the Romans rose against him a second time. On this occasion, without waiting
for the intervention of the emperor, Leo seized and punished his enemies as
guilty of treason against himself. No such judicial powers had hitherto been
considered as belonging to the papal authority. The act of Leo was an
encroachment on the rights of the emperor, and it must have been regarded as
one of consequence, when a prince so entirely devoted to the Church as Louis,
and with views of the papal prerogative so exalted, felt it due to his
privileges to resent what had been done, and to take the matter into his own
hands. It is true that the pope quickly pacified the emperor; but the
disturbances excited by his severity, if not the assumption of independence
from which they arose, required the presence of Bernard, who accordingly
proceeded to Rome, and with the assistance of the duke of Spoleto’s soldiery,
succeeded, not without difficulty, in repressing the popular commotion.
Thus until the
elevation of Lothaire to a partnership in the imperial throne, Bernard was
faithful to Louis. This, however, amounting as it did to a virtual disinheritance,
was too great a trial of his patience and fidelity. Supported by some bishops
and nobles, who were dissatisfied with the reign of Louis, he raised the
standard of open revolt. The insurgents could have had but little reasonable
hope of success. But before any engagement had taken place, the machinations of
queen Ermengarde, who had always been Bernard’s greatest enemy, put an end to
the rebellion. She sent to him, offering herself as mediator between him and
his uncle; and the king of Italy, who must have been aware that he could expect
little from the queen’s good will, preferred running the risk of trusting her
promise to the desperate chance of war. He hastened to France, and yielded
himself unconditionally to the emperor. Louis ordered him, with Reginard,
his chief accomplice, who had been an officer of rank in his own palace, to be
thrown into prison, and to have his eyes torn out; a common mode in those days
of punishing or preventing treason. Both of them died from the effects of this
barbarous treatment. The bishops and other ecclesiastics of the party were
deprived of their dignities, and confined in monasteries; the remainder of the
conspirators among the nobles were banished or imprisoned for life. Nor did the
emperor consider himself in safety until he had forced his illegitimate
brothers to receive the clerical tonsure, and embrace a monastic life.
Although Bernard
was formally condemned by a solemn judicial sentence to suffer capital
punishment, it is probable that Louis had no intention of carrying his justice
or revenge so far as his nephew’s death. There is no reason to doubt his
sincerity in the relaxation of the extreme decree; and, cruel as the penalty
actually awarded appears to be, it would not have caused death unless put into
execution with unusual barbarity. He is said to have grieved bitterly on
hearing the result, and the consciousness of having dealt with him unfairly, or
of having given him at all events a plausible pretext for asserting his own
rights, weighed heavily on his mind. We cannot doubt that this influenced him
in his wish to retire into a monastery on the decease of his wife, which took
place the following year, and his conscience was not at rest until, in the year
822, he had performed public penance at Attigny, before the prelates and nobles
of his realm. But prior to this he proved the sincerity of his repentance
by pardoning and recalling from exile not only all who had been engaged in the
conspiracy, but Wala and his two brothers, who were banished some years before.
Bernard left
several children, of whom the eldest bore the name of Pepin. Louis took the boy
under his own charge, but without any purpose of advancing him to his father’s
dignity. Sometime was probably required for effectually reducing or quieting Lombardy,
and as soon as this was completed, Lothaire, in addition to his imperial title,
was declared king, in the year 820, or at the synod of Nimeguen, in the
following year.
Meanwhile, the wars
in which Louis or his generals were engaged, met with a favorable result during
the early years of his reign. In person he quieted without difficulty some
disturbances in Saxony; he suppressed a revolt of the duke of Brittany, in which
that prince lost his life, and his armies fought with honor and success against
the forces of the Saracen king of Cordova, who had plundered the islands of
Sardinia and Corsica, in violation of former treaties, and against the Slavonian
Sorabi, and the Gascons of the Pyrenees. A war in Italy was avoided by the
prudence of the emperor, who refrained from taking revenge for the murder of Grimwald,
and even recognized Sico, who was the perpetrator of the crime, as his lawful
successor. At the same time the boundary line between his dominions and those
of the eastern emperor, in Dalmatia, were settled by peaceable negotiation; and
the formal distinction was recognized between the Roman and Greek Dalmatians,
or the subjects of the emperor Leo, and the Frankish or Slavonian Dalmatians,
who formed part of the empire of Louis.
Nor were his
reforms in the internal management of the empire, in both Church and State,
carried on with less vigor, although success in these departments was more
difficult and less complete. The Missi Dominici were sent into the
different provinces with as much regularity as during his father’s reign, and
probably performed, with equal impartiality, their arduous task of settling all
disputes between the nobles and other inhabitants. In the synods, which met at
least once a year, great energy was displayed by Louis in reforming the manners
of the bishops and the higher clergy, who often rivaled the most luxurious of
the lay nobles and courtiers in richness of dress and other expense, but who were
forbidden by the emperor to wear gold and jewels. He also extended his care as
guardian of the Church to the monastic establishments, which he compelled to
submit strictly to the Benedictine rule, appointing a commission, under
Benedict, abbot of Aniane, who had enjoyed a high reputation for sanctity
during many years, to inquire into the causes of their laxity in discipline,
and to put into force some means for remedying it. These monasteries he
divided into three classes: the richest were required to furnish both soldiers
and money to the emperor; others money alone; and a third division, which was
probably too poor for either, contributed merely their prayers. For the
expenses of each Church, a manse of land, valued at twelve French acres, was
allotted to every parish, by the same synodal or parliamentary orders.
The great
prominence given in these comitia to ecclesiastical affairs was owing to
the custom, first established by Pepin, of summoning the bishops and higher
clergy to take part in the deliberations. Pepin owed to the Church, as much as
to his own talents in war, his advancement to the throne, and naturally gave
great weight to the authority of the bishops. This was increased by
Charlemagne, who was not slow in discovering that the clergy were in fact the
only portion of his subjects fitted by education to afford him counsel in
forming and carrying out plans for the amelioration of his dominions. Hence the
practice arose of using Latin in debating all subjects, ecclesiastical or
civil; a language quite unintelligible to the Austrasian and German nobles, and
probably little better understood by those of western and southern France,
although their usual speech was but a corruption of it. The inevitable
consequence was, that the whole discussion was confined to the bishops, and at
last the others either ceased to attend, or if their presence was compelled,
paid no attention to subjects of which they understood so little, and in which
they took perhaps as little interest.
Under the influence
of his contrite feelings for the death of Bernard, Louis, as was said,
resolved, after the death of Ermengarde, to retire into a monastery. His
purpose was resisted by his advisers, both spiritual and secular, who persuaded
him at last to marry a second time. Accordingly, in the year 819, he espoused
Judith, daughter of Count Guelpho, of Bavaria, a lady of great beauty, and of
ancient and noble lineage. This act, which though acceptable to his subjects in
general, met, as might be supposed, with but little approbation from the
emperor’s sons, while it effectually diverted his thoughts from a monastic
life, only led him to seek another method of regaining peace of mind, and of
manifesting his repentance. In the year 822, the ninth of his reign, he
summoned his diet to meet at the palace or royal town of Attigny, in the
diocese of Rheims. So large an assembly of bishops, as well as laymen, obeyed
the summons, that this parliament at Attigny formed a general Council of the
whole French Church. In the presence of all Louis confessed the sins of which
he had been guilty, in the unjust banishment of Wala and Adelard, and in
permitting the death of his nephew Bernard. The two former, who had been lately
recalled from exile, were present on the occasion. Adelard was restored to
his abbacy of Corbey, and Wala was appointed chief minister to the young
emperor Lothaire, who was dismissed, on the breaking up of the Council, with
his newly-married wife, Ermengarde, daughter of Count Hugo, to his kingdom of
Italy or Lombardy. At the same synod the bishops came to a decision which was
considered as of importance, and afterwards quoted, as will be seen, as a
precedent of weight, in a similar affair of much greater notoriety. They were
called upon to decide between a nobleman and his wife on some points of
disagreement, when there was doubt whether the question was matter of
separation and divorce, or should be treated in some other way. Such judgments
had generally been thought to fall under the province of ecclesiastical law,
and therefore to be amenable to episcopal decision. But on this occasion the
bishops determined that they should in future be brought under the cognizance
of married or lay judges, who were to settle the fact of the dispute, and pass
sentence upon the guilty parties. Afterwards the case was to be laid before the
bishops, who might fix the penance required before absolution could be given,
and the offenders reconciled to the Church.
We learn from a
speech or sermon delivered at the Council of Attigny, by Agobard, archbishop of
Lyons, one of the most learned prelates of that age, that greatly as Louis had
always favored the Church, it had notwithstanding suffered much from the
rapacity of the nobles, and the carelessness of the sovereign. Charles Martel,
Pepin, and Charlemagne, had permitted the Church property to be alienated
in many ways, and a great portion of it was now in the hands of laymen. Even
the present emperor had taken little pains to amend the fault, and had, in some
instances, been himself guilty of the same; and the archbishop earnestly begged
all who heard him to bring the matter under his notice, in order to obtain a
restoration of the plundered property. Whether the emperor heard of the request
of Agobard is not clear; to comply with it was certainly beyond his power, and
complaints of a similar nature were repeated, during his reign and the next,
without much redress.
Louis had already
been crowned by pope Stephen, the successor of Leo. This pontiff had been
elected without the emperor’s consent, and conscious that so great an
encroachment on the imperial privilege would not have been safe in the time of
Charlemagne, thought it necessary to go into France to seek pardon in person.
But his reception by Louis and the French nation was probably different from
what he had expected. On his arrival at Rheims, the emperor, who waited for him
there, thrice prostrated himself on the ground before him, and treated him in
every respect not as a subject, but as a potentate above all earthly princes.
Nor can we suppose that the discovery thus made of the fact that he was
regarded in other parts of western Christendom with far greater reverence than
in his own city and country, could be without its effect in stimulating himself
and his successors in their endeavors to exalt the papal dignity and power.
While at Rheims Stephen crowned the emperor and his queen, and anointed them
with holy oil; doubtless with a tacit inference that the right to the throne
was not complete without this ceremony, although the pope’s journey into France
was of itself a proof of the contrary. With similar pomp Lothaire, on arriving
in Italy after the parliament at Attigny, was crowned by pope Paschal, who had
succeeded Stephen the fifth, and whose elevation to the apostolic see had been
marked with the same irregularity as that of his predecessor, and had been
pardoned with equal indulgence on the part of Louis. Whatever may be thought of
the coronation of Louis, that of Lothaire was certainly represented by the pope
as no empty ceremony; for at the same time he publicly invested the young
prince with civil authority over the city of Rome, as if this were not
necessarily included in the power of the western emperor, as it had been before
in that of the emperor of the east. However, whether possessing it as inherent
in his original dignity, or receiving it from the papal gift, Lothaire was
quickly called upon to exert his authority. For on his return to render to his
father an account of the state in which he found his kingdom, and of the
measures taken for its government, several persons, said to be friends or
adherents of the emperor, were murdered at Rome. Lothaire hastened back, at his
father’s desire, to examine into the matter; and though Paschal cleared himself
by oath of any participation in the crime, and was accordingly at once
acquitted of the charge, he strenuously defended the actual perpetrators from
being brought to trial, thus showing, as indeed he publicly professed, that he
approved of the deed, and that the murdered persons deserved their fate. The
pope himself died soon afterwards, and Eugenius II succeeded him, with whom
Lothaire came to an agreement that the property of those who had been slain
should be restored to their families, and that henceforward no bishop of Rome
should be chosen except in the presence of the delegates of the emperor. Before
leaving the city on this occasion, Lothaire published several constitutions,
determining the parties who had a right of voting at the election of pope, and
giving the Roman people permission to choose the code of laws under which they
were in future to be governed. In all these acts we have sufficient proof that
the whole temporal sovereignty of Rome was in the hands of the emperor, and
that the pontiff possessed no part of it beyond that which might be assumed by
any other bishop in the civil affairs of the city where he dwelt, or to speak
with greater accuracy, beyond the degree of jurisdiction exercised generally,
in this age, by the lord, temporal or spiritual, over the fief or territory
granted to him by his sovereign.
About this time
Louis, whose wife had borne him a son, at Frankfort, in June, 823, and whom he
named Charles, paid great attention to the management of ecclesiastical or
spiritual affairs. St. Willibrord, in the reign of Charlemagne, had begun to
preach the gospel among the northern nations bordering on the empire, the
Danes, Nordalbingians or Normans, as they are called by different writers of
the time. Willibrord met with but very partial success in his mission, and soon
returned, bringing with him some children, to be educated in France or Germany.
Charlemagne afterwards sent Heridag to continue the work begun by Willibrord,
intending to make him bishop of those regions, but his intention was cut short
by death. Meanwhile some political correspondence took place between the
emperor and the Danes. Heriolt or Hariold, a king of Jutland, had been banished
from his country by Regner Lodbrok, and took refuge with Louis, who received
him with hospitality, and assisted him in regaining his throne. He was bound to
show his gratitude by favoring any missionaries sent by that prince into his
dominions. Accordingly Ebo, archbishop of Rheims, was deputed by the synod of
Attigny to undertake the conversion of the heathen in those northern regions;
and having first paid a visit to Rome to obtain the sanction of pope Paschal,
who gave him as his companion Halitgar, afterwards bishop of Cambray, he
preached in Denmark with considerable success, but returned before the
expiration of a year. Whether by his persuasions, or for the sake of gaining a
more decided support from Louis, Heriolt, two years afterwards, with his wife
and a large retinue, met the emperor by appointment at Metz, and received the
Sacrament of Baptism. The cause of Christianity gained an impulse from the
circumstance, and not less from the contemporaneous formation of the new abbey
of Corbey in Saxony or Westphalia. St. Anskar was one of the founders of
the abbey, and on the return of Heriolt into Denmark accompanied him thither,
and devoted the remainder of his life, which extended over a space of
thirty-eight years, to the spread of Christianity in that kingdom and the
adjoining territories. He was made the first bishop of Hamburg, and the see of
Bremen, instituted in the reign of Charlemagne, and since its formation subject
to the archbishop of Cologne, was afterwards taken from that metropolitan and
joined to Hamburg, so that Anskar was sole bishop of the Church to the north
and east of the Weser. In the documents relating to the union of the two sees,
Hamburg is called the capital of the Nordalbingians, and Anskar is entitled
bishop, not only of that people, but of the Danes and Sueones, and of the
Slavi.
Another
ecclesiastical act of some importance performed about the same time by the
emperor and pope conjointly, was the formation of a fourth metropolitan see in
Germany. Metz, Worms, and Salzburg had hitherto been the only archbishoprics in
that country, but in the year 824 the old diocese of Lauriacum, destroyed by
the Huns in the sixth century, was erected into an independent archbishopric.
The same year Louis
prevailed on Pope Eugenius, not without some difficulty, to sanction a full
discussion of the question, agitated at this time with so much violence in the
East, concerning the worship of images. The great Synod of Frankfort, held
under Charlemagne thirty years before, had condemned the practice, and was
considered binding on the French and German Churches. But since that time the
persecutions by the Iconoclast party in Constantinople, the countenance
bestowed by the pope upon those who upheld the contrary doctrine, and numerous
works written by different divines in support of one side or the other,
rendered it necessary that some new examination should take place, and that the
decrees of Frankfort should be either confirmed by authority again, or, if
advisable, repealed or modified. The immediate cause of the emperor’s
determination, was an embassy from Michael and Theophilus, emperors of
Constantinople, who represented to Louis the divisions existing in the Eastern
Church upon the subject, and the conspiracies and tumults to which they gave
rise. Accordingly a number of learned men were ordered to meet at Paris, to
examine the question impartially, and to communicate their decision to the
emperor. The result of their deliberations was the publication of a document or
libel, in which they recommended that images should be retained in the
Churches, but that no kind of adoration should be paid them. The only use which
they granted was the instruction of the ignorant. They condemned the second
Nicene Synod, and rejected its claims to be regarded as an Ecumenical Council;
they decided that Pope Adrian had acted indiscreetly in advising image worship,
and accused him of inserting, in his letter to Constantine and Irene on the
subject, many passages of the Fathers which had no bearing whatever on the
question. As the Council of Frankfort had repudiated the terms “adoratio” and
“servitus”, applied to images, the Paris Synod expressed a like abhorrence of
the corresponding term, adopted by the image party among the Greeks. The
decision was received and approved by Louis, and ordered by him to have
thenceforth the authority of law. Aware that it would scarcely be agreeable to
Eugenius, he sent Jeremias and Jonas, archbishop of Sens and bishop of Orleans,
to Rome, with merely selections from the decrees, from which he omitted the
strong expressions which the doctors convened at Paris had thought it their
duty to insert, with reference to the contrary opinions and their advocates.
These two bishops were charged, at the same time, to persuade the pope to send
an embassy to the emperor Michael; but whether they succeeded in this
undertaking, we have no means of discovering.
The whole Gallican
Church seems to have been unanimous in the decision now settled at Paris, by
which the Synod of Frankfort was fully confirmed. There appears,
notwithstanding, to have been some division of opinion among the most learned
men, many of whom published their sentiments on the question. The most violent
opponent of images was Claudius, lately appointed by Louis bishop of Turin. He
went to the full extreme of the Eastern Iconoclasts, and even further, and was
contented with nothing short of destroying all the statues and pictures with
which Churches were generally adorned, and even the figure of the Cross itself.
But his views were equally extreme on some other subjects, and he was even
accused of holding the heresy of Felix, bishop of Urgel, condemned at
Frankfort, for unsound notions on the Sonship of our Lord. Hence his opinions
were generally disapproved, both by Louis himself, and even by the writers who
felt least disposed to look with favor on the use of images. Among these was
Agobard, archbishop of Lyons, and Jonas, bishop of Orleans. Both seem to have
inclined to dismiss them from Churches, and the former positively denied them
any use save that of reminding the congregation of the virtues of departed
Saints, and scrupled not to accuse the Roman party of idolatry. Another party,
among whom was Walafrid Strabus, abbot of Auge, considered them as useful for
the instruction of the people, and this, perhaps, was the common opinion of the
Gallican clergy. The same were the sentiments of Hincmar, who was requested by
many of the bishops and other clergy to write on the subject. He could have
been at this time scarcely twenty years of age; and therefore it is not to be
supposed that he was present at the Synod of Paris, or that his work on images
was written till some time afterwards.
Hitherto the
military affairs in which Louis or his generals had been engaged, in defending,
or, in a few instances, in advancing the boundaries of the empire, had been
generally prosecuted with success; which was owing perhaps as much to the
terror of Charlemagne’s memory, as to the vigor of his son. Nor was there
anything, of which history informs us, that would indicate any great falling
off in the management of internal and civil affairs. But about this time,
dating from the year 826, the weakness of the empire became gradually, every
year, more and more apparent. Attacks upon the frontiers, on several sides,
were made more constantly, and with greater success than before; and internal dissensions,
arising simultaneously, and extending, with little interruption, to the very
termination of the reign and life of Louis, put an effectual stop to any
vigorous defence. These evils must be attributed partly to the division of the
empire among the sons of Louis, who were too young not to be easily ruled by
ambitious and interested counselors, and in part to the unwise policy of the
emperor himself, who seems to have yielded himself with too great ease to the
influence of his wife, and of favorites introduced or patronized by her.
Inroads upon his dominions were made by the Bulgarians, a barbarous nation, who
separated the boundaries of the western from those of the eastern empire, and
whose chief attention had hitherto been engaged in ravaging the latter
territories, but who began now to turn their arms to the other side. The Duke
of Forum-julii, whose business it was to defend this portion of the empire,
suffered them to lay waste, with impunity, part of Upper Pannonia; a negligence
for which he was deprived of his rank, and the March, or territory under his
command, was divided between four counts. Soon afterwards, Croatia, perhaps
never very secure in its obedience, fell off from its allegiance to Louis; and
as the Greek portion of Dalmatia, with Servia, had already freed itself from
the rule of Constantinople, the two empires, which originally joined in
Illyria, were now separated by a considerable space of country. A similar
division took place, about the same time, in Italy, the only other point in
which the kingdom of the Franks touched that of the Byzantine emperors; for
Sicily, in the year 827, was conquered by the Saracens, with the exception of
the two cities of Syracuse and Tauromenium, retained by the Greeks fifty or
sixty years longer; and in the opposite quarter the duchy of Beneventum grew so
careless in paying even the forms of obedience and respect to Louis, that we
must view it as having ceased, at this time, to be in any measure a dependency
of the empire.
But of all the
inroads of foreign enemies, none gave so much concern to Louis, and none
perhaps were marked with so much misery and destruction, of property and life,
as those of the Saracens under the king or caliph of Cordova. They were
introduced by the treachery of Aiso, a nobleman of the Spanish March, and a
subject, in consequence, of Pepin, king of Aquitaine. His revolt probably
originated in enmity against Bernard, count of Toulouse, and son of the
emperor’s guardian and tutor, William the Short-nosed. Bernard was in high favor
with the emperor, and with his queen Judith, and some years before had been
raised to the important position of count of Barcelona, and duke of Septimania
or Languedoc, appointments which gave him authority over Aiso and other counts
of the Spanish March, and probably led to collision and disputes between the
two nobles. Aiso had been present at the diet of the empire at Aix-la-Chapelle
in 820, but from consciousness of treachery, or from fear of the enmity of
Bernard, he hastened back to his own country in the midst of the deliberations,
seized upon two or three fortified towns, and sent to Cordova to demand succor
from Abderrahman the second. Bernard was first sent against him, and soon
afterwards Pepin, supported by Hugo, father-in-law of Lothaire, and Matfrid,
count of Orleans, was ordered to follow and cooperate with him. Hugo, however,
was one of Bernard’s greatest enemies. Accordingly little was done against
Aiso, who gathered a second army of Saracens, and although Lothaire himself
advanced to assist his brother, the Spanish March was ravaged throughout, many
towns taken or destroyed, and several counties or territories of considerable
extent, were entirely lost to the Frankish empire for sixty years. The invaders
retired in safety to Caesar Augusta or Saragossa, before the different generals
opposed to them could come to a good understanding, and the forces of Louis
thought it useless to follow and attack them.
Meanwhile the
emperor himself had held an assembly at Aix, in February, 828, at which the
counts Hugo and Matfrid who had been first sent to cooperate with Bernard of
Toulouse, were censured for their conduct, and their property confiscated. The
young king of Aquitaine, who had been their companion, could not but feel that
the censure applied equally to himself, and Lothaire must have regarded the
disgrace of his father-in-law Hugo as in some degree involving his own.
Accordingly both of these princes were still more exasperated than before
against Bernard, whom they considered as the cause of all, and looked with
increased discontent upon the government of their father, and especially on the
influence which the empress exercised on his counsels.
Louis felt, in the
midst of these difficulties, how far he fell short of his sire in energy and
independence of mind. Of all his courtiers or ministers, Wala seemed the only
one qualified to advise him, the only one who possessed the faculties in which
he was himself so greatly deficient, united with integrity and honor. But Wala
gave him little support or comfort, declaring that the only method of saving
the country from the complicated evils which threatened and oppressed it, was
to free the clergy from all concern in secular affairs, especially from the
duty of personal service in war; and at the same time to put a stop altogether
to the practice of lay interference with the property and affairs of the
Church. He represented to the emperor and his nobles, with the utmost
vehemence, that the latter evil was plain sacrilege, while the former led to
failure in discipline and laxity among the clergy, scarcely less mischievous;
and that a curse could not but rest upon the country in which such things were
permitted, and on the counsels of the sovereign who encouraged or failed to
prevent them. However just the complaint of Wala, and of many influential men
who supported him, so universal a reform was beyond the courage of Louis to
attempt, and certainly beyond his power at present to effect. Nor was there
wanting a large party, chiefly of laymen, who insisted with scarcely less
force, though with less conclusiveness of argument, that in emergencies like
the present the Church property should be employed in the service of the state.
Under the pressure of these conflicting counsels, Louis deferred any immediate decision,
by ordering a general assembly of the bishops of his dominions, divided, for
convenience of situation, into four places of meeting, Metz, Paris, Lyons, and
Toulouse. In the edict, appointing the places to which the bishops of each
province should resort, seventeen metropolitan sees are enumerated, as included
in the Cisalpine dominions of the emperor. The two most remote archbishoprics,
that of Salzburg, and the newly formed province of Lauriacum, are for some
reason which is not mentioned, probably in consequence of their great distance,
omitted in the enumeration. The bishops were directed to take the miserable
state of the country into consideration, and, if possible, to devise some means
of averting the anger of God, of which these calamities, from foreign war, or
internal sedition and distress, were evidences not to be mistaken. The Council
of Paris is the only one of the four of which the decisions are preserved. They
consist chiefly of complaints similar to those made by Wala, and it is plain
that a large portion of the French Church, with Agobard, archbishop of Lyons,
Wala, and Hilduin, abbot of St. Denys, and chancellor of the empire, at their
head, were convinced of the necessity of some thorough and decisive changes in
the management of civil affairs, especially in their relations to the Church.
The Council of Paris add to their complaints many precepts of justice addressed
to the emperor, which are perhaps capable of explanation from a letter written
by Agobard to Louis, after the meeting at Lyons. The subject of the epistle is
the unjust determination lately made by him to alter the former division of the
empire, and to take from Lothaire’s portion a kingdom for his youngest son
Charles. The territory chosen for the purpose was the country bordering upon
the Rhine, known afterwards by the name of Lotharingia or Lorraine. Lothaire,
it is true, agreed to yield to his father’s wish, and at the synod of Worms,
held by Louis in the following year, promised to protect his brother, and to
consent to no spoliation of his dominions. But succeeding events showed that he
could not have been sincere in his agreement, or that he was quickly persuaded
to change his mind; and not only Agobard, but other prelates of distinction,
highly disapproved of the proceeding, partly perhaps from dislike to count
Bernard, and the empress Judith, who were held to be the promoters of the
design, and, as is possible, from belief of a report which had been very
general since the birth of Charles, that the young prince was in reality the
son, not of the emperor, but of Bernard himself.
Letters written at
the same time by Agobard to Hilduin and Wala, as to the persons of chief
authority in the court of Louis, lamented the existence of other evils in
several parts of France, especially in his own diocese of Lyons, where the
Jews, who were wealthy and numerous, and who had many Christians as their
slaves, prevented the children from being baptized, and forced them to conform
to odious and unlawful practices. Wanton contumelies were exercised by them
upon the Christians in general, and the magistrates appointed by the emperor
not only abstained from remedying these abuses, but encouraged the Jews to
persist in them. The archbishop also mentions instances in which Jews had kidnapped
the children of Christians, and sold them to the Mahometans of Spain.
The four Synods
effected but little for the country. If in times of prosperity and peace, the
grievances of which they complained might have been gradually redressed, the
storm which had been long gathering over the head of Louis, and which soon
burst upon him, effectually hindered any successful attempt at reformation. In
other respects, he not only paid no attention to the wishes of Agobard, in
which a great portion of his kingdom joined, but appeared to act purposely in
defiance of them; for he heaped new favors on count Bernard, appointing him his
camerarius, or lord chamberlain, and
at the same time tutor and guardian to his son Charles.
Lothaire had
returned to Italy, Pepin to Aquitaine, with a secret discontent which they
concealed until a more favorable opportunity. This was soon afforded by a
revolt of the Britons, against whom the emperor determined to march at the
beginning of Lent, AD 831. Orders
were sent to his sons to assemble their forces, and join him at Rennes, to take
part in the expedition. Louis of Germany was the only one of the three who
obeyed. The spirit of disaffection was general, and the greater part of the
army fell off and retired to Paris. Meanwhile Pepin advanced from the south,
and seized the city of Orleans, re-appointing his friend and adviser, count
Matfrid, in the government of which Louis had deprived him for his conduct in
the late invasion of the Saracens. From Orleans he continued his march towards
Compiegne, whither his father had been forced to return by the desertion of his
army, and by the news of the rebellion. The king of Bavaria lost no time in
joining his brother Pepin, so that the emperor had now no supporters. Count
Bernard, by his sovereign’s permission or advice, fled to his capital of
Barcelona, and the empress Judith was sent to Laon as a place of refuge. The
insurgents, however, took her from thence, and compelled her to take the veil
in the nunnery of St. Radegonde, at Poitiers. She was charged now, without any
concealment or reserve, of adultery with Bernard; and the ecclesiastics of
Pepin’s party, the chief of whom were Jesse, bishop of Amiens, Hilduin, abbot
of St. Denys, and Wala, without any trial, pronounced her divorce, and
sentenced her to a life of penance and seclusion. It was hoped that Louis would
have followed her example, and put into effect the resolution from which he had
been dissuaded more than once before, of resigning his crown, and retiring to a
monastery. For the purpose of persuading him to take this step, Judith was
brought to him from her nunnery, and promised to use her influence in bringing
him to comply with the suggestion. She had a private interview with him at Compiegne,
the only result of which was, the emperor’s refusal to resign immediately, as
he required time to consider the proposal, and his permission to Judith to take
the veil, without however receiving the tonsure, which was the usual
accompaniment of the ceremony. Meanwhile, soon after Easter, Lothaire came from
Italy. He expressed his approbation of all that his brothers had done, and took
upon himself the whole management of affairs. As Bernard was beyond his reach,
he displayed his anger towards him by putting out the eyes of his brother
Herbert. Two brothers of the empress were at the same time forced to receive
the tonsure, and become monks.
During the
remainder of the summer Louis remained a prisoner in the hands of Lothaire, who
administered all the affairs of the empire. But though no open demonstration
was made in his favor, the clergy and others who still belonged to his party
were employed in secret negotiations, and Pepin and Louis of Bavaria, who had
retired to their own dominions, on Lothaire’s putting himself at the head of
the insurgent party, were persuaded to withdraw their support by the promise of
an increase of territory at their father’s restoration. Lothaire, probably,
soon found himself in an unsafe position. The sympathies of the people, who
before had been so indignant at the abuses of the emperor’s rule, were enlisted
on his side, now that they saw him deprived of his dignity and power, and the
banishment of count Bernard probably satisfied their anger. Nor could the
conscience of Lothaire be easy under so plain an act of ingratitude and
rebellion. The only excuse by which he could palliate it to himself was, that
the safety and well-being of the country required the emperor’s deposition.
Hitherto this had not been declared in any public or formal manner. To judge
from the general state of opinion in France, notwithstanding the defection of
his two brothers, he could scarcely doubt that an assembly of the nobles and
prelates of the realm would agree in deposing his father, and in transferring
the empire to himself. Accordingly, he readily listened to the request of
Louis, that a public assembly should be convened, with authority to decide
between the claims of the two emperors. Lothaire desired that it should be held
in some town of France, but Louis proposed Nimeguen, and at length prevailed in
the choice. He remembered that the Germans had always been his father’s most
trustworthy adherents, and although he himself had not lived among them so
exclusively as the former Carolingian princes, he felt more security in their
allegiance and support than in that of his other subjects. It is also probable
that the great jealousy felt towards Bernard and the empress, was nearly
confined to France; and perhaps the acts of injustice or partiality attributed
to the count of Toulouse, if any such had in reality been committed, extended
no farther than to the western or southern provinces of the empire. Louis also
gained his son’s consent to the condition, that none of the nobles present at
the meeting, on either side, should be accompanied by an armed force.
The assembly met at
Nimeguen in the autumn or at the beginning of the winter. The Germans came, as
the emperor expected, in large numbers, while few of the French, except those
most interested in the cause, cared to undergo the expense and trouble of a
tedious journey. The abbot Hilduin appeared among Lothaire’s supporters with a
large body of troops, in defiance or perhaps in ignorance of the condition upon
which they had before agreed; and Louis’s first act of resuming his old
authority was to command him to leave the town, to march with his followers to
Paderborn, and to remain there till the dismissal of the assembly. Lothaire
ventured not to oppose the command, as he was himself party to the condition,
and as he saw that numbers were against him. The abbot departed, and Louis
followed up his success by dismissing Wala, and others of his son’s chief
adherents, probably on the same ground. Nothing could now ensure to Lothaire
the superiority on which he had counted at first, but a sudden attack upon the
emperor. This was earnestly advised by most of the nobles on his side, but his
better nature recoiled from such a breach of good faith, and so open an act of
rebellion. He went alone to Louis’ tent, and in an interview which lasted
during a great part of the night, threw himself on the mercy of his father,
implored forgiveness for his undutiful conduct, and submitted everything to his
will. Louis freely pardoned him, and the appearance of father and son
together in amity put a stop to all attempt of the violence which had been
meditated, and probably saved the life of the latter from the hostility of the
Germans or Austrasians, who showed themselves greatly incensed against all who
had taken part in the rebellion. The chief promoters, deserted by Lothaire, had
no resource but to yield unconditionally; for the present they were kept in
custody till a judgment should be pronounced upon them. They were then
sentenced to death, but spared by the mercy of the emperor, who contented
himself with condemning laymen and ecclesiastics alike to a monastic life.
In the following
year, 832, three synods or diets were convened by Louis. In the first, at
Aix-la-Chapelle, the empress Judith called upon her accusers to renew and prove
their charges against her; but whether from deficiency of proof, or from fear
of her party, which seemed now to have gained the upper hand, or because all
that was said or suspected of her guilt was indeed nothing more than calumny,
no one appeared in answer to her challenge. At the same time Lothaire was
dismissed to Italy, and commanded henceforth to content himself with that
kingdom alone, the rest of his dominions being divided between the kings of
Bavaria and Aquitaine, as a reward for their having returned, sooner than their
brother, to their duty and allegiance.
At the second
meeting, which was held at Ingelheim, many of those who had been punished so
lately for their rebellion, were permitted by the emperor’s indulgence to
return from exile. Among these was the abbot Hilduin, who from the high place
which he had occupied before in the favor of Louis, might have seemed less
deserving of pardon than others of lower station, or whose ties of gratitude
towards their master were of a less personal or of a less exalted nature. His
return from the monastery of Corbey in Saxony, whither he had been sent, and
the restoration of two of the abbacies of which he had been deprived, were
owing to the mediation of Hincmar, a young monk of St. Denys, who had thought
it right to follow his superior into banishment, although he had remained
unshaken in his own fidelity to the emperor.
The third diet was
summoned to meet at Thionville. There count Bernard presented himself, and
challenged anyone who impugned his honor to support the charge by trial of
arms. None ventured to lift the gauntlet, and the count, on taking an oath of
his innocence, was accordingly declared free from all imputation of guilt. But
though thus publicly acquitted of all the crimes of which he had been accused,
he was not restored to the high offices which he held before. Gombald, a monk
of Soissons, who had given proof of his fidelity and skill in conducting the
negotiations which had led to the emperor’s success, was rewarded by an unlimited
grant of confidence and power. Bernard found no place left for him in the court
where he so lately had been first in dignity and influence. Instead of
retiring, in quiet, to his own duchy of Languedoc, or to his government of
Barcelona, he gave the fullest proof which his enemies could have required of
his guilt or insincerity, by seeking at once to join himself with the
malcontents, and to raise the standard of revolt a second time.
There was little
need of waiting long for such an opportunity. Pepin, with whom the former
insurrection commenced, had again, within a few months of its termination,
disobeyed and quarreled with his father. He was summoned to attend a diet at
Thionville, but refused or delayed to come till Christmas. On arriving at Aix,
where Louis then was, he was received with coldness, and returned in high
displeasure to Aquitaine. He found Bernard, equally incensed for the loss of
his former dignities, ready to encourage him in any act of disobedience and
revolt; and his brother of Bavaria seemed at first prepared to join him, and
even went so far as to raise a force for the conquest of that part of Germany
which had been allotted to the young prince Charles. But the emperor put a stop
to the invasion, by a rapid march upon Metz, and in an interview with the
younger Louis, dissuaded him from continuing to support his brother. Meanwhile
Pepin, after much wavering, advanced to meet his father in the direction of
Orleans. No battle was fought; he was soon obliged to yield himself prisoner,
and was sent in custody to Treves, from whence, however, he quickly made his
escape again. But Aquitaine was taken from him, and transferred to Charles, and
his accomplice Bernard was deprived of his dignities and possessions in
Septimania.
No one who follows
the narrative of the repeated rebellions raised against the emperor by his
sons, as related by the contemporary historians, can accuse him of injustice in
depriving Pepin of his kingdom of Aquitaine. His fault seems indeed to have
been extreme indulgence. Yet, to our surprise, we find the act resented, not
only by Lothaire and the younger Louis, but by many prelates of high rank and
character, among whom Agobard of Lyons, and Ebo of Rheims, are most remarkable,
and, according to a common belief at the time, by pope Gregory IV. No clue is
afforded by which this unreasonable conduct can be explained; the misgovernment
of Bernard, which was the pretext for the former rebellion, had ceased, and
whatever jealousy might have been felt at the influence of the empress Judith,
we discover no trace of undue severity or of partiality in the actions of her
husband, which could have resulted from it, or which could be advanced as any
excuse for a second insurrection. We seem forced to the conclusion, that the suspicion
of Charles’ illegitimacy, if not founded in truth, must have generally
prevailed. If this prince were not really the emperor’s son, it is not
unreasonable that a strong feeling should have existed, on all sides, against
his receiving any portion of the empire as his inheritance; but on any other
supposition, the hostility expressed by his brothers appears groundless, nor
can we comprehend why the just deprivation of Pepin should have raised their
indignation. When filial duty is cast aside so easily as was done by Lothaire
and Louis, it is difficult to believe that fraternal affection can have any
great weight or influence.
Whatever was the
ground of complaint, the younger emperor and the king of Bavaria, on hearing of
their father’s late determination, assembled all their forces, and, having been
joined by Pepin, on his escape from Treves, encamped at Rothfeld, between
Strasburg and Basle, in open revolt. Louis lost no time in meeting them;
and so large a majority of nobles and prelates followed him to the field as to
leave little doubt, at first, of an easy conquest. But negotiations began;
neither side was prepared for battle; the insurgents felt their weakness, and
the emperor’s characteristic love of peace and reluctance to enter upon so
unnatural a combat, forbade his attacking them, until all means of pacification
had been tried. Pope Gregory IV had accompanied or followed Lothaire from
Italy, with the simple object, as is probable, of promoting peace, and of
arbitrating in this obstinate dispute between a father and his sons. But the
report was spread that he had come as an adherent of the three princes, and
with the purpose of excommunicating all who supported Louis. Accordingly he was
met by threats of a similar nature from the bishops on the emperor’s side. They
declared that he had no power of excommunication within their dioceses; and
that if he attempted to pronounce the sentence he should receive the same
himself. They even threatened to depose him; and it required all the influence
of Wala and the monk Radbert, who had been persuaded to join the army of
Lothaire, to convince him that the French bishops threatened more than they had
power to perform, and that the supreme pontiff had a Divine commission to judge
all men, without submitting in turn to the judgment of any others. Supported by
these arguments, Gregory maintained his ground for a time; but on visiting the
camp of Louis, at Lothaire’s request, he was received by the emperor, formerly
so humble and respectful, with coldness and distrust. Louis assured him of his
own desire for peace, and begged him to return to the hostile camp, and prove
the intention of his journey by persuading his sons to lay down their arms.
This was beyond the power of the pope; who, at length, finding his efforts
useless, retraced his steps to Rome, with the sorrowful consciousness of having
at once failed in promoting peace, and alienated from himself the good will of
the emperor, and perhaps of the whole Church of France.
The bishops of
Lothaire’s party took the best advantage, as might be supposed, of the visit of
the pope and his reported intention to excommunicate their opponents. Agobard
wrote a letter to the emperor, reproaching him with his reception of Gregory,
and complaining of Judith, whom he charged with gross misconduct. Gradually the
bishops and nobles left the camp of Louis, and went over to that of his sons;
and at last he was forced to yield himself prisoner to Lothaire, exacting from
him no other condition than that he would keep inviolate the promise before
made in favor of Judith and his brother Charles. Lothaire was then acknowledged
emperor in his father’s place; and dismissed his other brothers to their
kingdoms of Bavaria and Aquitaine. The empress, committed to the care of the
former, was lodged in secure custody at Tortona, a town of northern Italy;
while Charles was placed in the monastery of Prum, in the district of Treves,
and Louis himself in that of St. Medard, of Soissons. The scene of the rival
encampments was from that time called by the name of the Field of Falsehood,
from the general defection and treason of the emperor’s followers. Of these,
Hincmar was among the few who remained faithful; while of Lothaire’s adherents
Wala, with perhaps some others, disapproved of the way in which he had used his
victory. He had little to hope, in the way of amelioration and reform, from a
prince whose only motive was ambition; and retired in disgust from France to
Italy, where he shut himself up in the monastery of Bobio. Agobard, on the contrary,
attempted to justify what was done, on the ground that Louis had forfeited his
claim to the throne, by altering the partition of his dominions, by leading an
army against his sons, and by taking Judith a second time for his wife, when
she had been separated from him, and consecrated to a religious seclusion; and
urged him to do penance for all these sins, and to fix his thoughts upon a
heavenly crown, as he had lost possession of his earthly sovereignty.
Soon afterwards
Lothaire assembled his parliament at Compiegne. To decide on a safe line of
conduct was no easy task. His father already had been once deposed, and had
soon regained his throne, and there could be little doubt that this second
deprivation would terminate in the same way, unless some extraordinary means
were adopted to prevent it Wala, and probably others of his more respectable
followers, had already disapproved of his plans; although some influential
bishops were on his side, others, of perhaps no less weight, were likely to
declare against him on the first opportunity; little reliance was to be placed
on the lay nobles, who would be as unscrupulous against him as they had been in
his favor, or on the people in general, who were sure to feel sympathy for
their former sovereign in adversity; and his brothers, Louis and Pepin, were as
likely now, as before, from motives of jealousy or filial duty, to return to
their allegiance. Accordingly a scheme was adopted, which could scarcely be
expected to succeed, or, at all events, must probably fail as soon as
Lothaire’s present authority began to decline. This was, to render Louis
incapable of again assuming the sovereign power, by forcing him to assume the
garb of penance. The prelates grounded their reasonings and expectations upon a
canon of the Council of Nice, and a clause in a decretal letter of pope
Siricius, in which public penitents were forbidden the exercise of arms, and by
a necessary consequence, as it seemed, were incapable of the kingly power. It
is marvelous that canonists so learned as Ebo and Agobard, could avoid
perceiving that this hindrance only existed during the time of penance, and
necessarily ceased with the absolution of the penitent; whence it would follow
that unless the emperor were deprived of Communion till his death, an act of
tyranny and injustice which could hardly have been contemplated, the time must
come when he would naturally resume his authority. The public penance performed
some years before, at Attigny, after which these prelates, with the rest of his
present opponents, found no difficulty in recognizing him as rightful emperor,
was an instance in proof of this. Other mistakes were made, of which full
advantage was afterwards taken, when the time came for re-examining and
rescinding the proposal. The object, as was first mentioned, was to
disqualify Louis from continuing emperor, and of course presupposed that up to
the time of penance he possessed that dignity. Yet Agobard’s letter some months
previous, and all that was said and written in preparing and performing the
penitential ceremony, take for granted that he is already deposed, and speak of
him only as the lord Louis. Moreover, the very offences for which he had been
absolved after his penance at Attigny, formed the subject of confession at this
time; whereas it was altogether at variance with ecclesiastical law or custom,
to require a second penance for the same crime, or indeed, generally speaking,
to admit a person a second time to penance, Louis, with all his reverence for
Church authority, was long in being persuaded to submit himself to what was
required. At last, wearied out by the importunity of the bishops, and perhaps
really terrified by their representations of his spiritual danger, unless he
complied with the prescribed form, and, it may be, truly wishing at the time to
retire peaceably from the world, and spend the remainder of his life in quiet
and devotion, he gave his consent. In the Church of Notre Dame at Soissons, in
the presence of Lothaire and his nobles, and a large crowd of spectators, Ebo,
archbishop of Rheims, as metropolitan of the province, stood, with Agobard,
Jesse of Amiens, Bernard of Vienne, and other bishops, to receive the
confession of the royal penitent.
Sackcloth was spread upon the floor in front of the altar, and prostrate
upon this Louis read aloud, from a paper already prepared, eight several
charges or counts of offence, confessing himself guilty of each in order, and
praying to be absolved from them. The death of his nephew Bernard, his frequent
changes in the division of the empire among his sons, his expedition against
Brittany during the sacred season of Lent, and convocation of parliament for
Holy Thursday, the punishment of many innocent subjects on the pretext of
rebellion, the unjust acquittal of the empress Judith and others, the many
evils which he had caused by the civil war, and especially the late preparation
for battle in Alsace, formed the heads of the confession. When it was finished,
he returned the paper to the bishops, who laid it on the altar; then stripping
himself of his arms and secular apparel, he assumed the garments of a penitent,
and was admitted to penance by Ebo and his brother prelates. A solemn service
of psalms and prayers concluded the ceremony, and one of the bishops was
ordered to draw up a particular account of the whole action, to be kept by
Lothaire, as a confirmation of his father’s degradation, and of his own
consequent right to the imperial throne. The confession of Louis took place in
November, 833. In six months time the folly of the proceedings at Soissons was
sufficiently proved by his restoration, and the solemn declaration, by the
bishops of his party, that all which had been done was uncanonical and void.
The first indications of danger were conveyed to Lothaire by letters from his
two brothers, Pepin and Louis, reproaching him with cruelty towards their
father. He replied by a retort of the same charge, and the two princes put
their armies in motion, simultaneously, towards the Loire and the Rhine, with
the express determination of liberating their father from custody. Some nobles
of Neustria, Austrasia, and Burgundy, collected forces at the same time in
those provinces of the empire, with the same design. Lothaire waited not for
their arrival, but conveyed his father to Paris, and leaving him at liberty in
the monastery of St. Denys, fled southwards towards Vienne in Dauphiny. Agobard
and others soon followed his example, and Ebo was the only one among the chiefs
or ringleaders of the party who ventured to remain. He was sent at once to the
monastery of Fulda, by order of Louis, who resumed the imperial authority,
although he refused to gird himself again with his sword, until it should be
publicly restored to him by the same spiritual power which had deprived him of
it. This was quickly accomplished; some bishops were easily found to reconcile
him to the Church, and on the Sunday following the flight of Lothaire, he was
reinvested in the military garb. Although inclined to pardon his eldest son as
easily as he had forgiven Louis and Pepin, on their joining him at Paris and
Aix-la-Chapelle, the arrival of the empress from Tortona quickly induced him to
take severer measures. Two armies were sent against Lothaire, but the counts
Lambert and Matfrid quickly defeated the first, and the other was cut to pieces
by Lothaire himself at Châlons-sur-Saone, the city entirely destroyed by fire,
and neither women nor children spared in the general massacre. From Châlons he
marched to Orleans, whither his father and two brothers advanced to meet him.
The adverse armies encamped in the neighborhood of Blois, and Lothaire’s
followers began to fall off, and join the army of Louis. The young emperor soon
discovered that victory was hopeless; he threw himself upon his father’s mercy,
and was speedily forgiven. Louis dismissed him to Italy, with orders not to
quit his kingdom again without permission, and not long afterwards deprived him
of the title of emperor.
Although Louis had
regained his power, not only by superiority of arms, but by ecclesiastical
sanction, something was still required. His deposition, if that name can be
given to the ceremony at Soissons, had been conducted with greater publicity
and solemnity than his restoration. To supply this defect, a diet was summoned
at Thionville, in February, 835. Many archbishops and bishops were present, but
Drogo, bishop of Metz, was chosen to preside, both because the place of meeting
was in his diocese, and because, from his near relationship to the emperor, it
was a suitable compliment to pay him on this occasion. From Thionville, the
whole assemblage adjourned to Metz, and there, in the cathedral Church, on
Quinquagesima Sunday, Drogo publicly proclaimed the restoration of the emperor.
He then descended from the pulpit, and made way for Ebo who had been drawn from
his confinement at Fulda for the purpose, who confessed, in public, the
injustice and invalidity of all that had been done at Soissons, and after the
return of the parliament to Thionville, submitted himself to judgment for the
part which he had taken in the proceedings. At the intercession of the queen,
he was permitted by Louis to choose his judges, without being at once deposed,
like Agobard, and Bernard of Vienne, whose refusal to be present was considered
as a confession of guilt. Ebo chose the archbishop of Bourges and two other
bishops; he privately confessed to them, and then presented to the Council a
written document, signed by himself, to the following effect. “I, Ebo, have
made a sincere confession of my sins, for the sake of penitence and the
salvation of my soul: I renounce the episcopal office, of which I consider
myself unworthy, through the sins now confessed in secret, that another may be
consecrated in my place, and govern the Church more worthily than I have done.
And to the end that I may never retract what has been done, for the sake of
regaining my see, I herewith subscribe my name”. In the subscription, he
entitles himself Ebo, formerly bishop. Then all the prelates present, to the
number of eight archbishops and thirty-five bishops, gave their votes in order,
and unanimously condemned him to be deprived of his dignity; and those to whom
he had made private confession, declared, at his request, that he had confessed
such a crime as made him unworthy of any longer holding the office, such, in
fact, as would have prevented his consecration, if previously committed.
After Ebo’s
confession and deposition, he was sent back to his place of confinement, and
remained in custody as long as Louis lived. Fulco, or Foulques, a chorepiscopus
of Rheims, was appointed to succeed him; but the emperor ordered his election
to be deferred for the present, wishing in the first place to receive the
pope’s sanction for what had hitherto been done. Meanwhile, he determined to
take vigorous measures towards removing one class of grievances, the prevalence
of which had been a main cause or pretext for the late rebellions. At a diet of
Aix-la-Chapelle, orders were issued for the restitution of all Church property
which had fallen into the hands of laymen; and as Aquitaine seems to have been
the chief scene of these impropriations, Pepin was required to insist upon
their restitution. As if anxious to make amends for his former disobedience,
the young king speedily complied with the demand, and sent letters to all
within his dominions, urging them to obey. A similar compliance was required
from Lothaire, but without the same success. The conduct of that prince showed
that little improvement had taken place in his feelings of duty towards his
father, or in his readiness to please him. Far from restoring the Church
property, which his adherents had received, as a reward for their joining in
his former enterprises, he was engaged in a quarrel with the pope, which so
irritated Louis, that he at once dispatched messengers to rebuke him, and
prepared to follow in person to revenge or prevent the insult offered to the
holy see. If the pope, as was supposed, had encouraged Lothaire in his late
rebellion, he could scarcely fail to be smitten with compunction and remorse
by the zeal of the good old emperor in his behalf, against the very prince
whose treason he had supported, or at all events had not attempted to
repress. He expressed great gratitude towards him for his good intentions,
and loaded the messengers who had announced them with rich presents, to he
carried hack to their master. These, however, never reached France, for
Lothaire sent to Bologna and prevented their departure from Italy. The pope’s
letter was secretly transmitted by a servant in the disguise of a beggar.
But Louis’ journey
to Rome was hindered by an invasion of Danes or Normans, who sailed up the
Rhine, and ravaged a great part of Friesland, sacked the town of Dorstadt, and
extorted large sums of money from different parts of the country. They defeated
and massacred the troops under Eginhard, count of Walachia, whose office it was
to defend the frontiers of that quarter of the empire, and Louis was forced to
march against them in person. He met and repulsed them at Nimeguen, but
probably without inflicting upon them any great loss either of life or plunder.
These heathen pirates had made an attempt upon the French dominions as early as
the reign of Charlemagne. They were then either repulsed by the emperor’s
forces, or, according to general report, were prevented from landing by the
terror of his name, and turned to the opposite coast of England, nor did they
venture to return to France till the year 834. The altered state of military
courage and discipline was quickly perceived, and henceforward their incursions
became more and more frequent and destructive; soon scarcely a year passed
without a visit, until at last one of the descendants of the present emperor
put a stop to the invasions by wisely ceding a province of his dominions to the
enemies, whom he was too weak to defeat in war.
The death of Pepin
in the year 838, deprived Aquitaine of a king, and rendered necessary a further
allotment of the empire. Louis was at Worms, whither a diet had been convened
for that year, when the news reached him of his son’s decease. Lothaire also was
present at this parliament. The empress Judith, at one time his most
persevering adversary, had reason to fear, from her husband’s increasing
infirmities, that her son Charles would soon be left without a protector, and
found it her interest to conciliate the king of Italy, who must shortly succeed
to the imperial title and authority. Accordingly, by her persuasion, he came to
Worms, knelt at his father’s feet, and received a public assurance of his
forgiveness and favor. Louis took advantage of his presence to make at once the
necessary division. The Rhone and Meuse formed the line of separation between
the two portions; Lothaire chose the eastern division, containing Italy and
Provence, Allemania or Germany, with the exception of Bavaria, to which his brother
Louis was restricted, and a part of Burgundy and Austrasia. Charles was
contented with the remaining and larger portion of the two latter provinces,
together with Neustria and Aquitaine. It was intended that the division should
be a fair one, and certainly it could never have been meant by the emperor and
Judith that Charles, their favorite son, should receive a portion inferior to
that of his brother. Accordingly the notion of geography must at that time have
been somewhat undefined, unless we suppose that France, of which
the greater part fell to the share of Charles, was considered superior in
fertility and civilization, in fidelity and security from foreign attacks, to
Italy, Provence, or Germany. If so, a few years proved the mistake, for of all
the dominions which owned the rule of Charlemagne, during the next half
century, none was so much torn by intestine quarrels, and certainly none
suffered so severely from hostile ravages as the formerly nourishing, and, in
comparison with other regions, peaceable realm of France.
The division now
made at Worms gave rise to complaints of partiality and injustice, which were
not without foundation. Pepin left two sons, the elder called by his own name,
and the other by that of Charles. A decree which gave away their father’s
kingdom, without any recognition of their own existence, could scarcely be
pleasing to these young princes. So clear indeed did the former of them
consider his right to the throne, that he at once assumed, and maintained with
little exception to the termination of his life, the title of Pepin II king of
Aquitaine.
No doubt, according
to Charlemagne’s theory of the empire, (in which the emperor was regarded as
the Augustus of ancient Rome, while the kings under him were Caesars, appointed
and deposed at his will), the claim advanced by the younger Pepin was invalid.
But such a theory required a sovereign like Charlemagne himself to maintain it
with vigor and success; and probably it was one altogether unsuited to a state
of society like the present, or to any other form of government than a mere
military despotism, similar to that of Rome. Louis had plainly failed in
attempting to act upon it, and perhaps the evils of his reign may be traced, in
great part, to this vain endeavor.
However it was not
likely that he would, on the present occasion, relinquish his claim to set
aside, at pleasure, the rights of primogeniture, and to appoint a sovereign of
his own choice over his own province of Aquitaine. He marched into that
country, and ravaged it during the summer of 839. The inhabitants, in general,
opposed him, but could, of course, have had little hope of final success, in so
unequal a war, had not pestilence destroyed a great part of the imperial army,
and forced the emperor himself to retire, for the winter, to Poitiers. From
thence he was summoned, by news of a threatened revolt of the king of Bavaria,
who regarded the late division of the empire with little more approbation than
his two nephews of Aquitaine. It appeared a plain act of injustice to confine
him to Bavaria, while Lothaire received so large an increase of dominion. Of
the two brothers Louis certainly had not deserved less of his father than the
king of Italy, although the latter was at present in favor with the emperor and
Judith. If we take into account the laxity with which the duty of filial
obedience had been always regarded by the emperor’s sons, it is no matter of
wonder that he resented so plain an evidence of displeasure or neglect. He took
up arms in support of his claim to the rest of Germany, which seemed naturally
to belong to him; but was stopped in his progress towards the Rhine, by the
emperor, who crossed that river, and marched towards Thuringia. The king of
Bavaria was reluctant to oppose his father in open battle, and retired before
him; and Louis himself was seized with illness, and forced to return to Worms,
about the beginning of June, 840, and thence to his palace of Ingelheim, on the
Rhine, in the neighborhood of Metz.
The emperor’s
malady, which is said to have been water on the chest, proved fatal. As soon as
he was aware of the hopeless nature of his disease, he sent for his brother
Drogo, bishop of Metz, to afford him spiritual aid. Each day, during the
remainder of his life, he went through the duty of confession, and received the
Holy Communion. This was his only food, as his appetite had altogether failed
him; and he regarded the compulsory fast as a providential punishment for his
neglect this year of his usual abstinence during Lent, when he had been engaged
in marching against his son. His crown, sword, and scepter he sent to Lothaire,
charging him to be a faithful protector to the empress Judith and her son. He
seems to have found the greatest difficulty of all in extending forgiveness to
his son Louis, but at length declared that he fully pardoned him. As his end
approached, he made signs for Drogo and the other bishops who were present, to
draw near his bed, and pray for him; and while they were thus engaged,
exclaimed several times, with great vehemence, “Aus, aus”, which was understood
by those present to be addressed to the evil spirit. Soon, as if his attempt to
repel the hostile visitant had been successful, he raised his eyes to heaven,
with a look of joy and gratitude, and shortly afterwards expired. His death
took place on the twenty-eighth of June, 840, in the sixty-fourth year of his
age, and the twenty-seventh of his reign as emperor. His body was carried to
Metz, and there buried, by the side of his mother Hildegarde.
The following is the
character of Louis, collected by Fleury from contemporary writers:—In personal
appearance he was of middle height, with large eyes, long nose, broad
shoulders, and strong limbs. None could draw the bow, and hurl the lance better
than he. His voice was manly; he spoke Latin as fluently as his native
language, and understood Greek. When young he was fond of heathen poetry, but
had since given up the practice of reading or hearing it. On the other hand, he
was well acquainted with holy Scripture, of which he understood the spiritual,
moral, and allegorical meanings. Every morning it was his custom to enter the
Church, and there, throwing himself on his knees, to touch the pavement with
his forehead, continuing long in prayer, and often shedding tears. Every day,
before partaking of food himself, he gave alms; and, wherever he was, provided
lodging for the poor. In eating and drinking he was temperate; he was never
seen to laugh aloud, and on festival occasions, when the people were
entertained with musicians and buffoons, he laid restraint upon the rest by his
own serious demeanor. His dress was plain, except on great festivals, when,
like his ancestors, he was covered with gold, and carried a scepter in his
hand, and his crown upon his head. He was very liberal, and gave away many of
his royal lands to private individuals. He did nothing without advice; but
bestowed so much of his time on chanting and reading that his affairs were left
too much in the hands of his confidants, tie continued the bad custom, which
had been already established, of making bishops from persons of servile
condition, who lost no opportunity of freeing their relatives, and of raising
them by a literary education, or by alliance with a noble family.
To this portrait of
Louis we must add a weakness and vacillation of character which made him
dependent on others, to a degree quite incompatible with an energetic and
useful, or even with a just exercise of sovereign power. From this fault, and
from an irritability of temper, which is common in persons deficient in
strength of purpose and vigor of mind, he was frequently led into acts of
partiality. Perhaps also he had too high a sense of the imperial dignity, for a
prince who could with so little success maintain and enforce it. This was undoubtedly
a task beyond his strength. With a smaller and better regulated kingdom, or in
another station of life, he would probably have done nothing to forfeit the
respect which his genuine virtues, his true devotion, and high tone of morality
would have won from all. His reverence for the bishops and other clergy, and
for the pope as their head, was sincere, and to many may seem, and even at the
time seemed, excessive. It certainly led him occasionally into error; although
in that instance which has been censured as the greatest error of all, his
penance at Soissons, he cannot be considered a free agent; no choice was
permitted him; he had no power to resist the will of Lothaire and his party.
Nor did his reverence for either the pope or the bishops prevent his exerting
due authority over both, whenever they appeared to encroach on the imperial
privileges. On several occasions it had seemed as if the Roman pontiff wished
to act as an independent sovereign, but never unnoticed or unrebuked by Louis,
although, as in every instance of personal offence, his anger was quickly
pacified. The year before his death a remarkable example of this occurred. The
popes Adrian and Leo had laid claim to certain monasteries, and had possessed
themselves of property belonging to them. The monks denied their right, and in
a Council, at the Lateran, in the time of Gregory, brought the cause before the
representatives or messengers of the emperor, who decided against the pope. The
event is important, as proving both that the whole jurisdiction and government
of Rome was at this time in the emperor’s hands, and that Louis, with all his
veneration for the apostolic see, permitted no encroachment upon his own
authority. He made many useful reforms in Church affairs, especially in the discipline
of the monastic body; a branch of ecclesiastical reform more important perhaps
than any other of that day, because the monasteries were both the nurseries of
the bishops and higher clergy, and, only or chiefly, the schools where both the
clergy and those of the laymen who sought any education whatever, were
instructed. He gave permission to the clergy and people to choose their own
bishop in a custom which was often disregarded at this time, though not thrown
aside so universally as at a later period. He is said to have exercised the
privilege of investiture by the gift of the ring and crozier, but of this there
is no good evidence. The order of canons, or patres Dominici, which had been first introduced by a bishop of
Metz of the last century, was greatly favored by Louis. However, from their
position, which was midway between the parochial or secular and the monastic
clergy, they were looked upon with a degree of jealousy probably by both of the
two classes. Canonesses and nunneries are said to owe their first institution
to this emperor. He paid much attention to education; and the monastic schools,
or those which had been attached by Charlemagne’s command to every monastery
and cathedral, flourished during the reign of Louis more than perhaps at any
other time, either before or afterwards. Charlemagne had also established a
kind of university, on the plan probably of the aulic or court school, to which
the monastic and cathedral academies were preparatory. Whether they were
efficiently conducted or not in the time of Charlemagne, it seems that they had
fallen into decay soon after his death, as we find the bishops assembled at
Paris in 829, petitioning for the establishment of three such institutions,
under the name of scholae publicae,
one in each of the three great divisions of the empire, represented in that and
the contemporaneous synods of Metz, Lyons, and Toulouse; or it is possible that
Italy may have been included. In Italy, however, a few years before the
Council, Lothaire, doubtless by command of Louis, erected schools in the eight
principal towns of his dominions. Of the monastic schools of the French
dominions, that of Fulda was the most celebrated in the time of Louis, having
been brought into great reputation under Rabanus, while the school at Tours,
which had occupied the first place when ruled by his master Alcuin, fell
afterwards into disrepute. The school of Rheims, which perhaps partook of the
nature of both kinds of institution, became, soon afterwards, one of the most
noted in the kingdom, until the end of the next century, when the university of
Paris, which is said to have been founded by Charlemagne, and increased by
Louis and his son Charles, began to rise into eminence. Probably during this
century, the university of Paris was no more than one of the many cathedral
schools
CHAP. II.
FROM THE DEATH OF
LOUIS THE PIOUS, AD 840, TO THAT OF THE EMPEROR LOTHAIRE, AD 845.
The position of the new emperor, Lothaire, on his
father’s death, differed greatly from that of Louis on the death of
Charlemagne. Louis succeeded peaceably to the undivided empire of the Franks;
his nephew Bernard was the only person whose rights or claims interfered in any
way with his own; and Bernard was at first faithful to his allegiance, and as
soon as he attempted to revolt from it, was quickly and easily overcome.
Lothaire, on receiving news of the late emperor’s decease at Ingelheim, claimed
at once the same supremacy which had been exercised by his father and
grandfather. By this claim, which was perfectly just and in accordance with the
theory of Charlemagne’s government, his brothers, if he should see fit to
continue them in the kingdoms which they now possessed, were entirely dependent
upon his paramount authority, were unable to carry on war, or engage in any
affair of importance without his sanction, and were equally bound with the
inferior nobles and the prelates of the realm, to present themselves at his
diet or parliament at any place to which he might convene them. But he could
have had but little expectation that Louis of Germany, or Charles the Bald, as
his youngest brother was afterwards designated, would peaceably admit his
claims, and consent to hold their titles and dominions at his pleasure. Revolt
against the imperial authority had been too often practiced in the late reign,
and those who had scrupled not to bear arms against their father, could neither
be expected themselves, nor could with justice demand of others, to bow
contentedly beneath a brother’s rule. Louis too considered, and not without
truth, that he had been unfairly treated in the late compact between his father
and Lothaire. A long residence in Germany had made him regard all the country
beyond the Rhine as his own inheritance, and had accustomed the inhabitants to
look upon him as their natural sovereign. Accordingly, no sooner did he hear of
his father's death, than he collected his troops, and quickly persuaded or
compelled most of the country on the right of that river to acknowledge him as
independent king. So fully aware was the new emperor of the improbability that
his brother would pay attention to his requisitions, that he seems not to have
thought it worthwhile to send to him the message which he had dispatched to all
other parts of his dominions, informing his subjects of his accession to the
throne, and claiming the same homage which had been paid to his ancestors. To
Charles especially he sent an urgent letter, promising the protection which he
owed him as his elder brother, and his godfather, and begging him to take no
steps of importance, particularly to abstain from continuing hostilities
against Pepin, the claimant to the throne of Aquitaine, till after the diet at
Worms, which had been convened by the late emperor. But Charles was probably
little better disposed than Lotus of Germany, to trust the promises or
acknowledge the supremacy of Lothaire. Educated as he had been by his mother,
the empress Judith, he could have had small respect or affection for his eldest
brother, who in truth had done little to deserve either. In addition to this,
it cannot be denied that Lothaire had greatly committed himself in the late
treaty, made shortly before his father’s death, in which he had consented to
content himself with one portion of France, yielding the other and larger part
to Charles. We hear of no reservation of his rights as emperor in this compact,
which therefore virtually amounted to a recognition of his brother’s
independence, or, at any rate, might plausibly be so regarded by the young
prince himself.
Accordingly Charles not only paid no attention to his
letter, continuing to carry on the war in Aquitaine, with the hope of quickly
crushing Pepin and his party, but even abstained from presenting himself at the
parliament of Worms. Lothaire and Louis, as the time for meeting approached,
set forward, almost simultaneously, for the place of rendezvous. Louis first
arrived, but finding himself before his time, determined meanwhile to reduce
the Saxons, who had refused or delayed to join the rest of Germany in
acknowledging him for their king. Part of his army were left at Worms, and
these troops, whether by the command of Louis, or at their own suggestion,
opposed Lothaire on his approach. They were repulsed, and the emperor advanced
to Frankfort, while his brother was encamped, with the main body of his forces,
at Coblentz, on the confluence of the Rhine and Maine. Neither party was
willing to begin the attack, and at last they came to an agreement to separate
for the present, and to meet again to terminate their differences, if nothing
should be settled in the meantime, in the month of November.
Charles was at present at Bourges, where he had agreed
to hold an interview with Pepin. Hearing that Lothaire was preparing to march
against him without delay, he sent messengers to meet him, pressing upon him
the agreement made with their father, and promising due allegiance to him as
his elder brother. Lothaire endeavored in vain to seduce the messengers from
their fidelity to his brother, and on failing in his attempts, stripped them of
the dignities, with which the late emperor had endowed them. However, he sent a
peaceable reply to Charles, and begged him to meet him at Quiercy. Thither
Charles repaired, but was quickly obliged to return into Aquitaine, as his nephew,
taking advantage of his absence, prepared to attack and seize his mother
Judith. Meanwhile Lothaire crossed the Meuse, and advanced to the Seine. Many
nobles of distinction joined him; among them Gerard, count of Paris, Hilduin,
abbot of St. Denys, and Pepin, son of Bernard, the former king of Italy. From
the Seine he proceeded towards the Loire, with the same success, and in a short
time all the region between these two rivers had sent in their allegiance, and
assured him that the whole kingdom would readily own and obey him. Terrified at
this general defection, Charles began to despair. He laid the difficulties of
his situation before his army, and left it to them to decide whether he should
yield, or hold out to the last. With a sudden burst of enthusiasm, they
declared their readiness to die for him. Though with little hope of saving
anything but his honor, he advanced to Orleans, and encamped within a few
leagues of Lothaire, who had marched to the neighborhood of the same city.
The loyalty exhibited on this occasion towards
Charles, and the willingness of the army to fight under his banner during the
whole of this campaign, is a singular instance of any such enthusiastic feeling
since the days of Charlemagne. The prince was at this time but seventeen years
of age, and for one so young had certainly given great proofs of boldness and
energy, which, to the warlike nobles of France, was a hopeful change from the
peaceful and vacillating character of his father. Moreover it could not be
forgotten that he was the favorite son of the late emperor, which, to many,
made his cause appear the same with that of Louis, and gave an air of loyal
fidelity to the support of his pretensions; a view which was strengthened by
the circumstance that several of those who had taken a prominent part against
the emperor, in the dissensions of the former reign, were now the first to
declare in favor of Lothaire, and had been received by him with distinguished
marks of friendship. Again, Charles was only occupied in the just defence of
the inheritance which had been solemnly guaranteed to him, and Lothaire,
although emperor, had every appearance of a hostile invader, especially as he
had himself been party to the compact which had bestowed upon him his
dominions. But beyond these natural reasons for inducing the French nobles and
people to act with bravery and fidelity towards Charles the Bald, another
probable cause is suggested by Sismondi, which is, that the present contest was
regarded as a national struggle between France and Germany. The corrupted Roman
or French language prevailed at this time over nearly the same extent of
country which it at present occupies. Within these limits, German, though
understood by all the higher and educated classes, was everywhere looked upon
as a foreign tongue, the speech, not of the country, but of its masters and
conquerors. The boundaries of the French language were also the boundaries of
the kingdom allotted in the last division of Louis the Pious to his youngest
son; and it is possible that this may have been among the reasons which led to
his fixing upon these limits. Accordingly, Charles was considered as king of
France in a truer sense than that in which his ancestors, from the time of
Pepin le Bref, could be so regarded; and the enthusiasm excited in his behalf
was a national feeling, for the expression of which, for upwards of a century,
there had been no opportunity, even if before this time there was any
possibility of its existence.
The two opposing armies lay encamped near Orleans for
a considerable length of time, during which Lothaire indulged the hope that the
nobles of Aquitaine would join him, as those north of the Loire had already
done. At length, finding this expectation to be groundless, he made proposals
to his brother, offering to yield him peaceable possession of Aquitaine and
Septimania, together with ten counties between the Loire and Seine, and to meet
him in the following May at Attigny, there to settle finally all matters of
dispute. The terms, though unfavorable, were accepted by Charles, and the two
brothers separated; Lothaire marched against Louis of Germany, who fled into
Bavaria, whither he thought it needless to pursue him, and the young prince
hastened to Collect his forces in Aquitaine and Burgundy, and to make head
against the enemies who threatened him from various quarters.
These, in addition to Pepin, were Bernard, his former
tutor, and duke of Septimania, and Nomenoius, duke of Brittany, who had assumed
the title of independent king, and invaded Neustria. Charles had an interview,
at Bourges, with Bernard, who, as it seems, had been holding back from either
party, but had at last resolved to support Pepin. On receiving this refusal,
Charles lost no time in attacking him, and speedily forced him to promise
fidelity and obedience for the future. A similar success crowned his arms
against Nomenoius, who likewise took the oaths of allegiance. He then directed
his march towards Attigny, as the time appointed for meeting Lothaire was at
hand. There was little chance that any settlement would be made at this
conference, or even that the interview would be a peaceable one. Lothaire had
advanced against Louis, who retreated before him, and was now moving again into
France with the plainest demonstration of hostility. Charles sent to his
brother Louis for assistance, and the two princes having agreed upon a fair
alliance against their elder brother, the king of Germany advanced at once to
the Rhine, defeated and slew count Adalbert, who had been deputed by Lothaire
to dispute the passage, and at length effected a junction with Charles.
Meanwhile the emperor, in his turn, had formed an alliance with Pepin of
Aquitaine, but was prevented by his brothers, (the union of whose forces he
had, in vain, attempted to hinder), from actually joining him. For a time the
two armies followed one another, alternately, until they met near Auxerre. It
was Lothaire’s interest to gain time, that Pepin might reach him; accordingly,
after negotiation, whose only object was delay, he marched forward to Fontenay,
or Fontenaille, a village at no great distance from Auxerre, and was followed
by his brothers, who pitched their camp within sight of the imperial army. Both
prepared for battle, and after a still further delay, caused by the attempts of
bishop Drogo, who had attached himself to the party of Lothaire, and the bishop
of Ravenna, an emissary of the pope, to bring about a reconciliation, Louis and
Charles sent to Lothaire, informing him that on the following day they were
determined to place the settlement of their dispute in the hands of Divine
Providence. This manner of speech simply signified that they were resolved to
engage in battle; for the practice of deciding the right by trial of arms, or
other methods of ordeal, was common in that day, and greatly influenced the
views with which such contests were generally regarded. Lothaire returned an
answer of defiance, and the hour of eight in the morning on the twenty-fifth of
June was fixed upon as the time of attack. At daybreak the two princes
dispatched the third part of their forces to occupy a hill adjoining their
brother's camp; and both armies waited in silence the appointed hour. We
have no detailed account of the battle, although the historian Nithard, who has
recorded these events, was not only present, but, as it would seem, contributed
chiefly to the victory gained by Louis and Charles. The two princes commanded
each one of three divisions of the army, while die third was committed to
Nithard and count Adelard. Louis was opposed to Lothaire in person. The
struggle was severe, and long doubtful; both Louis and Charles are said to have
been repulsed but the remaining division of their army gained a decisive
superiority, which soon became a general victory. Lothaire and Pepin, who had
joined him a few days before the battle, left, as it is reported, forty
thousand of their men upon the field; and probably the loss of the victorious
side was little inferior. For we are told that the inability of the French
nation to defend themselves from the ravages and attacks of Normans, Bretons,
and Saracens, during the ensuing reign, was owing to the great destruction of
life on the plain of Fontenay.
After the battle, Lothaire retreated in safety to
Aix-la-Chapelle. His brothers forbade all pursuit, satisfied with the victory
which they had gained, and in a condition little suited to further exertion or
fatigue. Several bishops were present in the camp, and assured Louis and
Charles that their cause was just, and that they were in no way responsible for
the slaughter which had taken place. However, as in all such conflicts the
passions of men are liable to be inflamed by private animosity, they
recommended a three days’ fast, which was kept by the army
with due solemnity. The princes soon afterwards separated,
Charles to continue the war against Pepin in Aquitaine, and to persuade or
force the nobles of Neustria to acknowledge him as their king; and Louis to
crush, by his presence in his own dominions, a general revolt which appeared
likely to break forth over a great part of Germany.
The mass of the Saxon nation still retained a fond
recollection of their ancient institutions, and in many instances of their old
religion. To keep the people in obedience to the stringent laws by which
Charlemagne had established, and hoped to promote Christianity and
civilization, that emperor had introduced among the Saxons the same divisions
which obtained in other parts of his empire. The two classes of serfs and
freemen, though nominally occupying a very different position, were, in fact,
almost equally in subjection to the great nobles and proprietors of the
country, and both groaned under an oppressive yoke, probably still more severe
than the same kind of despotism in France. Lothaire, on retiring to Aix-la-Chapelle,
after the battle of Fontenay, proceeded from thence into Saxony, and, by
proclaiming or promising freedom to the inhabitants of all classes, with the
liberty of returning to paganism, and to the state of society of which
Charlemagne had deprived them, quickly collected a large army of Saxons, who
were joined by many from Austrasia, or proper Germany. With this force he
succeeded in joining Pepin at Sens, and was now in a situation to treat again
on equal terms with his two brothers, or if nothing could be settled peaceably,
to engage with them in hostilities a second time, with fair hopes of success.
Meanwhile Charles found his power or influence
sufficient, after the late advantage, to reduce into subjection some of the
Neustrian provinces which had joined Lothaire, and which had been ravaged and
partly conquered by the duke or king of Brittany. Among these was the province
of Maine. St. Aldric, bishop of Mans, the capital of this county, had always
been faithful to the emperor Louis, and had shared his reverses of fortune, and
since his death had continued to preserve the same fidelity towards Charles,
looking upon him as his father’s rightful heir in this part of his dominions.
Accordingly, on his refusal to join the other nobles in their promise of
allegiance to Lothaire, he was driven from his see, his property was destroyed
or plundered, and many mansions which he had built and endowed for the
reception of strangers, or for the support of the poor, were left in ruins. It
appears that these excesses were perpetrated at the instigation of the abbot of
St. Calais, a monastery in the diocese, who had petitioned the late emperor for
a deed of exemption from episcopal rule, a practice which was beginning to
become frequent, but which was generally regarded, at present, as an irregular
proceeding. Louis decided against the abbot, and commanded him to submit to his
bishop’s orders and inspection. In revenge for this repulse, and perhaps
smarting under the severity of St. Aldric’s discipline, he lent a ready ear to
the emissaries of Lothaire, and made use of his influence with that party to
ruin his late superior. St. Aldric had since accompanied the camp of Charles,
and was now reinstated by that prince in his bishopric of Mans, and in his
jurisdiction over the abbey of St. Calais.
The success of Charles, while it was the means of
restoring the see of Maine to its lawful bishop, compelled the archbishop of
Rheims to leave his diocese, and take refuge beyond the limits of the kingdom.
Ebo, after his resignation, and deposition by Louis and the Council of
Thionville, had remained in custody in an abbey on the Loire, till the
emperor’s death. On the accession of Lothaire, he persuaded the abbot to join
him, and went to the new emperor, who ordered him to be reinstated in his
former dignity, and prevailed on some bishops to the number of twenty, among
whom was Drogo of Metz, the chief author of his deposition, to subscribe the
order for his resumption of his see. In virtue of this act, Ebo was solemnly
re-enthroned in his Cathedral Church by four of his suffragans, one of whom was
Rothad, bishop of Soissons; the five other bishops of the province refused
their consent, or were absent from their dioceses, having chosen the party of
Charles. After so public a renunciation of his office, accompanied as it was by
the most solemn declaration that he would never seek to resume it, the conduct
of Ebo required some apology. Accordingly, he published a formal explanation,
resting the propriety of his return on the uncanonical nature of the
deposition, and on the circumstance that no particular crime had been alleged
against him in public to justify that act, and that even supposing him to have
been really guilty of anything which demanded such a punishment, he had undergone
a sufficient penance in his imprisonment for the last seven years. It is not to
be supposed that arguments so fallacious could really satisfy any one disposed
to object to the re-election; but Lothaire and his party had the upper hand at
the time, and men were too fully occupied with their own designs, and with
endeavors to provide for their own security, to have time for canvassing the
legality of what had been done, or the good faith and reasoning by which it was
maintained. Ebo, therefore, for the space of a year, retained undisputed possession
of his see, and performed several ordinations, the validity of which, as will
be seen, was afterwards called in question. At the end of this time, on hearing
of the approach of Charles in the direction of Paris or Rheims, he fled in
great haste, and attached himself to the suite of Lothaire. Affairs soon took
such a turn as to give him no hope of ever regaining his diocese; and on his
appeal shortly afterwards to pope Sergius, he was not only refused the pallium by
that pontiff, but commanded to remain henceforward in lay communion. Lothaire
settled him as abbot in the monastery of St. Columban in Italy, but shortly
after deprived him of it, on his refusal to undertake an embassy to
Constantinople. He then took refuge with Louis of Germany, and having prevailed
on the pope to remove the restriction that had been laid on him, accepted from
that king the bishopric of Hildesheim. Here he spent the remainder of his life,
which lasted a few years longer, and assisted St. Anskar in his labors in the
Swedish mission.
In the early part of the year 842, about the same time
with Lothaire’s departure for Aix-la-Chapelle to join his nephew Pepin, Louis
and Charles met by appointment at Strasburg. The highest degree of solemnity
was given to the interview, which was celebrated by public devotions, and by
festivals and rejoicings of every description; among the rest by a tournament,
described by the contemporary historians, which bore a near resemblance to
spectacles of the same nature in the times of chivalry, though differing in
particular details, and probably far inferior in splendor. The intention of the
two princes on this occasion was to give to the kingdoms of France and Germany
a public demonstration of the firm alliance into which they had entered against
Lothaire, and to encourage a similar feeling of amity in the people themselves,
while they implied and recognized at the same time the national distinction
between them. With this view Louis addressed the assembled multitude in the
German language, and Charles in the French or Roman, and afterwards, each
taking the other’s part, Charles spoke in German, Louis in French. They
explained the necessity of the union in which they engaged, in self-defence
against their elder brother, and made a solemn assurance that the friendship
which they had now formed would last forever. It was then ratified by oaths
taken in the two languages, both by the princes themselves and the people
present.
From Strasburg, the united armies of the two kings
moved towards Aix-la-Chapelle. Lothaire attempted to dispute the passage of the
Moselle, but after renewing their proposals of peace, which were rejected with
disdain, they forced the river near Coblenz, and on their arrival at the
capital, summoned a convocation of bishops to decide whether any allegiance was
still due to the emperor. The evils under which the country groaned from the
ambition and obstinacy of Lothaire, were set forth in order; the Council
decreed that in consequence of these crimes, and of his obvious inability to
govern, he should lose the territory hitherto possessed by him in France, which
was henceforth to be divided between his two brothers. The decision was of
little practical importance, as a new division quickly rendered it invalid, but
is worthy of notice as being the first plain instance of the assumption by a
Council of bishops of authority to take away and bestow kingdoms, or to
transfer them from one sovereign to another. The deposition of Louis the Pious
at Soissons is a less striking example, as all that Ebo and the other bishops
professed to do on that occasion, was to interpret a former canon of the
Church, and apply it to the case before them. Here, on the other hand, they
appear to have taken for granted an inherent power to depose or nominate kings,
similar to that afterwards exercised by the pope in the choice of the emperor.
Negotiations, so often declined, were soon entered
upon again. Several meetings of the brothers took place in the course of this,
and the early part of the following year, and at length a final division was
made in August, 843, at Verdun. Lothaire had meanwhile appeased the anger of
his brothers by concessions and treaties for reconciliation, and was admitted
once more to a share in the Cisalpine territory. The part allotted to him was
that contained between the Rhine and the Alps on the east, and on the west by
the Meuse, Saone, and Rhone, which form a nearly continuous line from the north
to the south of France. His title to the kingdom of Italy and Lombardy was
undisputed. Germany, in the wider and modern acceptation of the term, or all
the empire east of the Rhine, with a few towns on the other side, was
apportioned to Louis, while Charles received the whole of France, west of
Lotharingia or Lorraine, as Lothaire’s portion of the kingdom began soon
afterwards to be called, with the Spanish March, or the part of Spain between
the Ebro and Pyrenees. The title of king of the Franks was regarded as
belonging by equal right to each of the three princes. Wenilo, archbishop of
Sens, joined the hands of the brothers, and administered to them the oaths of
mutual fidelity and friendship. Lothaire and Louis then returned to Italy and
Germany, and Charles to Aquitaine, to continue the war against Pepin, whose
cause had been readily sacrificed by Lothaire as soon as he ceased to require
his nephew’s aid. The marriage of Charles with Hermintrude, daughter of Eudes,
count of Orleans, had been celebrated in the spring, and his mother Judith had
died at Tours a few months afterwards. For the remainder of this year, and for
the first half of the following, he carried on the siege of Toulouse, one of
the strongholds of Pepin. He succeeded in taking it in June, 844, but in the
meantime Pepin gained several advantages, and twice forced his uncle to raise
the siege. The most important of these advantages was the defeat and massacre
of an army, levied in Neustria for the support of Charles by two abbots, Hugo
of St. Quentin, and St. Bertin, an illegitimate son of Charlemagne, and
Ritoten, a grandson of the same monarch by one of his daughters. They were met
and destroyed by Pepin or his officers in the neighborhood of Angouleme. But
notwithstanding this and some othersuccesses, Pepin probably would have been
conquered before this time, or at any rate could hardly have succeeded so
nearly in driving Charles from Aquitaine, but for the help of Bernard, the
young king’s former tutor, who had at length openly declared in his favor. He
was still duke or governor of all the Spanish March, and of Languedoc, and
probably desired to raise himself to the rank of an independent king. Charles
succeeded in defeating and capturing this formidable opponent; he was submitted
to a trial by theFranks, condemned and put to death, as guilty of treason and
rebellion. However just the sentence, and however important it may have been
for the cause of Charles to remove so dangerous and powerful an adversary, the
intimate relation in which they formerly stood, but above all the general
belief once entertained that count Bernard was in reality Charles’s father,
makes us regard with a feeling akin to horror his consent to the execution,
even if we reject the story, which is also told, of his slaying him with his
own hand. His death was of little service to the king, for William, his eldest
son, though only eighteen years of age, laid claim to his father’s titles and
possessions, and put himself at the head of his adherents. So desperate was his
desire of revenge, that he threw himself into the arms of Abdurrahman, king of Cordova,
who sent an army of Mussulmans to support him.
Meanwhile other parts of Charles’s new kingdom were in
as little security as Aquitaine and the south. Nomenoius had rebelled a second
time, with the powerful aid of Lambert, who claimed the duchy of Nantes, a
dignity that had been lately bestowed by Charles upon Rainald, one of his
officers, as a reward for the expulsion of the Normans from the island of
Noirmoutier, whither they made a practice of retiring with the plunder from
different parts of the coast. The new allies called in a party of these
pirates, already well disposed to take revenge upon Rainald, to their aid.
Rainald was slain, the city of Nantes pillaged and destroyed, and the bishop
and all the clergy massacred. Shortly before the cities of Rouen and Amiens had
suffered in the same way, with the monasteries in their neighborhood. These
were often favorite points of attack with the Normans, who gained, by their
destruction, much treasure, with comparatively little risk or trouble. The
monks seldom made resistance; their main object was to convey the relics, which
conferred a sanctity, in the opinion of the times, upon the places where they
were retained, to a place of safety, and for this purpose they frequently had
to take long inland journeys, as no part of the coast was secure from the
ravages of the plunderers. They soon recovered the island of Noirmoutier, and
with a desire of booty, inflamed by their new conquests on the Loire, quickly
ventured still further south, and extended their depredations to the towns and
neighborhood of Saintes and Bordeaux. Soon afterwards they proceeded farther up
the Garonne, and advanced to the gates of Toulouse. Others, still more
adventurous, stretched their voyages of plunder and dismay as far as the coasts
of Portugal; but they found the Saracens a more formidable enemy than the
subjects of Charles, and were forced to relinquish their ravages in that
quarter. About the same time the portion of the kingdom which was open to the
Mediterranean was exposed to similar ravages from the Saracens or Moors, who
sailed some distance up the Rhone, and plundered the city and neighborhood of
Arles. These appear not to have been the Saracens of Spain, but Moors from the
coast of Africa. In the year 842 they had been introduced into Italy by
Siconulf, a brother of the late duke of Beneventum, who now laid claim to the
throne occupied by his nephew, Radelgisus. The latter, unable to resist the new
force, was compelled to seek a similar mode of defending himself, and succeeded
in rousing the jealousy of the Spanish Saracens against their new rivals in the
plunder of Europe. Thus Italy, while Lothaire was absent and engaged in
promoting, by war or treaty, his claim to the territories beyond the Alps, was
made the battle field of armies of infidels. For the payment of his
mercenaries, Radelgisus plundered the abbey of Mount Casino, probably at this
time one of the richest in Europe.
The king of Germany, on returning from Verdun to his
own dominions, had his time fully occupied in quieting the disturbance excited
throughout Saxony by Lothaire’s last proclamation of liberty. He was readily
supported by all the nobles or chiefs of that country, as well as the rest of
his kingdom, whose interest it was to repress any such movement; for an example
of this kind would be quickly followed elsewhere, especially as the relations
subsisting between the higher and lower classes were much the same throughout
the whole Cisalpine Frankish empire. The bishops and other clergy also bestowed
the whole weight of their influence upon the side of the king, not only because
it was the side of peace and good order, but because large numbers of the
Saxons had gladly availed themselves of Lothaire’s permission to return to
Paganism. It is probable, therefore, that Louis succeeded in averting any
general insurrection, and gradually reduced his subjects to their old state of
passive though unwilling submission.
Meanwhile Lothaire was represented, during his absence
from Italy, by his son Louis, whom he had made king of Lombardy. Early in the
year 813 pope Gregory died, and was succeeded by Sergius II, who, like many of
his predecessors, was elected and consecrated without the consent or knowledge
of the emperor. The young king of Lombardy was commissioned by his father to
proceed at once to Rome, in the escort of bishop Drogo, to inquire into this
new violation of the imperial privilege. The pope, as had been often done
before, pacified them by an apology, crowned Louis king, and appointed Drogo
his vicar in France and Germany. On the coronation of the young king, the Roman
nobles came forward to do him homage, and to take the oaths of allegiance, but
were prevented by the pope, who explained that the emperor alone possessed the
right of sovereignty and jurisdiction within the city. This was admitted by all
parties, and may accordingly be understood to have been the real law or custom
of the day.
In October, 844, the three brothers met again at
Thionville, and sent messages to Pepin, in Aquitaine, and to Nomenoius and
Lambert, in Brittany, threatening to overwhelm them with their united forces,
unless they relinquished their treasonable claims. How little the threats were
regarded, may be gathered from the events of the following year, when Nomenoius
again assumed the title of king, and laid siege to the town of Mans; he would
probably have conquered this city, and the province of which it was the
capital, but for an attack of the Normans upon the territories of their late
ally, which called him back to the defence of his own coast. On his taking the
field again, Charles advanced to meet him, and gave him a temporary repulse. In
Aquitaine Pepin made so much progress, that Charles consented at last to
acknowledge him as king of that country, with the exception of the
north-western corner, comprising the modern provinces of Poitou, Saintonge, and
Angoumois. In return for this cession of territory, which reduced Charles’s kingdom
to Neustria, as Languedoc and the Spanish March scarcely paid him now even a
nominal obedience, Pepin promised to regard him as his paramount sovereign, to
pay him due reverence, and to be ready when called upon to afford him counsel
and help in war. If the dominions of the king of France were so
insignificant in extent, they were too large for his armies efficiently to
defend. Shortly after the repulse of the Bretons, and probably in sight of the
very troops who had acted with such unusual courage, a large body of Normans
under Ragnar, in a fleet of 120 vessels, sailed up the Seine, and having
plundered Rouen on their way, ventured, with a boldness hitherto unknown, as
far as Paris itself. Charles made an effort to oppose them, which was quickly
rendered ineffectual by their crossing the Seine to the side where he had fewer
soldiers, who were easily mastered and put to flight; he then contented himself
with retiring to the abbey of St. Denys, which he fortified and determined to
defend, while the city, deserted by its inhabitants, was plundered at their
leisure by the followers of Ragnar. Many churches and monasteries were also
burnt in the neighborhood, but the body of St. Germain, reckoned among the most
valued relics of the country, and those of other saints, were saved by being
taken from their tombs, and transported from one monastery to another, till
they reached a secure place in the interior of the kingdom. As soon as they
were satisfied with the plunder and destruction of Paris, the Normans marched
to St. Denys, where Ragnar and the chief officers under him made an agreement
with Charles, on receiving the sum of seven thousand pounds of silver, never to
revisit his dominions, unless invited thither by himself. On their return they
pillaged and burnt the monastery of St. Bertin; but in punishment for the
cruelties and sacrilege of which they had been guilty, were soon afterwards, if
we may believe the accounts of the monks of the time, seized with a sudden
blindness and madness, which destroyed large numbers of them, so that few
finally returned to their country.
At the Council of Thionville, where Lothaire and both
his brothers were present, several general regulations had been made about
Church affairs, which in the late civil war, and general disturbed state of the
kingdom, had been greatly neglected, and called loudly for some attention and
reform. Accordingly this assembly was followed shortly afterwards by the Synod
of Verneuil on the Oise, at which Charles appointed Ebroin, bishop of Poitiers and
his own chancellor, to preside, although in the presence of Wenilo, archbishop
of Sens, whose superior rank entitled him to the precedence. Among other
grievances brought under the king’s notice by the bishops, was the custom by
which the higher clergy were still compelled to serve in war. This had been
excused by Charlemagne, and again by Louis the Pious, but was still not
unusual; in fact bishop Ebroin, who presided at the Council, and Lupus, abbot
of Ferrieres, who was also present, and who drew up the canons, had both been
engaged in the battle in which the abbot Hugo was lately defeated and slain by
Pepin, and had both been made prisoners on the occasion. Charles promised to
free them from this necessity for the future, if they would engage on their parts
to commit the troops which they were bound to furnish to some of their vassals
capable of commanding them. He assured them also, at the same time, that he
would comply with their wish, in permitting or ordering the election and
consecration of a new archbishop, in the see of Rheims, which had been long
without a metropolitan. But the most important proceeding of this Council was
their decision upon the title of Drogo to the office of vicar apostolic, lately
conferred upon him by pope Sergius. The bishop of Metz presented his letters to
the Council, and required them to acknowledge his claims. The question was one
of delicacy, as Drogo was the king’s uncle, and was greatly respected, not only
for his age and rank, but for his own merit and ability, and for the prominence
which he had obtained, of late years, in all political and ecclesiastical
concerns. He was, at this time, chancellor of Lothaire, of whose party he had
always been a faithful adherent; and this, doubtless, increased the difficulty
of the decision, because it was of importance to avoid any appearance of
contempt or disregard towards the emperor, with whom Charles was now greatly
desirous of continuing at peace. But to admit his claims would be a dangerous
precedent, even if the personal moderation of Drogo prevented any present harm.
Not only was he bishop of Lothaire’s kingdom, and therefore unfitted, by the
acknowledged maxims of policy, to possess authority over that of Charles; but
the office itself was one looked upon with great suspicion at the time. No
instance of its exercise had occurred for nearly a hundred years; there could,
therefore, plainly be no great necessity for it; and the example on which
reliance was chiefly placed to justify the appointment, namely, St. Gregory’s
nomination of St. Virgilius, of Arles, as his vicar in France, extended only to
the kingdom of Childebert, and was made with the consent of the king himself,
and the bishops of the country. Accordingly, the Council declined receiving
Drogo, until the consent of the whole French Church could be obtained, assuring
him, at the same time, that if they could conscientiously receive any vicar,
there was none whom they would more gladly choose than himself. Drogo was
forced to be content with this compliment, and, being unambitious of an honor
which he saw there would be difficulty in obtaining, forbore pressing his
claims further; so that the appointment of the pope remained inefficient.
As soon as Charles was freed from the dangers of the
Norman invasion, he summoned a council, at Beauvais, in the month of April,
845, in fulfillment of the promise made at Verneuil, to appoint an archbishop
of Rheims. This had now been vacant ten years, including that during which Ebo
had irregularly exercised episcopal power. On Ebo’s deposition, a priest and
chorepiscopus of the diocese, of the name of Fulco, or Foulgens, and after him
another, named Notho, had been appointed to govern the Church. The prospect of
succeeding to the dignity of archbishop was held out to the former; but this
was delayed at the time, for the sake of obtaining the pope’s sanction to what
had been already done, and the tumults which quickly succeeded rendered it
impossible to gain the royal order or consent to the consecration. For although
Louis the Pious had granted permission to the clergy and people of each diocese
to elect their own bishop, the concession was probably little more than
nominal. Charlemagne had been always wont to appoint to vacant bishoprics,
notwithstanding an express permission to the same effect, in a capitular, at
the beginning of the century; and if Louis, from greater submission of
character, suffered the law, in some instances, to have effect, his knowledge
and consent were still necessary; and it is unlikely that so important a dignity
as the archbishopric of Rheims would be granted to any one not nominated by
himself. But there was another reason which probably lay at the foundation of
the long vacancy in this see. A few years since Charles had divided the
property of the Church of Rheims among several of the noblemen who supported
his cause; a common method of rewarding military service, as is evident from
the complaints made at almost every meeting of bishops, not only during the
reigns of Charles and his brothers, but even, though with less frequency,
during that of their father.
Hincmar, monk of St. Denys and abbot of St. Mary’s, of
Compiegne, and of St. Germer, was chosen by the suffragans, clergy, and people
of Rheims to succeed to the vacant diocese, with the consent, and probably at
the suggestion of the king and at the recommendation of his three superiors,
the archbishop of Sens, the bishop of Paris, and Louis, his abbot. He was of a
high French family, being nearly related to Bernard, count of Toulouse, as well
as to another Bernard, count of Vermandois. Like many young men of noble birth
and promise of talent, he was destined from childhood to the Church, the only
profession, scarcely excepting that of arms, which in those times afforded a
prospect of rising to eminence and distinction. Accordingly he was sent when
quite young to the monastery of St. Denys, and was there educated under
Hilduin. The abbot was a man of courtly manners, and of considerable erudition;
but as we are forced to conclude from the part which he took in political
affairs, of ambition and intrigue. The noble birth of the young monk, and the
recommendation of his abbot, who occupied at that time the high post of
chancellor to Louis the Pious, introduced him to the court and palace of the
emperor, in whose favor his own firmness and depth of character, set off by an
unusual quickness, and great sobriety of judgment, soon established him on a
sure foundation. At first he had only assumed the habit of a canon, which
involved less strictness of life, and a less complete retirement from worldly
affairs than the full monastic character; and the abbey of St, Denys, governed
as it was by the accomplished Hilduin, seems to have been the fashionable
monastery of the day, and to have exceeded in laxity or liberty the other
institutions of a similar nature, many of which, until Benedict of Aniane was
commissioned by the emperor to enforce them, paid but little attention to great
strictness of life, or to the objects of their founders. But as soon as Hincmar
was of sufficient age to understand the duty and need of discipline, he gained
permission from the emperor and his abbot to introduce a reformation among his
fellow monks of St. Denys. With this object, he took the strictest monastic
vows, and shut himself up within the abbey walls, that the weight of his
example might increase his prospect of success. He now never left his
retirement, unless specially summoned by the emperor or his chancellor, until
the latter joined the party of Lothaire, in the civil wars between Louis and
his sons, and on the breaking up of the first rebellion, was banished as a
punishment for his treason to the abbey of New Corbey, in Saxony or Westphalia.
Thither Hincmar, who had himself always remained faithful to the emperor,
thought it his duty to accompany him; however, he used his interest at court to
so good a purpose, that Hilduin was speedily pardoned and restored to his
ecclesiastical dignities. At the time of the second rebellion, the abbot and
his young friend formed part of the suite of Louis, when encamped on the Field
of Falsehood, in Alsace; and the former, on the arrival of pope Gregory in the
camp of Lothaire, and the subsequent desertion of the prelates and nobles of
the imperial party, again went over to the rebel side, having vainly endeavored
to persuade Hincmar to accompany him, or to follow his example. The young monk,
on this occasion, was one of the few among the bishops and nobles, and
immediate followers of the emperor, who were firm in their fidelity. After the
restoration of Louis, he again employed his good offices in the service of
Hilduin, but retired himself to his monastery, from whence Charles the Bald, as
soon as the first tumults of his reign had somewhat subsided, summoned him to
act as his confidential adviser, and at length determined to raise him to the
highest primacy in the north of France.
Wenilo, archbishop of Sens, presided at the Council of
Beauvais, when Hincmar’s election was notified and confirmed. As a preliminary
proceeding, the bishops present declared, from their own personal knowledge,
and from what they had been informed by others, of the circumstances of Ebo’s
deposition, and the canonical rules to be followed in all such cases. Among the
bishops we observe the names of the four suffragans of the province, who had
been formerly employed by Lothaire to reinduct Ebo into his diocese, the
bishops of Soissons, Laon, Chalons, and Senlis. Of these, the first mentioned,
bishop Rothad, of Soissons, obtained afterwards a considerable though
unfortunate notoriety in the Gallican Church. On receiving from all present the
formal notice of the election, Hincmar addressed himself to Charles, and
declared his acceptance of the office, on condition of his restitution of all
the Church property belonging to the diocese, and his promise never again to
alienate it, or to lay upon the Church any undue exaction, or any tribute
beyond what had been customary in the time of Louis the Pious and Charlemagne.
Charles agreed to the conditions, and actually restored within the next six
months the estate or village of Epernay, and others, which had been bestowed on
his followers.
This restitution was demanded, according to the
account of Hincmar himself, by many preternatural signs and terrors which had
befallen the present possessors of the property. A lady of rank, wife of one of
the counts of Charles’s court, was visited on three successive nights by a
vision of St. Remigius, the patron of the see, warning her of the wrath of God
unless she urged her husband to restore the sacred property. She paid no
attention to the threat, and on the morning after the last visit, was seized
with sudden illness, of which she soon died. In another part of the diocese,
the soldiers were employed in dispossessing some monks, or servants of a monastery,
of certain buildings in which they resided. One of these earnestly called on
St. Remigius to revenge the wrong. The appeal was received by a soldier who
heard it with a laugh of derision; but his impiety was quickly punished, for
the man suddenly burst asunder, and died upon the spot.
Hincmar was consecrated bishop the month following the
Council of Beauvais. His first task, within, the limits of his own diocese, was
to complete the great Church of Rheims, which had been partly built by Ebo, but
since his deposition had been left in an unfinished state. Although on his
election he had given up all his private property to the abbey of St. Denys, he
found means, from the resources of the diocese, and the offerings of the
faithful, to adorn the altar and all parts of the Church with unusual splendor.
Its marble pavement, magnificent cross of gems, and a richly adorned image of
the Blessed Virgin, were greatly celebrated. The erection of this image over
the altar proves that Hincmar belonged to the moderate party in the Gallican
Church, who, while opposing worship addressed to images, were equally averse to
the excesses of Claudius of Turin, and other Iconoclasts of the day. Having
been himself originally a canon, he favored and increased the order, and under
their direction placed a hospital for the reception of strangers, and for the
poor of his city or diocese. This was on a large scale, and obtained a
charter of privileges and immunities from the king. These foundations were
frequently formed in connection with Cathedral Churches, or with monasteries of
importance. They were at once alms-houses for the poor, and hotels for
strangers and travelers, not only for foreigners in journeying through the
country, but for the entertainment of the bishops and clergy of other dioceses,
of the nobles and their retinues, and even of the royal court, when on a
progress from one part of the realm to another. Mention has been already made
of some of these hospitals, founded by St. Aldric of Mans, and destroyed by Lothaire’s
followers in the late civil war; and at the Council of Meaux, which met a few
months after Hincmar’s election to Rheims, complaints were addressed to the
king of the plunder and ruin of many such institutions, founded principally by
the liberality of the Irish, or as they were now called Scotch, for travelers
or pilgrims of their own and other countries journeying through France to Rome,
or to the courts of the different Carolingian princes.
The Council of Meaux, which assembled on the
seventeenth of June, and consisted of the bishops of three provinces, Rheims,
Sens, and Bourges, under the presidency of Hincmar, Wenilo, and Rodulf, was of
considerable importance or notoriety, chiefly from the opposition which it
experienced from the king. Several meetings of bishops, in greater or less
number, had been held within the last two or three years, but little attention
had been paid by the king or others to the canons which they had drawn up.
Accordingly, the fathers at Meaux collected and arranged these decrees, and
promulgated them with new authority. They were directed against many practical
abuses of the day; for example, against the unnecessary burden laid upon
bishops, and the clergy generally, in the entertainment at their houses of
noblemen and their suites, many of whom were of unmanageable and licentious
character; they complained of the ruin of many monasteries, whose lands had
been bestowed on laymen: the excessive liberty assumed by canons in the royal
service, who took advantage of their abode at court, and absence from episcopal
inspection, to transgress the vows and rules of their order. They insisted on
being permitted by the king to meet in provincial Council twice every year, and
required that no temporal disturbance should be allowed to interfere with this
necessary custom. Many evils had also crept into the monasteries, which often
refused to admit the visitations and inquiries of their bishops, and hence
heretical notions were not uncommon among the monks; the discipline of St.
Benedict, though enforced in the last reign, had again in many places fallen
into desuetude, and corporal punishment was well-nigh altogether relinquished.
It was the custom of the time for the bishops and monastic bodies to rent out
their estates, chapelries as well as farms, to noblemen and other laymen, on
condition of receiving the tithe in ecclesiastical, and the ninth part of the
produce in seignorial right. But the occupants of these benefices, as they were
termed, had very generally taken advantage of the confusion of the times to
refuse either, and indeed looked upon such estates as their own. Against these
and many other acts of injustice and abuse, as well as against the prevalent
immorality of the day, the canons of Meaux spoke with severe blame, professing
to be promulgated by royal as well as pontifical authority, and denouncing
temporal punishment, by the hands of the king, as well as spiritual censure, on
all who should violate or despise them. At the same time Hincmar declared, with
greater boldness than was common among the prelates of the time, that no reform
could be successful which began not with the king himself. He also strongly
urged the republication of the capitulars of his father and grandfather, as an
earnest that he would undertake with vigor all necessary reformation in Church
and state.
But Charles, although he had summoned or permitted the
council of Meaux to meet, refused to subscribe or sanction their decrees. He
was satisfied with the restitution of the property of Rheims, which he had made
to gratify the new archbishop, and probably found the performance of his
promise, in that particular instance, too difficult to allow him to engage
quickly in other sacrifices of the same nature. Thus, at the parliament of
Epernay, summoned soon afterwards, in June, 846, he publicly refused to
recognize the authority of the synod, and so strongly declared his
determination, and with expressions so disrespectful towards the Church, that,
as Fleury says, a similar instance is hardly to be found, in the whole history
of Christian princes. Yet, about this time, he was persuaded, by Hincmar, to
restore the monastery of Ferrières, to Lupus abbot of that place, a man of much
repute for piety and learning, and who had but just recovered possession of his
property, taken by Lothaire, before the late settlement of the kingdom, when
Charles deprived him of it a second time, and bestowed it upon Count Adulf. But
owing to the good offices of Hincmar, he was once more peaceably reinstated,
although Charles was not ready, on every occasion, to obey the suggestions of
his new counselor.
The friendship which he manifested towards him was so
well known that no surer way could be discovered of annoying the king than to
attack the archbishop. This probably was the origin of an attempt made by
Lothaire, in 846, to dispute Hincmar’s title to his see. The cause or pretext
of his complaint against Charles was the abduction and marriage of his daughter
Ermengarde by a French nobleman, Count Gisalbert. There seems no ground for
supposing that the king had any part in the act, and still less that Louis
could have been privy to it. But Lothaire chose to accuse both of his brothers
of a share in the crime; and though Louis quickly freed himself from suspicion,
and used all his influence to reconcile the emperor and Charles, he could not
succeed in fully removing the feelings of ill-will which these events had
excited. As an effectual method of proving his displeasure against his brother,
he resolved to stir up again the almost forgotten claims of Ebo to the diocese
of Rheims. With this view, he sent to pope Sergius, who had already expressed
his opinion on the subject in the most decided way, and begged him to give
directions for the re-examination of the whole affair. The pope accordingly
wrote to Charles, and requested him to send Hincmar, with Gondebaud, archbishop
of Rouen, and some other prelates of his realm, to the city of Treves, where
his own legates should meet them, and finally settle the matter in dispute.
Treves was in Lothaire’s dominions; and the king was unwilling to permit a
cause, which could only have reference to France, to be decided in a place
where the council assembled would be entirely in the power of the emperor. He
consented, however, to permit the meeting to be held at Paris; whither, in the
month of February, 847, the metropolitans of Rouen, Sens, Tours, and Rheims
proceeded, expecting to be joined by the legates of pope Sergius. But just at
this time the pope died, and his legates either ceased to have any authority to
exercise their office, or thought themselves freed from the necessity of taking
a long journey, in a cause for which probably they felt little interest,
compared with that attendant on the election of a new pope at Rome. Accordingly
the French bishops, at Paris, held their synod by themselves. Ebo, who was said
to have been in the city at the time, was cited to appear, and plead his cause;
but he took no notice of the citation, neither presenting himself nor sending
any one to represent him, nor even writing a letter in return. Gondebaud,
therefore, and the other bishops, decreed that he had no claim whatever to the
archbishopric of Rheims, and forbade him henceforth to set foot within the
diocese. They afterwards sent an account of their proceedings to Leo IV, who
succeeded Sergius. The pope approved of what had been done, and, in an answer
to Hincmar, who also wrote on the same subject, bestowed upon him the dignity
of the pallium, a proof that he considered him the canonical archbishop. This
was usually given by the pope, at this time, to all archbishops, though, with
very rare exceptions, to any of lower rank, and was worn only upon the great
festivals, or other solemn occasions. But this restriction was relaxed, in
Hincmar’s favor, by the same pope; who, not long afterwards, sent him a pallium
for common use, which, as he said at the time, had never hitherto been granted
to any metropolitan, nor would be bestowed again; a high compliment, much
valued and frequently alluded to by Hincmar, in future years, as a proof of the
reputation which he enjoyed, as a dutiful and submissive son of the apostolic
see.
The bishops at Paris thought it right not to separate
without once more pressing upon the king a better observance of the canons of
former councils, and of the capitulars of his ancestors; and scrupled not to
assure him that all the miseries which his kingdom suffered, from invasion by
Normans and other foes, were to be traced to the sacrilege of which his
subjects and courtiers were guilty, and which he took little pains to repress.
At the same time they supported a petition, for the immunity of his abbey,
presented by the celebrated Radbert, abbot of Corbey, who attended the synod.
Radbert had, before this time, given to the king his treatise on the
Eucharistic Presence, a work already well known, but which attracted far
greater attention in a succeeding age. The king granted his desire, relative to
the exemption of Corbey, and probably also read the treatise, of which he was
no contemptible judge, having inherited all the fondness of his father and
grandfather for theological discussion, although certainly at present inferior
to the former in all points of practical religion.
The same abuses which were so bitterly and fruitlessly
lamented by the bishops of France, existed in the neighboring kingdom of
Germany, and were regarded there also as the causes of similar invasions and
miseries. While Ragnar was engaged in the plunder and ruin of Paris, another
Norman chief of the name of Roric, led his followers, in six hundred vessels,
up the Elbe, and sacked the city of Hamburg. The count of the district was
taken by surprise, and had no time to assemble his forces; and St. Anskar,
after a vain attempt to defend the town, bade the clergy and his servants save
themselves by flight, while he collected the relics of saints, and prepared,
more slowly, to follow their example. The Church and monastery, both built by
himself, the labor of many years, and an extensive library, the gift of Louis
the Pious, were burnt before his eyes. All that he had gathered with incredible
toil and self-sacrifice, for the use and honor of his Church, from the
beginning of his episcopate, perished in an hour; but the good saint folded his
hands in resignation, as he took his flight, without even a garment to cover
him, repeating only the words of Scripture, “The Lord gave, and the Lord hath
taken away”.
But the Normans, though successful in the destruction
of the town, found the Saxons, as soon as they had recovered from their first
surprise, far less disposed than the French to submit without resistance or
revenge to ravages so merciless and unprovoked. They were attacked and repulsed
with considerable loss, and Roric found it politic to demand a truce, and to
send ambassadors to king Louis, at Paderborn, with offers of peace and
alliance. The king had lately been equally successful in repulsing an invasion
of Slavs and Bulgarians in an opposite quarter of his dominions. Many of the
nobles of the former were persuaded, or, in accordance with his grandfather’s
policy, compelled, to embrace Christianity, and Louis had the glory, worthy
almost of Charlemagne himself, of dictating terms of peace, in his diet at
Paderborn, to the assembled ambassadors from those distant heathen and warlike
tribes.
Honourable, however, as was the position of the German
king, in comparison with that of his brother Charles, the sufferings of his
subjects from these attacks on all sides of the kingdom, were scarcely inferior
to those of the French nation. The same reasons were also assigned for them;
and in a Council at Metz, held in October, 847, under Rabanus, who had, a few
months before, at the age of seventy, been raised to the government of that
province, complaints of sacrilege, and of abuse in the disposal of
ecclesiastical property, were addressed to Louis in the same tone as those
which the Councils at Meaux and Paris had lately laid before Charles. Louis had
perhaps less excuse than his younger brother for the permission of these acts
of sacrilege and injustice. He was more independent of his nobles and
courtiers, his army was more efficient, and he had no rivals or foes close at
hand, like Pepin of Aquitaine, and Nomenoius of Brittany, to force him to
preserve, at any sacrifice, the friendship of the more powerful among his
subjects. It also appears, as far as we can estimate the character of the two
princes, that Louis had more determination and strength of purpose than
Charles, although the early actions of the latter gave great promise of this
valuable qualification. But Charles more nearly resembled his father in feelings
of reverence for the Church, however inconsistent with these his conduct may
frequently have been; and hence the bishops of Germany had often fully as great
cause of complaint against the neglect or oppression of their king and his
court, in spite of his superior power to benefit and protect them. Such,
undoubtedly, was proved to be the case by Rabanus and his fellow bishops at
Metz, whose decrees found no more favor in the eyes of Louis, than those of
Hincmar and Wenilo in the synods beyond the Rhine. While Hincmar in France and
Rabanus in Germany were striving to rescue the Church from State oppression, a
revolution of some importance in ecclesiastical matters took place in Brittany.
Nomenoius had made himself master of the duchies or counties of Nantes and
Rennes, of Anjou and part of Maine, in addition to the more western portion of
the province, over which his dukedom originally extended. He had assumed the
title and possessed the power of an independent king; but felt that he was, notwithstanding,
no more than a successful rebel, and that the Bretons, however obedient to his
command and ready to follow him in war, regarded both themselves and their
sovereign as equally the subjects of king Charles. And in these circumstances
it was of great importance to him to be recognized by the bishops of his
dominions; to be anointed by episcopal hands would confer, in common opinion,
if not in reality, a kind of divine right to the regal character, and would
satisfy at once his own conscience and the scruples of all who owned his power.
There were four bishops in Brittany, holding the sees of Vannes, St, Malo,
Quimper, and Carbaix; none of whom, probably, were willing to commit so plain
an act of rebellion as the coronation of Nomenoius; and if their objections
could be overcome, the archbishop of Tours, who was their metropolitan, would
undoubtedly refuse his sanction to the act, and thus render it invalid. It was
perhaps with the hope of getting rid of these refractory prelates, and of
erecting his new kingdom into a separate ecclesiastical province, without which
he well understood that its independence would be inferior or of short
duration, that Nomenoius set on foot or encouraged a charge of simony against
the four bishops of his realm. St. Convoyon, abbot of Redon, a man of strict
sanctity of life, who had introduced the monastic system into this corner of
France, accused them of the crime. It appeared from their defence that they had
been guilty of receiving certain voluntary presents as marks of honor on
occasion of their performing ordinations; a dangerous and perhaps unlawful
practice, but one which need not necessarily have amounted to the guilt of
simony, and which probably would not have alarmed the orthodoxy of Nomenoius,
but for his having some other object in view, besides the observance of the
canons of the Church. It was determined however to send the cause to Rome; an
act of itself suspicious, as the usual and regular method would have been to
call first for the decision or advice of the metropolitan, who might summon a
provincial, or if necessary a still more general council to aid him in his
judgments. The bishops of Vannes and Quimper, the former of whom was the chief
offender, proceeded to Rome accompanied by their accuser St. Convoyon; and pope
Leo on their arrival convened a synod to assist him in so grave a cause. The
decision to which they came is worthy of notice. Any simoniacal act, such as
that of which the bishops were accused, deserved, according to the strict
letter of the canons, no less a punishment than deposition; but such a sentence
could not be passed except by a council of at least twelve bishops, or by the
testimony of seveny-two witnesses; unless the accused expressed a particular
desire to have his trial conducted at Rome, which must, in that case, be
permitted. Meanwhile, the canons of Councils and the papal decretals were laid
down as the standard by which all ecclesiastical judgments were to be
regulated. Among the latter, the only pope whose letters are mentioned, prior
to Siricius, is pope Sylvester; a proof that the decretals which went under the
name of Isidore’s collection, and had been lately put together by Benedict,
deacon of Metz, or some other compiler, were, either at this time, or by pope
Leo in particular, not known or not recognized as genuine.
On receiving the decision of Rome, Nomenoius was
ill-satisfied with the results of the mission. The bishops remained in their
former position, and it was evident that he could assemble no Council of twelve
prelates, for the sake of deposing them, without having recourse to France,
whence he could expect no assistance. He resolved, therefore, to do at last
what might have been effected without reference to the authority of the pope;
and summoning his four bishops, with the nobles of the country, to the abbey of
St. Redon, he forced them there to resign their dioceses, and appointed seven
others in their place; to one of whom, the bishop of Dol, he gave the dignity
of metropolitan, thus separating the Church of Brittany from its former
province of Tours. We are not told how the consecration of the new bishops was
effected. It was a general custom, which had gained the force of law, for an
archbishop to preside over all episcopal consecrations; and we are informed
that this necessity called for the appointment of a metropolitan at Dol. If
Nomenoius thought it important to insist upon the regularity of all his
proceedings, so far as was possible, he may perhaps have raised one of his
former bishops to the archiepiscopal rank, before the ceremony of their
deposition or resignation, so as canonically to ordain the remainder under his
sanction or presidency. At all events, there can be no doubt that the general
reverence of the day for the external ordinances of the Church was sufficient
to prevent any canonical irregularity fatal to the episcopal character of the
new province of Brittany.
So bold an ecclesiastical innovation as that now made
by Nomenoius, in contempt of both papal and episcopal authority, could not
remain unnoticed or uncensured. An assembly of bishops under Landran, the
metropolitan whose province had been dismembered and authority disregarded,
Hincmar and others, met at Tours or Paris, and pronounced a censure upon the
king of Brittany with a threat of excommunication unless he retracted and
repented of what was done. It is not likely that the prince paid much attention
to the demand of the Council, but we are not informed that the threat was ever
carried into effect. Some years afterwards the pope recognized the archbishop
of Dol, and sent him the pallium. Meantime Nomenoius gained his object by
receiving kingly unction and consecration at the hands of his new prelates.
The treaty purchased by Charles with Ragnar the
Norman, after the taking of Paris, was probably not meant to extend to other
chiefs of the same nation, and certainly had no effect in stopping or lessening
their invasions of France. Besides Ragnar himself, and Roric, who have been
already mentioned, the two other chiefs of greatest reputation at this time
were Hastings and Godfrey. The former is said to have been a native of France,
and to have been stolen, when a child, from the neighborhood of Troyes. He was
sold to the Normans, and on growing up to manhood displayed so remarkable a
degree of strength and courage, that he was chosen to take the lead in many
predatory expeditions, and at length obtained the highest rank among the
chieftains of his people. For thirty years he continued to head the invasions
of France, until the time of Rollo, who succeeded him, and whose first command
took place in the year 876. Godfrey, though less celebrated than either
Hastings or Ragnar, is remarkable as being the first of these heathen pirates
who obtained, by the concession of a Carolingian sovereign, a permanent
settlement in the empire. About the year 850 Charles made over to him a county
on the banks of the Seine; while Lothaire about the same time invested Roric
with the sovereignty of Dorstadt, and some neighboring counties.
But other ravages took place between the capture of
Paris and the permanent settlement of the invaders on the Meuse and Seine. In
848 Bordeaux and Melle in Poitou were burnt, the former after a long siege,
which the Normans would have been forced to raise, but for the treachery of the
Jewish inhabitants; and in the following year Petrocorii or Perigueux shared the same fate; while the sacking of
Marseilles by some Greek pirates, and of Arles by the Moors, proved that the
southern coast of France was no safer than the northern or western from the
miseries of barbarian piracy, and no better defended against the attacks of any
foes who might be tempted to invade it. Meanwhile, the Spanish March was the
scene of constant war. William, duke of Languedoc, lost no opportunity of
extending his conquests in that country; Barcelona and other towns on the same
coast fell about this time into his hands; and the revolt of Mirza from the
Caliph Abdurrahman, spread war and rapine over this as other quarters of Spain.
Troubles of a somewhat different nature, but no less productive of confusion
and distress, were caused by a renegade of the name of Rodo, who had been a
clergyman, in deacon’s orders, and who embraced the Jewish creed. Such was the
hatred of this apostate for the faith which he had deserted, that he employed
all his efforts in persuading Abdurrahman and the Saracens of Spain to force
the Christians, under pain of death and torture, to become either Mussulmans or
Jews. It is supposed that the long and cruel persecution which broke out just
afterwards, and which watered the Church of Spain with the blood of so many
martyrs, owed its first rise to the fanaticism and malevolence of the apostate
Rodo.
The war between Abdurrahman and Mirza appeared to
Charles to threaten still further the stability of his kingdom, the Spanish
March, of which the progress of William, son of Bernard, seemed indeed to be
rapidly depriving him. The latter, at the first outbreak of his rebellion, had
received assistance from the Caliph; and either to put a stop to this aid or to
prevent an union between Mirza and the duke of Septimania, Charles made, in
817, a treaty of alliance with Abdurrahman. About the same time the three
Carolingian princes met at Mersen on the Meuse, to devise, if possible, some
means of stopping the constant invasion of Norman and other barbarians; but
after renewing their vows of friendship, and promising that each, would extend
the same affection to his brothers’ children, they separated without coming to
any practical decision. Charles, however, gained one advantage, if such it
could in reality be considered, by the trouble in which the country was
involved. The people of Aquitaine, who had defended the cause of their
king, Pepin II, with so much enthusiasm and success, were not long in discovering
that they had made an unwise choice, even in comparison with Charles the Bald.
Pepin is said to have been of a strikingly handsome and dignified appearance; a
circumstance which had weight in engaging the affection of his party at first,
but which could not stand in the place of qualifications more necessary in
times like the present. He was of indolent disposition, and was addicted to an
excess in eating and drinking, which frequently disabled him from all exertion,
bodily or mental. Such a prince had little chance of resisting with success the
invasions of the Normans, who now, year after year, ravaged the coast, and, to
a considerable distance, even the interior of Aquitaine. Accordingly an
important meeting of nobles and prelates of the country took place at Orleans,
and tendered the crown to Charles, who was not slow in accepting the offer. A
fortunate defeat of the Danes, who at this time landed and burnt Bordeaux,
seemed to furnish a proof of their wisdom, and determined them to support the
claim of the new monarch with vigor, until Pepin, who still numbered a large
portion of the population among his adherents, should be forced to resign all
pretensions to the sovereignty. Pepin, however, was supported by the marquis of
Gascony, and with his aid was no contemptible foe; especially as the Caliph of
Corduba, notwithstanding his late alliance with the king of France, now
promised assistance to his rival. War was commenced again in Aquitaine, and
continued with little intermission for the next three or four years. Charles,
however, seems always to have retained the superiority with which he first
began. Another nephew of the same name with himself was captured by him in the
attempt to escape from the court of Lothaire, where till now he had lived in
safety and seclusion, and to join his elder brother Pepin. He was carried by
the king to Chartres, and there persuaded or compelled to receive the tonsure,
and the monastic vows. At the same he made public declaration that the act was
his own free will and choice; an assertion which, under the circumstances,
cannot perhaps be received with implicit trust. Afterwards, on the death of
Rabanus Maurus, he was raised to the dignity of archbishop of Metz. Pepin
continued the war, after his brother’s capture, till the year 852, and probably
might have disputed the throne much longer, but for a quarrel with the marquis
of Gascony, his most powerful friend, who delivered him into the hands of
Charles. Like his brother he was forced to become a monk, and was enclosed in the
monastery of St. Medard at Soissons. Shortly afterwards he made an attempt to
regain his freedom, by the assistance of two monks, but was unsuccessful, and
his abettors were condemned as guilty of treason, at a diet held by the king at
Soissons.
The same success which Charles enjoyed in Aquitaine
attended his arms, for some time, in other parts of his dominions. In the year
850 William was killed in the Spanish March, and Barcelona retaken; and the
next year the death of Nomenoius, and his friend Lambert freed him from two
formidable enemies. But Erispoius, son of the king of Brittany, assumed as a
matter of right his father’s title, and defeated a French army which was sent
against him. After this he expressed his readiness to take oaths of fealty
and allegiance to the king of France; and they met accordingly at Angers, when
in return for the homage, Charles acknowledged him as king, and gave him up
peaceable possession of Rennes, Nantes, and the duchy of Metz.
But no success in war, or peaceable treaties between
himself and other princes, could, in any degree, counterbalance the evils of
Norman invasion, which filled with misery and ruin the realm of the king of
France, and seemed altogether to crush and paralyze the whole vigour of the
nation. The dominions of his two brothers had their share in these calamities,
yet in an inferior degree. The pirates sailed up the great rivers, and attacked
the cities, and ravaged the country on their banks; or fixing upon some spot as
a central position, extended their plunder on all sides, until the utter
exhaustion of the neighbourhood, or the report of better spoil elsewhere,
called them to some other quarters. Monasteries and Churches were, as was said
before, their favourite points of attack, because more wealth was usually found
attached to them than could be discovered in the towns, much less in the
villages. The inhabitants seldom made any attempt to resist; on the first news
of the approach they left all that was not easily carried with them, and fled
into the hills, forests, or morasses, which offered a place of concealment. In
several instances, indeed, they endeavoured to secure the good will of the
invaders, by joining their bands, and professing their religion; for the
barbarians were cruel persecutors of Christianity, and appeared instigated, not
alone by love of plunder, but by a fanatical hatred of the truth, in their
destruction of churches, and of the monks or clergy. They received into their
ranks those who were willing to renounce their faith, but slaughtered or kept
to be sold as slaves all who refused compliance.
The country of Charles suffered most, because three
great rivers, the Seine, Loire, and Garonne, all of them leading quickly into
what had been, until these ravages, populous and highly cultivated provinces,
their banks lined with towns, Churches, and monasteries, offered easy and
tempting methods of approach. To the dominions of Lothaire and Louis the sole
access was by the Rhine, Meuse, or Scheldt, constituting, in fact, from the
close vicinity of their mouths, one entrance to the vessels of the invaders
through which they could find their way. For the Weser and Elbe offered, in
comparison, few temptations, as the country to which their waters would carry
them was less civilized, less furnished with the depots of wealth and luxury,
and perhaps with a population less disposed to yield without resistance to
their attacks. Hamburg, however, had been destroyed, as was related before, and
in the year 851 two hundred and fifty large sized vessels, under Ager the Dane,
entered at once the Rhine, Meuse, and Seine; one party destroyed Ghent, sacked
Aix-la-Chapelle, burnt the palace of Charlemagne, and laid in ruins, with the
massacre of nearly all the inhabitants, the rich and populous cities of Cologne
and Treves. The other divisions, leaving the vessels at Rouen, marched to
Beauvais, destroying, among other places, the celebrated monasteries of
Fontenelle and St. Germar, and were so well satisfied with the neighborhood to
which they had found their way, that they remained on the spot from the autumn
of 851 to the following summer, and only departed to transfer their ravages to
Bordeaux. During these invasions, neither Charles in France, nor Lothaire or
Louis on the Rhine, nor any of the nobles and officers of either king, made any
attempt to molest them or resist their progress; an excess of indolence or
pusillanimity for which it seems impossible to conjecture the cause, or offer
an excuse. The following year, the same scenes of pillage and massacre were
enacted on the banks of the Loire. Nantes, Mans, and other towns, with many
monasteries, were burnt and leveled with the ground, and Tours was only saved
by a sudden inundation of the Loire and Cher, while a continuance of the last
year’s attacks upon the Seine and Rhine, was averted by the cession of
territory, before mentioned, to Roric and Godfrey. Soon afterwards, in 854,
Angers and Blois met the same fate which had befallen many other cities, and
the Danes, who laid waste the country up to the gates of Orleans, might have
made themselves with equal facility masters of that town, had they not turned
back from caprice and change of purpose.
If we except these continued invasions, the history of
the Carolingian empire is barren of any political events till the year 855,
which is marked by the death of the emperor Lothaire. He died in September, at
the age of sixty, and shortly before his decease, finding his strength
beginning to fail, and moved with compunction at the remembrance of his
rebellions against his father, he resigned the imperial crown to his eldest son
Louis, and retired into the monastery of Prum, in the neighbourhood of
Treves. So far as we can form any notion of his character from the actions
of his life, he appears to have been the least worthy of respect among the sons
of Louis the Pious; yet, although criminal beyond all doubt in his frequent
acts of filial disobedience and rebellion, it may be remembered, in palliation
of his conduct, that he was always encouraged and supported by several of the
leading prelates and clergy of the day, men who were distinguished for piety
and judgment, and some of whom have been honored in the Church with the title
of saints. The approval and support of adherents so respectable, if it fails in
persuading us that Lothaire’s behavior towards his father was free from blame,
may show at any rate that in the views of his time and country it was not
thought worthy of unmitigated condemnation; but, on the contrary, that some,
and those of not least weight, looked upon his side as that of justice and
religion. A still more probable excuse may be made for the contest with his two
brothers, although in this case also, no less than in the former, it is decided
that Charles the Bald and Louis of Germany had the greater right. In private
life, there is no stain of immorality in the character of Lothaire, like that
which attaches so greatly to the reputation of his grandfather; but at the same
time we have no evidence of his possessing the piety and sanctity of his
father’s character. There is no reason to doubt the sincerity of his repentance
on his taking the monastic habit in the abbey of Prum. Like Charlemagne, and
the other princes of his family, he was a great promoter of literature among his
subjects, and invited to his court men of all countries distinguished for
their learning. His eldest son, Louis the Second, had been already crowned
emperor at Rome, in the year 851, and had since that time proved himself an
efficient and vigorous sovereign, by putting a termination to the long quarrels
between the two claimants for the duchy of Beneventum. He divided the territory
between them, and drove out both parties of Saracens from Italy. Lothaire
desired him to be content with the imperial title, and the kingdom of Lombardy,
and divided his French dominions between his two other sons, Lothaire the
Second, and Charles. The latter received the country between the Rhone and
Alps, which about this time began to be called Provence, and the former the remainder,
called from him Lotharingia, or Lorraine.
It is refreshing to turn from the meagre and disreputable
list of events which make up the civil and military history of France, and
indeed of all the empire, during the last few years, to the spiritual or
ecclesiastical history of the same time and country. In the latter there are
signs everywhere of life, energy, and talent; if there is wrong and error,
these only call forth a greater vigor to redress and oppose them. In the remedy
of practical abuses, in conviction of heretical opinions, in earnest labor for
the spread of Christianity, in resolute defence of the rights of the Church,
the bishops and clergy of France and Germany, during the reigns of Charles and
Louis, need not dread comparison with those of almost any other period. If
there were dissensions among the bishops, this proves, at all events, an
earnestness about what each imagined to be right; or if not, they resembled not
the quarrels between the political parties of the day, which swallowed up all
the courage and energy which ought to have been directed against the common
enemy, and gave impunity and security to the ravages of barbarous invaders. The
ecclesiastical disputes, though carried on with vehemence, hindered not the
union of those who conducted them against vice, sacrilege, and infidelity; and
the same Councils which were the scenes of active discussion on matters of
doctrine and Church policy, published canons the most conducive to the good of
the Church and the due honor of religion, and attacking with the greatest
boldness and authority even the highest and most powerful offenders. It is with
pleasure, therefore, that we turn now to the history of a dispute which,
beginning a few years back, produced, for some time, considerable sensation in
the Church of France.
It is true that no
ecumenical decree fixed the seal of truth upon either of the conflicting
doctrines; but the general consent of all the Church has affirmed, with
scarcely less weight of authority, the orthodoxy of the opinions advocated by
Hincmar. We shall see, in the following chapter, that the archbishop of Rheims
took the most active part throughout the controversy, and has left a voluminous
treatise, of equal labor and erudition, on the subject.
CHAP. III.
CONTROVERSIES ON
PREDESTINATION AND THE THREEFOLD DEITY.
It has been a question among the learned whether the
predestinarian, or, as they were usually termed, the predestinarian errors, are
to be reckoned among the heresies condemned by Catholic antiquity. The
doctrines of original sin, of free-will, and grace, are so intimately connected
with the doctrines of the fore-knowledge and predestination of God, that it is
not possible to discuss the one set of questions without entering also upon the
other. Accordingly we find that the disputes and discussions which arose in the
Church on occasion of the Pelagian heresy, were followed quickly by doubts and
controversies on the subject of predestination. The works of St. Augustin, in
explanation and defence of the orthodox doctrines of original sin and
free-will, gave rise to many mistakes among the less learned or the less
submissive, even of those who agreed with him, in the main, on these points.
The professed adherents of Pelagius, holding as they did the full power of men
to will and to do what is right and holy, and denying, in consequence, the
necessity of grace, would obviously entertain notions equally erroneous, and
equally opposed to the teaching of St. Austin, upon predestination. Nor does
the modification of this heresy, known by the name of Semi-Pelagianism, although not
chargeable with the same manifest degree of falsehood and danger which belonged
to the more extreme views, appear less opposed in reality to any orthodox
opinion on the subject.
Semi-Pelagianism, which is said to have arisen first
at Marseilles, in the year 429, seems to have shown itself under various forms.
By some persons it was held that men had the power of willing what is right of
themselves, though unable to carry out their will into action without grace;
while others thought that right faith was in our own power, although the
obedience founded upon it required divine assistance. Again, some insisted upon
the necessity of grace, but at the same time explained it away, by teaching
that under this name must be included the law, or conscience, or anything
whatever which might produce a good effect upon the mind; or making a still
further compromise, they asserted that the beginning of good desires, and of
faith, proceeds sometimes from ourselves, sometimes is wrought within us by
divine operation; that we have the power of inclining ourselves naturally to
goodness, although at one time preventing grace precedes the motion of the
will, at another free-will comes first.
Holding these or similar views, the Semi-Pelagians of
France opposed the doctrine of predestination, as explained in the writings of
St. Augustin, on the ground that all virtue is destroyed, if the very beginning
of grace is from God, and therefore independent of the merit of the recipient,
and if none others can be saved but those who are predestined from eternity.
Confessing the Catholic doctrine that our Lord Jesus Christ died for all
mankind, so that no one whatever is excluded from the redemption of His Blood,
they maintained, as a consequence of this, that the eternal life thus prepared
for all men is given only to those who believe of their own accord, and merit
the assistance of grace by their own faith. They also declared that all ancient
Catholic writers regarded predestination as founded on foreknowledge, by which
God sees beforehand what use the will of each individual will make of the
assistance of grace.
St. Augustin was informed of these opinions by two
laymen, Hilary and Prosper, the latter a native of Reis, in Aquitaine. Though
infirm from old age, and overburdened with other occupations, he lost no time
in answering them. His work on the Predestination of the Saints was written on
this occasion. In this he says that predestination differs from grace, of which
it is only the preparation, and from fore-knowledge. For by foreknowledge God
knows all future things, whether actions of His own, or not, while
predestination only extends to such things as He will do Himself, as for
example, to all that He promises. Thus His promise to Abraham that all nations
should believe through his seed, implied that He had predestined this belief;
and the universal belief in Christianity is accordingly the act of God, or the
effect of His grace. That predestination is purely gratuitous, or independent
of any merit in those who are predestined, is fully proved by the salvation of
infants who never live to believe or obey. St. Augustin’s work on the Gift of
Perseverance, was written on the same occasion, and is indeed only a
continuation of that on the Predestination of the Saints. In this he fully
grants the difficulty or impossibility of our understanding why one man is
predestined to life, and another not; or why, of two persons who are called and
justified, of two righteous persons, the gift of perseverance is granted to the
one, and not to the other, proving that one and not the other has been
predestined to eternal life. Accordingly, he recommends great caution in the
way of teaching the doctrine of predestination, although, as our Lord Himself
and St. Paul taught it, it is not to be thought incompatible with preaching, as
the Semi-Pelagians had maintained. The same objection would apply to the
doctrines of foreknowledge and grace; for predestination may be defined or
explained to be the fore-knowledge and preparation of the benefits of God, by
which all those are most surely delivered who are delivered. He seems to deny
what had been said of the views of earlier writers on this subject, by
referring to St. Cyprian as holding the same opinions with himself.
These explanations of St. Austin, so far from
satisfying the scruples of the Semi-Pelagians, in France, raised a strong party
against him, who scrupled not to accuse him of heresy. St. Prosper and Hilary
defended him, to the best of their power; and, finding themselves too weak in argument,
or possessed of too little authority to succeed, repaired to pope St.
Celestine, requesting him to interfere in their aid. Accordingly, he wrote to
the bishops in that part of France, urging them to put a stop at once to the
spread of heresy, and strongly asserting the orthodoxy of St. Austin, whose
decease had taken place in the meantime. Armed with these letters, Prosper
returned to France, and addressed himself diligently to the refutation of the
heresies prevalent there, at the head of which was Cassian, in high repute for
learning and sanctity, and in which even St. Hilary, bishop of Arles, is said
to have joined. He was met by an assertion, on the part of his adversaries,
that the doctrine of St. Austin and his adherents led to the following among
other erroneous conclusions:—that our Savior died not for all mankind; that God
wills not the salvation of all men; that some men were created for the very
purpose of being eternally condemned; that God is the author of evil; and that
predestination is the cause of sin, and imposes necessity of damnation. These
objections, brought forward, as some have supposed, by the celebrated St.
Vincent of Lérins, were answered by Prosper, whose reply only drew upon himself
the charge of holding the same heretical opinions before attributed to St.
Augustin, and provoked Cassian and others of the Semi-Pelagian school to
publish, in addition, fifteen propositions, which they maintained to be the
legitimate consequence of Prospers teaching on the subject of predestination.
The most important of these were the assertions that predestination, as
understood and explained by him, is a sort of fatality, compelling men to sin;
that baptism, though duly administered, does not, in all cases, take away
original sin; that a holy and religious life is of no service to such as are
not in the number of the predestined; that in the salvation of man
predestination performs the whole work, and free-will has no share whatever;
that the elect alone, a small number out of the mass of mankind, are the
objects of divine love and mercy, or were redeemed by the Death and Passion of
our Lord; that God forces some men into sin; and that predestination and
prescience are the same. These fifteen conclusions were condemned by St.
Prosper, in the same number of propositions, in which the direct contrary is
asserted.
Whether the opinions now attributed to St. Prosper by
Cassian and his party in France, and so distinctly repudiated by him, were in
reality held by others, of less judgment or piety, cannot be decided. It is not
improbable that this may have been the case; for otherwise it seems difficult
to imagine that such men as Cassian and St. Vincent, especially if St. Hilary
of Arles is to be reckoned in their number, could have so misinterpreted the
writings of St. Austin as to draw from them these unwarrantable conclusions.
There was much dispute, as will be seen, between Hincmar and his opponents, as
to the existence, at this time, of any heresy on the subject of
predestination; and the archbishop of Rheims, whose historical information
was, perhaps, not equal to his zeal and orthodoxy, plainly mistakes the
propositions just quoted, as representing the heresy which St. Prosper was
commissioned by St. Celestine to oppose in France; whereas, on the contrary,
the Semi-Pelagians were the party in opposition to him, and the predestination
notions were attributed to St. Austin and himself.
The controversy now noticed took place before the
middle of the fifth century. Thirty or forty years afterwards it was renewed.
The majority of French bishops were still inclined to Semi-Pelagian views, and,
in consequence, still disposed to look with suspicion on the works of St.
Augustin. A presbyter, of the name of Lucidus, wrote in defence of his book on
grace and predestination, and probably fell into the opposite extreme to the
notions prevalent at the time, or, at all events, used expressions of a
dangerous tendency. Faustus, first abbot of Lérins, and afterwards bishop of
Reis in Aquitaine, published some anathemas in opposition to the work of
Lucidus, and required him to sign them. One of these was against those who
maintained that the prescience of God is the cause of death; another condemned
the assertion that those who perish have not received grace sufficient for
their salvation; and a third, the denial that Christ died for all mankind.
Lucidus complied with the request, and, according to the order of Faustus,
forwarded his recantation, or signature of the anathemas presented to him, to a
synod held at Arles, against the real or supposed predestinarian heresy, in the
year 475. The bishops who composed this Council passed their condemnation on
the views attributed to Lucidus and his followers or companions, accepted his
recantation, and enjoined on Faustus the task of writing on the
subject. This work was afterwards approved by another Council.
There seems, on the whole, little doubt that the
unsound notions attributed by Cassian and his party to Prosper, and afterwards
by Faustus and the Council of Aries to Lucidus and others, were more or less
prevalent during this century in France. That a large party in the Church were
at the same time strongly inclined to Semi-Pelagianism in no way lessens the
probability; for in theological controversy one extreme frequently begets
another. It is also certain that these errors were formally condemned by the
Synod of 475. It is true that pope Gelasius, writing twenty years afterwards,
reckoned the works of Faustus among the suspicious or apocryphal books rejected
or held in little esteem by the Church for their Pelagian tendency; and another
pope, Hormisdas, not long after confirmed the censure; nor is it improbable
that the synod of Arles might, in some degree, share this condemnation,
although no orthodox prelate could make any objection to the letter of its
decisions. But, on the other hand, Gennadius, who also wrote at the end of this
century, or quite at the beginning of the next, adds the heresy of the
Predestinarians, with two or three others, to the list of heresies left by St.
Augustin; and without putting the authority of Gennadius on a par with that of
the two bishops of Rome just mentioned, we may regard him as fairly
representing the common opinion of his time, that the existence of such a
heresy was recognized in the Church. To this it may be added that the second
Council of Orange, held in the year 529, under Caesarius, bishop of Arles, a
prelate of high reputation in his day, pronounced an anathema on all who should
maintain that any persons are predestined to death. The decision of the Council
is the more worthy of notice, as Caesarius was a great admirer of St. Austin,
who was considered by the Semi-Pelagian party as having advocated this very
doctrine; and its condemnation by the bishop of Arles and the other opponents
of Semi-Pelagianism, at the synod of Orange, is an unexceptionable testimony to
the fact that the charge against that father is unmerited and altogether
groundless.
Shortly before this decision in France, the question
of predestination had been discussed by Fulgentius, bishop of Ruspe, in Africa,
who wrote on the subject to a friend, who had misunderstood some passages in
the works of St. Augustin. In the course of his exposition, he speaks of two
kinds of predestination, one to life, and the other to death. The manner of
expression which we have just seen condemned at Orange, led to great
inconvenience, and may, indeed, be considered as the foundation of many of the
erroneous views held at various times upon this question. Fulgentius, however,
was himself perfectly orthodox; for he takes pains to explain that the two
kinds of predestination stand on very different grounds, and that men are not
predestined to sin, but only to the punishment which they justly incur by their
sinful lives. Notwithstanding, it is certain that St. Fulgentius was looked
upon with some suspicion in the Church; and when his name was used by the later
heretics, as an authority for their views on predestination, it was not always
very easy to clear him of the charge.
Nor was Fulgentius the only one of the Catholic
writers quoted by the predestinarians of later times in support of their
opinions. Not to mention St. Augustin, because that father retracted afterwards
his use of the obnoxious phrase, St. Gregory the Great, writing more than half
a century after Fulgentius, speaks of predestination in the plural. No one
indeed ever presumed to think that that orthodox prelate inclined to heresy on
this subject, except those heretics who quoted him as holding the same
sentiments with themselves. Yet he speaks in terms which, if quite intelligible
in the orthodox sense, have fully as suspicious an appearance as any Fulgentius
ever used. For while teaching that punishment is predestined to the wicked, he
teaches also that a greater sin is often the punishment for a lesser; and
therefore could scarcely refuse to admit the conclusion that Almighty God does,
in this sense, predestine men to sin, not indeed independently of their own
fault, but as a punishment for it. As Semi-Pelagianism ceased in the Church of
France, the opposite heresy of the Predestinarians seems to have died away with
it. After the Councils of Arles and Orange had pronounced an authoritative
condemnation on their most prominent errors, there was perhaps little danger
that any but the boldest innovators would venture to introduce novel opinions
on a subject so confessedly removed beyond human comprehension. It was
enough on these questions to hold certain undeniable truths,—the perfect
justice of Almighty God, who can condemn none but the guilty; His boundless
love for man, and will that all should be saved; His foreknowledge of all
things; His determination to save, in Christ, all who should believe; and the
impossibility to please Him by belief, will, or action, without His free and
unmerited grace. If any of these articles of faith seemed difficult of
reconciliation among themselves, or with other equally certain truths, it was
sufficient to believe them, without argument, and without the attempt to clear
up every difficulty; and he who was not satisfied to do this, might incur,
without injustice, the charge of insubordination to the Church, in her
character of interpreter of Holy Writ.
However, in the middle of the ninth century, disputes
on predestination began again, and although the heretical notions had perhaps
few real adherents among the bishops and clergy, the whole Gallican Church was
divided by them into two parties. Two monks, Ratramnus and Godeschalcus, were
the authors of the movement. Ratramnus was a monk of Corbey, and is more
celebrated for his writings on some other questions than for those on predestination.
Godeschalcus, or Gotheschalcus, as his name is generally written in Latin,
otherwise called Fulgentius, was a monk of Orbais, in the diocese of Soissons;
by birth he was a German, as his name indicates. From childhood he had been
destined by his parents for the monastic and clerical profession, and had been
placed for education in the celebrated school of Fulda, then under the
direction of Rabanus Maurus. After admission to the lower ecclesiastical
degrees, he grew weary of his retired life, and was permitted by archbishop
Otger, of Metz, to leave it; but Rabanus, who regarded the act as a violation of
a fundamental principle of the monastic system, appealed to the emperor, Louis
the Pious, and Godeschalcus was forced to return to the cloister. Liberty,
however, was granted to him change his monastery, and he chose that of Orbais.
Here he devoted himself to theological study, especially to the study of St.
Austin; and became so great an admirer of that father as to commit portions of
his writings to memory. He seems to have been of an enthusiastic, but
passionate and reckless disposition; he was fond of novelties, and delighted in
dwelling on such speculative questions in divinity as are matters for simple
faith rather than for argument. He formed a friendship with some of the learned
men of his day, among whom the names of Walafrid, abbot of Auge, Lupus, abbot
of Ferrieres, and Ratramnus of Corbey, are the best known. He was ordained
priest, at the age of forty, (in an irregular way, by a chorepiscopus) and dean
of Rheims, without the knowledge and consent of his own diocesan. Not contented
to remain quietly in his monastery, he travelled in several countries, and
particularly in Italy; and, wherever he went, appears to have taught his
peculiar views of predestination. In these he was supported by Ratramnus; and
the latter, who was probably a man of superior mind, may perhaps have led him
originally to entertain those erroneous notions, both on this subject, and on
that of the Holy Trinity, for which he afterwards suffered so severely.
However, the reputation of Godeschalcus, as a teacher of heresy, was widely
spread; for while he was resident in the house of count Eberard, one of the
emperor’s chief nobles, in Italy, Rabanus, lately raised to the archbishopric
of Metz, wrote to the count, urging him to dismiss his guest, as a well-known
and dangerous person; and this letter was enforced by another to Notingus, the
bishop elect of Verona, with whom Godeschalcus had already had a theological
discussion. Accordingly he was dismissed, and after pursuing his travels
through various parts of Germany came at last to Metz.
Whatever may have been the opinions of Ratramnus on
the points just mentioned, Godeschalcus was certainly heretical on both
questions; although in his views of grace and predestination he stopped short
of the extreme errors of some earlier heretics. However, he believed and taught
that predestination to life and to death are equally decrees of Almighty God;
and if we may trust what is said by Hincmar and others, he put the two on
precisely the same footing. Godeschalcus indeed frequently asserted that men
are punished for their own deserts; and if he had been orthodox on other
points, we might have been willing to think him misrepresented here, or, at all
events, guilty only of careless expressions, and of using the term
predestination to death, when he only meant by it the determination of God to
punish for sin, instead of what Hincmar maintains his meaning to have been, the
actual decree that man should both sin and be punished for it. However, his
other errors will not permit us to clear him of heresy here. Indeed the
official letter of the Council of Metz, drawn up by Rabanus, accuses him of
teaching that some men are unable to turn from sin and error, because of the
predestination of God, which forces them into deadly sin, or into the way which
leads to death; so that God is in fact the cause of their being incorrigible
here, and condemned to death hereafter. In the same document it is said that
the consequence of his teaching had been that many men were wont to say, “Why
need I labor in God's service? If I am predestined to death, no effort of mine
will save me from it; and if I sin, and yet am predestined to life, no doubt I
shall come to eternal rest”. His teaching must have been heretical, if it led
to such results, however he may have formally expressed his views, when
required to state them in exact terms. Thus, in a memoir presented to Rabanus,
in which he accuses that prelate of Semi-Pelagianism, or of supporting the
errors of Cassian, he says, “As God has predestined all the elect to life, by
the free benefit of his grace alone, so most certainly He has predestined all
the reprobate to the punishment of eternal death, by the equitable decree of
His incommutable justice”; and again, “I, Godeschalcus believe and confess that
there is a twofold predestination, of the elect to rest, and of the reprobate
to death; for as God, Who cannot change, predestined immutably, by His free
grace, all His elect to eternal life, before the beginning of the world, in
precisely the same way the same unchangeable God, by His righteous judgment,
predestined all the reprobate, who shall be condemned in the day of judgment
for their own ill deserts, to a death which shall be deservedly eternal”. If,
as before said, the author of these assertions had been perfectly orthodox on
other points, and if his teaching had not led, as we find asserted in the
letter from the Synod of Metz, to consequences so baneful, we might perhaps
have acquitted him of any great error, though not of an overbold manner of
speaking of the divine decrees; although, as Hincmar repeatedly says, it is in
fact heretical in the highest degree to say that Almighty God predestines to
death, in the same way in which he predestines to life. However former doctors
of the Church, Augustin, Fulgentius, or Gregory, may have spoken of a double
predestination, they never spoke of it in this sense. The predestination to
life is the cause not only of reward, but of grace, and of every good thought,
act, or habit, which springs from grace, and which is the title to life
eternal; and consequently, if predestination to death stands on the same
ground, it will be the cause, not of punishment only, but of sin; so that,
however strongly and frequently the perfect justice of God be asserted by those
who maintain this view, the belief itself, if carried out to its legitimate
conclusion, is in fact a necessary denial of these assertions.
But other opinions, held and taught by Godeschalcus,
will not admit even of that unsatisfactory defence which is furnished by
vagueness of expression. Without referring here to his views about a Threefold
Deity, which formed the subject of a distinct charge, the following assertion
was made by him, in connection with his tenets on predestination, and was
included in his letter to Rabanus. “The goodness of Almighty God has
predestined to life, and has willed to be saved indefectibly, only those
sinners whom the Son of God came to redeem, by shedding His own Blood; but all
those sinners for whom the same Son of God neither took a human body, nor
offered up prayer, not to speak of shedding His Blood for them, and for whom He
was in no way crucified, inasmuch as He knew beforehand that they would be very
wicked, and had justly determined to cast them into eternal torments; these He
most certainly wills not to be saved”. Two kindred heresies are contained here;
one, that God wills not the salvation of all men; the other, that Christ died
not for all; both equally contradicting the plain assertion of Holy Writ, and
the no less plain belief of the whole Church up to that time, as Hincmar
sufficiently proves by a large mass of quotations. To these, Godeschalcus added
another, or rather a further consequence of the same views, maintaining that
all men are redeemed by Baptism, and that by Christ Himself, but that those not
predestined to life are not redeemed or washed by His Blood, either in Baptism
or at any other time : an opinion which seems invented solely for the sake of
its apparent accordance with his other views, and the absurdity of which is so
palpable, that it is at once difficult to conjecture what he could have
understood by it, and no less difficult to conceive how a man of common
reasoning powers could avoid being convinced, by such a conclusion, of the
falsity of the premises which led to it.
Such were the views taught by Godeschalcus, in the
diocese of Metz, on his return from travelling in Italy. Rabanus Maurus, who is
considered the first theologian of that age, alarmed at the errors which “the
vagabond monk”, as he terms him, was spreading in his diocese and city,
summoned a synod, by the command of king Louis, who was himself present on the
occasion, and called upon Godeschalcus to declare his opinions, which he did in
a book or letter, to which allusion has been already made. He was ordered to
recant, and on refusal was sent to Hincmar, as being his metropolitan, with
synodal letters from Rabanus, explaining the circumstances of the case. King
Charles, who appears to have taken great interest in this theological question,
gave his command or permission to Hincmar to assemble a synod of bishops and
other clergy in his palace at Quiercy sur Oise, in the diocese of Rheims, at
which he himself was present. The synod met in April, or the beginning of May,
under the presidency of Hincmar, and Wenilo, archbishop of Sens. Among the
other clergy present, were Rothad, bishop of Soissons, Paschasius Radbertus,
abbot of Corbey, Rignold, chorepiscopus of Rheims, who had ordained
Godeschalcus, and Bavo, abbot of Orbais, to which monastery he had belonged.
The Council entered into a full examination of the charge, and put many
questions to the prisoner, who not only refused to recant his errors, but when
unable to give a rational account of his belief, broke into abusive language
against his judges, unmindful of the presence of his king, or of his
metropolitan. Accordingly he was condemned by the canon law, and the rule of
St. Benedict, to be deprived of his orders, to be scourged, and afterwards
confined in prison. He was compelled also to burn his writings in the presence
of the king.
As Godeschalcus belonged to the diocese of Soissons,
it would have been more regular, or more according to custom, to commit him to
the bishop of that see for confinement. Hincmar, however, would not trust him
to the charge of Rothad, but placed him in the monastery of Hautvilliers. As
soon as the Council had broken up, he took him a letter drawn up by the bishops
who were present, in which it was shown, by quotations from the fathers of the
Church, especially St. Augustin and Prosper, that predestination does not
extend to evil, and that God predestines the good to life, but foreknows only,
without predestinating, the death of the wicked. Hincmar tried in vain to
persuade Godeschalcus to subscribe this article of faith, and finding him
determined in his refusal, wrote to Prudentius, bishop of Troyes, who had been
prevented from attending the synod, to beg his advice as to what ought to be
done in the matter, especially whether he ought to be admitted to Communion.
Prudentius recommended as mild treatment as possible,
and prayed Hincmar to grant him the unusual permission to write his own
confession of faith, instead of being forced to subscribe the exact words
agreed upon by the Council. Hincmar complied with the request, and Godeschalcus
accordingly wrote two confessions, one of considerable length, and the other
more concise. In the latter he asserted, much in the same form as in his letter
to Rabanus, the unchangeable predestination of good angels and the elect among
men to eternal life, and that of the devil, and all the apostate angels and
reprobate men, in the same way, to eternal punishment, making the distinction,
however, between the two, that the former predestination is gratuitous, or of
free grace, while the latter is as a punishment for the sins of which God
foreknew that they would be guilty. The other and longer confession was
expressed in the form of a prayer. It contains little to distinguish it from
what has been already said concerning his opinions, except that predestination
is spoken of as a single act, under two forms or aspects, as it relates to the
elect and to the reprobate. This, as we shall see, is an expression afterwards
adopted by Hincmar himself, in the articles of a second Council at Quiercy, and
therefore could not be regarded by the opponents of Godeschalcus as heretical;
it is obvious that it may be explained in a right or in a wrong sense,
according to the general sentiments of the person who uses it. In the same
document he declared himself ready and desirous to prove the truth of his
doctrine, or the sincerity of his belief, by passing through an ordeal, four
times repeated, of boiling water, oil, and pitch, heated upon a blazing fire.
As there was nothing absolutely contrary to orthodoxy
in the form of his expressions, Prudentius and others were no doubt induced by
them to think Godeschalcus unjustly condemned. But if his real sentiments were
fully and candidly expressed in the two confessions, it is scarcely possible to
believe that he would have chosen imprisonment for life, and excommunication,
rather than subscribe the articles which Hincmar put into his hands from the
Synod of Quiercy. Moreover the ill effects of his teaching at Metz, as well as
the letters of Rabanus to count Eberard and to Hincmar, imply that his views
were in reality different from these; to which must be added a letter written
to him sometime afterwards by Amulo, Agobard’s successor in the see of Lyons,
who was well acquainted with his writings and teaching, and with all that had
occurred in connection with him, both in Germany and in the Council by whose
decree he was imprisoned. Godeschalcus, it appears, had sent his writings to
Amulo, with an earnest request that he would read and judge of them, and the
archbishop in answer rebukes him in strong terms for the novelties which he had
invented, in opposition to the Church, and for the great errors into which he
had fallen, and in which he so contumaciously persisted. In the same letter he
goes on to prove that his opinions on the predestination of the wicked were
full of the most grievous heresy, and especially reprehends his views of
Baptism, and in connection with Baptism, of the other Sacraments of the Church,
which are merely empty ceremonies, if none who partake of them, except those
who shall be finally saved, gain from them any benefit, or are united by them
to the mystical Body of Christ. He is clearly of opinion that Godeschalcus’
views imply the necessity of sinning in the reprobate. He concludes by sharply
reproving him for his contempt of the sentence of excommunication.
As the subject was one of so great nicety and
difficulty, Hincmar feared that the confessions now published by Godeschalcus,
might lead some of the less learned among the monks and others into error.
Accordingly, he wrote a short refutation of the novel opinions, with an
explanation of the orthodox faith, and had it circulated in his diocese. No
sooner, however, had it seen the light, than Ratramnus set himself to answer
it, and published a severe censure upon it, in which he attempted to show that
Hincmar had misrepresented Fulgentius and St. Jerome. Hincmar’s only reply for
the present was to send all the documents, that is to say, both the confessions
of Godeschalcus, his own refutation, and the answer of Ratramnus, to the
archbishop of Metz, as a prelate whose orthodoxy, judgment, and learning, were
acknowledged by all parties. The decision of Rabanus was favourable to Hincmar,
and equally condemnatory of Ratramnus.
Meanwhile Prudentius, who had already shown himself
favorably disposed towards Godeschalcus, published a short treatise on the
three questions, as they began now to be technically termed by the consent or
advice of the Council of Paris, held about this time, and sent it to Hincmar
and Pardulus, bishop of Laon. In this he adopted the same way of speaking with
Godeschalcus, though, as it is supposed, his language was intended to bear an
orthodox meaning. He not only maintains a double predestination, but declares
also that our Lord died for the faithful only; by which he may no doubt have
understood, what as certainly was not the meaning of Godeschalcus, that the
faithful alone shall ultimately be benefitted by the death of Christ. However,
the manner of expression is dangerous, as well as unscriptural, and his
treatise was, in consequence, marked with the disapprobation of the learned
Rabanus. Charles, though disposed to admit the authority of Hincmar in all
theological and ecclesiastical matters, could not entirely disregard the
opinion of so learned a prelate as Prudentius. Perplexed with these
contradictions, he determined to consult another divine, of great weight and
character in these days, the abbot Lupus, for whom he sent in the month of
December in this year, to join him at Bourges, and with whom he engaged in long
discourse on the three questions of predestination, free-will, and redemption
by the blood of Christ. The good abbot drew up, after this conversation, a
treatise on the same subject, hoping, as he says in his preface, to settle
men’s minds on the subject in dispute. In this treatise he represents the fear
with which many learned bishops regarded the expression of a two-fold
predestination, or of predestination to death, as foolish and ungrounded. He
argues that God foresaw Adam’s transgression, and decreed what should be its
consequences, namely, the total corruption of the human race, by their own or
Adam’s fault, and the just punishment of many, though others were to be saved
by his mercy. When he punishes the guilty, they themselves, and not the Divine
justice, are to be charged as the real authors, although it is in reality he
who predestined it. Thus upon this topic, Lupus, like Prudentius, adopted a
similar manner of speaking with Godeschalcus, though in an orthodox sense. Nor
did he differ from him on the third question, whether Christ died for all men,
so widely as Hincmar and some others. Our Lord died for all men, he says, in
the same sense in which God wills that all men shall be saved. In his view, the
most correct assertion would be, that he died for all, whether finally saved or
not, who receive his sacraments. But although he will not subscribe to the
declaration of St. Chrysostom, (which indeed he elsewhere sets himself to refute,
as opposed to Holy Scripture,) that Christ died for the reprobate, and
positively refuses to join those who anathematize the contrary opinion; he
professes himself willing to leave this matter undecided, thinking that the
death of our Lord may perhaps be of some service, even to those who shall
finally perish. Although taking a different view from Hincmar, to whom it is
probable that he makes allusion here, Lupus is far more really opposed to
Godeschalcus; for the latter denied that Christ died even for the baptized, or
for Christians who are not saved; making the washing of baptism in this case
altogether a distinct thing from redemption by his blood. In terms, both Lupus
and Prudentius may seem to agree with Godeschalcus, but in real meaning they
hold different, or even opposite views. Yet they both appear to have thought
that he was probably orthodox, not being so fully acquainted with the facts of
the case as Rabanus, Amulo, and Hincmar.
But the king was not even yet satisfied with his
authorities, and sent a command to Ratramnus, Godeschalcus’s friend, to write
on the subject of predestination. Accordingly he published a treatise in two
books, in which he attempts to show that both St. Austin and Fulgentius held a
double predestination. However, he denies at the same time that the wicked are
predestined to sin, or in any way compelled to act, so as to render themselves
liable to punishment. Thus, at all events in this treatise, he is not
chargeable with heresy; whether he had taken warning by the fate of
Godeschalcus, and altered his views, or his expressions, since his last
publication against Hincmar, or whether he was in reality orthodox, and had
been unjustly mixed up with Godeschalcus, as his accomplice in the spread of
heresy.
The two treatises last mentioned were published in the
year 850. Hincmar found the tide of opinion setting against himself. Prudentius
and Lupus were names of weight; the reputation of Ratramnus for theological
learning, if not for the strictest orthodoxy, was widely spread; and Rabanus
who had drawn upon him the difficulties by which he was surrounded, however
willing to express approval of his conduct, and to censure the contrary
opinion, had declined, on the plea of age, to write in defence of the orthodox
doctrine of predestination. At this time John Scot, or Erigena, presided over
the court, or palace school, which had been reestablished by king Charles,
after falling into decay during his father’s reign, and was patronized by him
with no less zeal than it had been by Charlemagne during the presidency of
Alcuin. Erigena was an Irishman by birth, as his name indicates, and probably
by education; but the liberality of the present king of France drew him to his
court, and retained him there till his death, for upwards of thirty years.
Hincmar could not fail of an intimate acquaintance with him, and, perhaps at
the instance of Charles, begged him, in the course of the year 851, to publish
his views on predestination; unless we suppose, which appears most probable,
that the task was imposed upon him by the king himself in the name of the
archbishop, yet without his consent or knowledge. The sentiments entertained by
the archbishop himself, while founded on the authority of Scripture and the
Church, were mainly distinguished from the opposite opinions by their
accordance with the deductions of reason from what revelation informs us of the
nature and attributes of the Supreme Being; and as Erigena was known as an
advocate of reason or philosophy, rather than as a blind follower of antiquity,
Hincmar, if the request originated with him, probably supposed that a treatise
on the subject from his pen would maintain his own, or the orthodox view of
predestination and free-will. He applied, at the same time, to Amalarius of
Metz, another author of some note in France. We know little or nothing of the
treatise of Amalarius, but Hincmar could have committed no greater mistake than
in accepting Erigena as his advocate. Archbishop Wenilo, on the appearance of
his work, selected a hundred propositions, and sent them to Prudentius for
refutation. Prudentius found them full of Pelagianism and other heresy, and
accused their author of making an impudent and treacherous attack upon catholic
doctrine, under the pretext of opposing Godeschalcus. He also added quotations
from St. Jerome and other fathers, as an antidote to the poison contained in
these propositions; and expressly maintained that the very existence of the
predestinarian heresy was imaginary. In explaining his own views of the
questions so long agitated, he speaks much in the same way as in his former
work, published at the request of the Council of Paris; holding a double
predestination, and denying that Christ died for all men, or that God wills the
salvation of all; yet showing at the same time that his sentiments were free,
beyond all doubt, from any positive heterodoxy. Floras Magister, as he is
termed, a deacon of the Church of Lyons, and a man of great learning, also
wrote in refutation of Erigena, and took the same view as Prudentius. Though
denying, like him, that any predestinarian heresy had ever existed, he
anathematized, both in his own name and in that of his Church, the errors which
Godeschalcus had been teaching; expressing himself, at the same time, as very
doubtful whether the monk of Orbais was really guilty of holding the views with
which he had been charged.
On the whole it appears that the two parties in the
Gallican Church, at the head of one of which was Hincmar, while Prudentius and
Lupus were the chief writers on the other side, had little real difference of
opinion on the three questions of free-will, predestination, and the redemption
by the death of Christ. Hincmar being well aware of the errors into which
Godeschalcus had fallen, felt the danger of using phrases which had been
perverted to an heretical meaning, and to say the truth, whose primary and most
natural purpose was certainly heretical, although it was possible to give them
an orthodox signification; while Prudentius, on the contrary, from looking at
the same expressions in an orthodox point of view, was led to conclude, in
charity, that Godeschalcus must have done the same, and accordingly could not
but regard the proceedings at the Councils of Metz and Quiercy as an unjust
persecution. But, as it has been already said, Rabanus, Amulo, and Hincmar,
were the most fully acquainted with the facts of the case, and the examination
of Godeschalcus was publicly conducted in the two synods, with every
opportunity for the accused to clear himself, and on each occasion in presence
of a king who could have no interest in permitting an act of injustice.
Florus, as we have seen, in his answer to the treatise
of Erigena, had asserted, in the name of the Church to which he belonged, views
in accordance with those of Prudentius, and in form of expression agreeing with
those of Godeschalcus. Amulo, who was archbishop of Lyons, had always taken the
same view of the case with Hincmar, who was thus, in all probability, perplexed
at the apparent contradiction. He wrote therefore a letter to Amulo, enclosing
a copy of the letter formerly written by Rabanus to Notingus of Verona on the
heresy of Godeschalcus, begging to know definitely what was the opinion of the
Church of Lyons on the subject; and his letter was accompanied by another of a
similar purport from Pardulus. The answer which he received was probably little
expected, for before his letter had reached Lyons, or certainly before it could
be answered, his friend Amulo had departed to his rest, and Remigius, chaplain
to the emperor Lothaire, had been appointed as his successor. Remigius,
afterwards reputed a saint in the Church, was a theologian of considerable
eminence, and was well disposed to take up and prosecute with vigor a rivalry
which had existed of old between his own see and that of Rheims; for Lyons, in
the south of France, laid claim to the same kind of preeminence which was
enjoyed or asserted by Rheims in the north. Hincmar’s letter to Amulo was
answered by the new archbishop, who sent him a treatise published by himself,
in reply to the three letters from the archbishops of Metz and Rheims, and the
bishop of Laon, in which he professed to clear up the difficulties attending on
the questions of foreknowledge and predestination of the Divine will, with
respect to mankind, and of the death of Christ. In this treatise, he declared,
in the name of his Church, that the opinions contained in the confessions of
Godeschalcus on these points were perfectly orthodox, and were to be found in
St. Augustine, and he expressed his grief that in his condemnation a heavy blow
had been dealt to the catholic truth. However he plainly showed, at the same
time, that the sentiments which he attributed to Godeschalcus, were far
different from those really held by him, and gave him credit, as Prudentius and
Floras had done, for meaning by predestination to death merely the Divine
decree to punish the reprobate, by the will of God, his efficacious will to
save, and by the death of Christ, the actual benefit of eternal life conveyed
by it.
About the same time Prudentius made another attack
upon Hincmar, or what amounted to another declaration in favor of Godeschalcus.
A synod met at Sens, under archbishop Wenilo, for the purpose of ordaining
Aeneas bishop of Paris, a suffragan see belonging to that province. The bishop
of Troyes was prevented by infirmities from being present, but wrote to the
Council, or to Wenilo, who was his metropolitan, giving his consent to the
ordination, on condition that Aeneas would confess his full consent to the canons
of the Council of Carthage, and to the writings of Augustine and other fathers,
on the subjects of grace and free-will, and would also subscribe four articles
drawn up by himself, and sent to Wenilo for the purpose, in opposition as he
stated to the errors of Pelagius. Whatever had been the purport of articles
sent in this way, and even if they had contained the most indubitable
propositions, such a demand as that now advanced by Prudentius would have been
in the highest degree irregular, for it was never considered lawful for any one
bishop to impose his own formularies of belief, in addition to the tests of
orthodoxy canonically required; moreover the articles of Prudentius were by no
means of indisputable truth, however orthodox his own meaning may have been,
when he proposed them. On the first there could be no dispute, as it only
asserted the necessity of Divine grace for all that is good in men, in will,
word, or deed; the second maintained the predestination of the good to life, of
the wicked to death; the third that our Lord died only for those who should
believe in him; and the fourth that God wills the salvation only of believers,
or of those who shall be actually saved. Whether the request made by Prudentius
was complied with or not, his high character for moderation, charity, and
sanctity was sufficient to defend him from all censure for the irregularity of
the proceeding, and in the opinion of most men from all suspicion of his
orthodoxy; and probably Hincmar himself, even while most strenuously opposing
the propositions put forward by him in agreement with Godeschalcus, and though
fully convinced of their falsehood, and dangerous tendency, never really
thought him heretical. It appears indeed that Prudentius was long in much
uncertainty as to these questions, and with difficulty made up his mind. For at
first he subscribed the articles of the second Council of Quiercy, which was
held this year, and of which mention will be made immediately; and then after
much doubt altered his opinion, and sent the propositions just quoted to the
synod of Sens. If we reflect that he set out with the notion that the existence
of a predestinarian heresy was a mere fiction, it seems probable that he would
naturally take these propositions in an orthodox sense, and out of charity to
one whom he regarded as persecuted, declare himself as their advocate. Yet with
all the respect due to his character, it is hardly possible to avoid the
conviction, that both he and others who took a leading part on the same side,
were actuated, perhaps unconsciously, by a certain jealousy towards Hincmar.
The second Synod of Quiercy, to which allusion has
been made, took place nearly at the same time with that of Sens, for the
ordination of Aeneas. King Charles came to Quiercy, resolved, as it seems, to
arrive at some final determination on the subjects which so divided the Church.
He assembled the bishops and abbots, who drew up four articles, which the king
confirmed by his approbation and subscription. Of all the canons, or decisions
of Councils published in connection with these disputes, the articles now drawn
up and subscribed are the most celebrated, and certainly seem most exactly to
represent the catholic doctrine. They were in substance as follows: First, God
predestines no one to death, although he has predestined punishment to such as
are not saved; and there is but one Divine predestination, which belongs either
to the gift of grace, or to the retribution of justice. Secondly, free-will,
which was lost by the fall of man, is restored to us by the preventing and
assisting grace of Christ. Thirdly, God wills generally that all men shall be
saved, although all are not actually saved. Fourthly, the blood of Christ was
shed for all, although all are not redeemed by the mystery of the passion.
As Charles took so open a part in the predestinarian
disputes, and, by subscribing the articles of Quiercy, had now publicly
declared himself on the side of Hincmar, Lothaire, perhaps out of emulation
towards his brother, or urged by the bishops of his dominions, summoned the
Synod of Valence in Dauphiny, in the next year, AD 855. It met in the month of
January, under three archbishops, all of Lothaire’s kingdom, Remigius of Lyons,
Egilmar of Vienne, and Rothland of Arles, and published several canons on
predestination, and the kindred questions, in which Hincmar’s articles at
Quiercy are plainly meant to be censured; and a confutation of them, published
meanwhile by Remigius, is clearly intended to be confirmed. The first canon was
directed against novelties introduced by certain Scotchmen or Irishmen, on the
mysteries of religion, especially the difficult questions of grace and
predestination. By these innovators it is probable that Joannes Erigena was
chiefly, if not solely meant. In the others, which need not be quoted at
length, nearly the same ground is taken which we have already seen occupied by
the letters of Prudentius and Remigius. The fourth canon strongly condemns the
doctrine of Hincmar, that Christ died for the wicked, who, from the beginning
of the world, remained in their unbelief, and were punished eternally; and
substitutes, in its place, the declaration that he died for all who should
believe in him. On the subjects of nature and grace, the decisions of the
Councils of Carthage and Orange are declared to be final, and a censure is
pronounced or implied upon all who shall alter or add to them; which no doubt
is directed against the second canon of Quiercy. A canon was also passed
finding fault with the practice of bishops being nominated by kings, and then
being elected and ordained as a matter of course, without further enquiry into
their claims or character. This is mentioned because Hincmar appears to have
supposed it aimed against himself, although as far as can be known it applied
equally to others, as, for example, to the archbishop of Lyons, who presided at
Valence.
The canons of the Council of Valence, being sent to
king Charles, by his brother, or by the bishops who were present there, were
delivered by him to Hincmar, as the best judge of their orthodoxy, and the
person most concerned in them, desiring him to examine them, and to let him
know the result. Since all the writers on the subject, and the canons of the
Councils on both sides had appealed to Scripture and the fathers of the Church,
in support of their views, an examination, which was intended to settle the
matter finally, could not be brought to a conclusion without much time and
labor, besides which the unsettled state of affairs in France for the next year
or two was by no means favorable to study and meditation. Accordingly Hincmar’s
answer was not published for more than two years. It consisted of three books,
and discussed the whole matter at great length. It was written professedly
against Godeschalcus and Ratramnus, and dedicated to king Charles. The only
part now extant is a prefatory letter to the king, in which the author notices
the occasion of the work, and expresses sorrow and surprise at the decisions to
which the bishops at Valence had arrived, directed as they obviously were
against himself. He complains that his articles were unfairly quoted by this
synod, one of them being omitted, and others laid to his charge of which he was
altogether ignorant. In the same letter he mentions also the presence of Ebo,
bishop of Grenoble, nephew and namesake of his predecessor in the see of
Rheims, at the Council of Valence. Nor was he present only, but showed himself
anxious to take a conspicuous part in the deliberations and conclusions; for
when the three archbishops affixed their signatures to the proceedings, Ebo
alone of all the suffragans added his name to theirs. If so, it leads to the
suspicion, that opposition to Hincmar, or perhaps to king Charles, may have had
considerable share in the conclusions arrived at by Lothaire and the Council of
Valence.
The loss of Hincmar’s work is to be regretted, not so
much for the sake of the views contained in it, with regard to which there can
be no doubt, as the author elsewhere lets us know clearly enough what his opinions
were on the subject, but because in his other works on predestination there is
comparatively little original matter, the main part of his second treatise
consisting of copious quotations from the earlier ecclesiastical writers. The
three books drawn up on this occasion, in answer to the articles of Valence,
might perhaps have enabled us to judge better of his powers of argument,
although they could have added nothing to our knowledge of his orthodoxy.
The work which is still extant, was occasioned by a
synod held at Langres, by Remigius and the bishops of his province, in April
859. The articles of Valence were confirmed here. This Council was probably a
small one, as we hear little concerning it; but soon afterwards, in June of the
same year, a general Council, as it is called, met at Savona, in the
neighborhood of Tullum or Toul, at which were assembled the bishops of twelve
provinces; king Charles also was present, and with him his two nephews, sons of
the late emperor Lothaire, namely Lothaire, king of Lotharingia, and Charles,
king of Burgundy and Provence. Thus the whole of France was represented in the
Council of Tullum, over which Remigius, archbishop of Lyons presided.
Hincmar also was present, with the archbishops of Rouen, Cologne, Treves, and
others. Many questions were settled in this synod, to which we shall have to
return in another place; all that belongs to the present subject, is the part
taken on the predestinarian controversy. The archbishop of Lyons, whom we have
seen active against Hincmar, or in favor of Godeschalcus before, either from a
real desire of settling the matter finally, or from further opposition to
Hincmar, who from his work, lately published, might have been regarded as now
in possession of the field, had the canons of the Council of Valence, and the
four canons decided upon six years ago at Quiercy, read to all the bishops
present, in the hope, as it would appear, that they would pronounce an approval
of the former; or this may have been done at the suggestion of Charles, who
appears to have been sincerely anxious to arrive at some fixed determination on
the matter in dispute.
After the Council, Remigius brought the canons which
referred to the subject of Godeschalcus to Charles, who, as before, committed
them to Hincmar, commanding him to confer with the archbishop of Lyons, and
return an answer, telling him whether they approved of the articles or not. The
treatise now extant in Hincmar’s works contains his reply to the king’s
command. Whether Remigius also paid any further attention to the subject,
we cannot learn; he certainly took no part in the treatise of Hincmar, and as
the latter in no degree modified the opinions expressed by him on former
occasions, we have no reason to suppose that the archbishop of Lyons agreed
with him more than he had done before.
Hincmar’s work was published this same year, or
perhaps the next. It possesses, as has been said, no great amount of original
matter or argument, but displays great learning and equal industry. It will
bear no analysis which would give a fair notion of its contents, consisting as
it does mainly of quotations; in these also there is considerable repetition,
arising partly from the nature of the subject, for it was seldom that passages
could be quoted from the early fathers on any one of the kindred subjects of
grace, free-will, original sin, or predestination, without bearing more or less
upon some one of the others. However, it would neither be fair to Hincmar, of
whose extant works this is by far the longest, nor to the history of the
predestinarian dispute in the ninth century, of which this is the most
important document now remaining, and in truth the most important to which that
dispute gave rise, to pass it over without a few remarks on its contents.
As Prudentius and others had denied the existence of
any heresy in the Church, either before or now, on the subject of
predestination, Hincmar considered himself bound to show the contrary, in the
very threshold of his treatise. Accordingly he quotes authors who have
mentioned the heresy as springing up in the last year of St. Austin’s lifetime,
and who added it immediately after the Pelagian or the Nestorian, to the
enumeration begun by that father. The efforts made in opposition to
semi-Pelagianism in Gaul, and at the same time to the contrary heresy of
predestinarianism, by Prosper and Hilary, the appointment of Prosper by pope
Celestine to conduct the defence of orthodoxy, in his name, and armed with the
authority of his decretal letters on the subject, are mentioned; in consequence
of which a synod was summoned, propositions were drawn up, declaratory of the
orthodox doctrines on free-will and grace, the fall of man, election,
foreknowledge, and predestination, and signed by the presbyters who had
originated or supported the erroneous notions upon these points. In these
articles, as Hincmar tells us, the heretics of his day were, as if
prophetically, condemned.
Having satisfactorily shown the previous existence of
the heresies in question, he next gives an account of Godeschalcus, relating
his teaching and condemnation at Metz, with a copy of the synodal letters from
the archbishop of that city to Hincmar, and the subsequent condemnation, by the
Council of Quiercy, which terminated in the deposition and imprisonment of the
heretic. The names of the bishops and abbots who were present at the Council
are added to this account.
The great authorities claimed by Godeschalcus and his
party were St. Augustine, Prosper, and Fulgentius, although St. Gregory the
Great, Isidore of Seville, and others were also quoted by them. Hincmar had
already defended St. Austin and Prosper, in his first chapter on the early
heresy condemned in the Councils of Carthage and Arles. Fulgentius, though
speaking of a double predestination, he proves to have carefully guarded his
expressions, so as to mean predestination to punishment, not to sin. At the
same time, though fully convinced of his orthodoxy, he admits that the name of
Fulgentius is not contained in some of the lists made at different times of
celebrated fathers and doctors, and thus seems to build less on his authority
than on that of some other writers. But whatever may be the weight which his
name ought to carry in the controversy, Hincmar declares, for his own
confession of faith, his full agreement with what has always been held by the
Roman Church, of which he speaks in the highest terms, as the mother and
instructress of other Churches, and quotes a letter of St. Innocent, asserting
that no Church had been founded in Italy, Gaul, Spain, Africa, or Sicily, by
any except those whom the successors of St. Peter had appointed, and arguing
that these countries ought in consequence to follow the doctrines of their
mother Church.
After these preliminary remarks, Hincmar begins the
examination of the canons published at Valence, confirmed at Langres, and read
again, though not expressly approved, by the general Council of Savonnières or
Tullum. He plainly regards them as supporting the views of Godeschalcus, with
whom he joins Prudentius and Ratramnus as holding similar opinions. These canons
bore evident marks of having been compiled from a short discourse of Florus,
one of the clergy of Lyons, who has been already mentioned as a man of
considerable weight and learning. Of this discourse, Hincmar possessed two
copies; one of which had come into his hands through Ebo, bishop of
Gratianopolis, and had been plainly, as he thinks, falsified in some parts.
Accordingly, the canons having been compiled from this latter copy not only
misrepresented the opinions of Florus, but, in fact, involved an absurdity or
an illogical deduction. For after the first had asserted, in sufficiently
orthodox phrases, the fore-knowledge of God, which extended to the sinful
actions of men, without in any way compelling them to sin, the second proceeds
at once to assert a double predestination, of the elect to life, and of the
wicked to death; as if this in any way could be a consequence of the former.
The predestination to death is supported by a quotation from St. Paul, in which
the apostle speaks of the vessels of wrath fitted to destruction, and of the
vessels of mercy, which God had afore prepared unto glory. This argument, as
Hincmar rightly remarks, implies that God fits the reprobate for destruction,
in the same sense in which he prepares the vessels of mercy for glory; for
unless the vessels of wrath are understood to be fitted to destruction by the
direct act of God himself, the passage can have no bearing on the double
predestination. This, in fact, was the precise argument used by the old
predestinarians, who professedly held that God was the cause of sin as well as
of good; although probably taken by the compilers of the canon under
examination not from them, but from Fulgentius, or Isidore, who agree in the
application of St. Paul’s words to the subject of predestination to death.
Hincmar quotes St. Augustine, to show how differently he understood the words,
interpreting, as he did, the preparation of the vessels of wrath, not as the
act of God, but as the effect of Adam’s transgression or of their own; and St.
Gregory, Bede, and Alcuin, agreed with him in the view; although St. Gregory,
in other places, spoke of a double predestination, and the two latter divines
were claimed by the party of Godeschalcus as favoring their sentiments. Even
Fulgentius, though incautiously using the argument answered above, proves by
his language in other places, that his real opinions were very different from
what this might have led us to expect; and Florus, in the genuine copy of his
discourse, sufficiently proved that he was equally orthodox. The view which all
catholic writers take of the subject is, that whereas all men, in Adam, had
brought themselves into a state of condemnation, so that Almighty God would
have been acting with perfect justice if not a single person had been saved,
out of his free mercy in Christ, he determined to save some. All,
then, who are saved, are saved by his free grace; all who are condemned, are
condemned for their own sin, which was foreknown by Divine omniscience, but in
no way affected by predestination. In this view all the passages of Scripture,
which, in addition to these words of St. Paul, are quoted by Godeschalcus and
others, as proving that God predestines to death, are seen to have a different,
meaning, implying only that some men are left to themselves, and bring upon
themselves, as a just punishment for turning from God in the first place, the
loss at last of both the will and power to repent. Such passages are the words
spoken of Eli’s sons, “they hearkened not unto the voice of their father,
because the Lord would slay them”; or the assertion in Ezekiel, “if the prophet
be deceived, I, the Lord, have deceived that prophet”; or the saying of St.
Paul, “he hath mercy on whom he will have mercy, and whom he will, he
hardeneth”; and numerous others of a similar purport.
The next point in the canons censured by Hincmar is
the assertion, that in the election of those who are to be saved, Divine mercy
comes first; in the condemnation of those who are to perish, their own fault
comes first. Instead of the former of these two clauses, the expression should
have been, in the salvation of the elect Divine mercy comes first. As they now
stand, the words have no proper meaning; because the first act of Divine mercy
is the very election or predestination to life here signified; so that there is
tautology in the phrase, or two original acts of mercy are asserted to precede
or come first, whereas Scripture and the Church only speak of one, the second
act being not the grace of predestination, but the actual gift of the Holy
Spirit bestowed upon the elect. In the latter clause, if by the condemnation of
those who are to perish, is meant their predestination to death, (and otherwise
the argument fails) it will follow that God condemns men before they sin, that
he rejects them before they reject him, which is obviously contrary to the
truth.
In what follows Hincmar shows, that the distinction
drawn between fore-knowledge and predestination does away with predestination
to death, otherwise fore-knowledge would be the cause of sin. And of the
conclusion of the canon, in which the compilers declare their agreement with
the Synod of Orange, and anathematize all who believe that the wicked are
forced by God to sin, he remarks that the same synod will equally teach them
that there is no predestination to death at all. Nor indeed is the belief even
in predestination to punishment a catholic or scriptural doctrine. We are
taught, not that the wicked are predestined to punishment, but that the
punishment predestined for all sin is threatened and inflicted upon impenitent
sinners; and when Fulgentius uses the former mode of speaking, he, in fact,
opposes both St. Austin, whom he is professing to defend from heresy, and
Prosper, whose assertions and arguments he advances as the grounds and means of
his defence. However, though in this not perfectly consistent, he cannot justly
be claimed as an authority for the use of the phrase, because at the same time
he declares his agreement with these two fathers, and even cites or refers to
the very passages, in which they deny that there is a double predestination.
The extreme views of the old predestinarians, as has
been remarked before, were professedly repudiated by Godeschalcus and his
supporters, although the most important of their tenets, that which declared
that men are predestined both to sin and death, was implicitly maintained by
them. However, two propositions of theirs were repeated; namely, that God wills
not the salvation of all men, and that Christ was not crucified for the
redemption of all the world. Against these notions especially, the four
articles composed by Hincmar and approved by the Synod of Quiercy, were
directed; which the canons of Valence, in their turn, were intended to censure.
Accordingly, Hincmar now sets himself to prove the orthodoxy and reasonableness
of these articles, against Godeschalcus. This he does very elaborately,
bringing forward authorities from Scripture and the fathers, not only for every
statement, but almost for every expression used in them; dwelling, however, at
greatest length upon the distinction between fore-knowledge and predestination,
and on the proof that the latter belongs only to the salvation, and not to the
sin or death of men. In this we need not follow him, further than by remarking
that the concluding sentence of his first article, in which he says that there
is but one predestination belonging either to the gift of grace or to the
retribution of justice, is taken, nearly word for word, from Prosper, and the
sense, if not the precise expression, is clearly enough shown to have been St.
Austin’s; who, indeed, by his definition of predestination, as the
fore-knowledge and preparation of the beneficence of God, whereby all who are
saved are most certainly saved, may fairly be said to have denied the existence
of a predestination to death or punishment. But because the works of this
father on grace and free-will, and the kindred subjects, are so voluminous, and
because, from his opposition to Pelagianism, he was naturally inclined, in his
writings, towards the side taken by Godeschalcus, rather than the contrary, it
is to be supposed that his treatises would be the great storehouse from which
authorities in support of predestinarian views would be sought and chosen. This
was the case now, as is clear from the whole history of the controversy.
Accordingly Hincmar takes great pains, in this part of his treatise, as well as
in some other parts, to show, by a large induction of passages from St. Austin,
that he only uses the word predestination when speaking of the Divine election
or vocation to life; and always chooses some other term, especially
fore-knowledge, when he has to mention the punishment threatened against
impenitent sinners. It is, indeed, remarkable how cautiously this father seems
to avoid using the disputed term, in any sense except a good one, as if
purposely guarding against his being afterwards quoted in maintenance of such
heresies as the opinions of Godeschalcus and his supporters.
It is a common maxim, however, that there is no error
without some admixture of truth. Hence, Hincmar thinks it right to examine the
works of the fathers, St. Gregory and others, for the sake of showing the true
sense in which a double predestination may be spoken of, consistently with
orthodoxy. St. Gregory, in many places, lays stress on the great truth that the
acts and attributes of Almighty God are not like the actions and qualities of
men, but are of his essence, and, therefore, are, in reality, simple or one,
though, in condescension to our limited understanding, called by many names. In
this view the salvation of the righteous and condemnation of the wicked, or the
determination of God to save some men, while others, who refuse to hear him, he
leaves to perish in their own willful disobedience, may be regarded as one act
or decree, and spoken of under the same appellation. Hence, a double
predestination may be understood in a correct sense, and, in this way, St.
Gregory seems once or twice to have used the phrase; though even thus it
appears more consistent to adopt the language which Hincmar, in
his articles at Quiercy, borrowed from Prosper and St. Austin, and to hold
that there is but one predestination, whether of free grace or of just
punishment.
Hincmar’s second canon was on free-will, and only
differed, in form of expression, from that of the Council of Valence, on the
same subject. This is so evident, that if the latter was intended to oppose or
correct it, we are compelled to attribute its composition to emulation, rather
than zeal for orthodoxy. The article on free-will, sent by Prudentius to his
archbishop at Paris, though agreeing, in the main, with both, yet has a real
difference, and is certainly less accurate than that of Hincmar. Prudentius
held that free-will, lost, through Adam’s transgression, has been restored,
through Christ, at present in hope, hereafter in reality. This phrase seems to
imply that, in our present state, we have no free-will, or no power to choose
the good, or to please God, even when aided by grace; a tenet undoubtedly erroneous,
and especially liable to suspicion, when we take into consideration the
predestinarian notions attributed to Prudentius, and in part, beyond all
question, really favored by him. Hincmar also asserts that we lost our freedom
of will by the fall of Adam, and that we recovered it by Christ; and, he
continues, we have free-will for good, or a will free to choose the good, when
prevented and aided by grace, and a will free to choose evil, when deserted by
grace; moreover, our will is free, as having been freed by grace, and by grace
healed, whereas it was corrupt before. Like the former article, Hincmar
supports this also, by numerous testimonies from St. Augustine especially, with
others from St. Gregory, Ambrose, Cassiodorus, and the decretals which went under
the name of St. Celestine.
Many testimonies from the fathers had been quoted by
the framers of the articles of Valence, in support of their opinions, and these
were shortly afterwards collected and published, anonymously, as a farther
attack upon Hincmar and the canons of Quiercy. Hincmar, accordingly, to leave
no objection unanswered, goes through the four articles published by pope
Celestine, in agreement with, and confirmation of, the African Council, and the
twenty-five settled by the Council of Orange, showing, as he proceeds, how
exactly his own canons coincide, in doctrine, with the decisions of both these
synods. He was accused of holding that freewill had been entirely lost in the
sin of our first parents : a doctrine which certainly seems more to resemble
the opinions of some of his opponents than his own. In defence, he declares at
full length his belief on the subject—that man was created with a will
perfectly free, and able to serve God, and, if he had continued obedient,
would, in time, have been made like the angels, unable to sin. But, in
consequence of his choice of evil, his will became, though sufficient of itself
for evil, yet languid and weak for all that is good, until, by Christ’s coming,
through the agency of the Divine Spirit, it was set right again, and
illuminated by grace. For after the fall God willed that without his grace no
man should be able to draw near him, or to abide with him; now, however, that
our will is freed by the grace of Christ, we have the will and power not only
to do right, but also to persevere in it. Yet our free-will is not destroyed by
grace, so that we cannot do evil; although, if we are thought worthy to share
in the resurrection to eternal life, we shall then receive that perfect liberty
in which the very power, as well as will, to sin, will be destroyed forever.
The third of the canons of Quiercy was in opposition
to the tenet of Godeschalcus and Prudentius, that God wills not the salvation
of all men, and asserted that Almighty God wills all men, without exception, to
be saved, although all are not saved; and that salvation is the gift of him who
saves, whereas death is merited by those who perish. The words “without
exception” were inserted because those passages of Scripture in which is
declared the will of God that all men should be saved, were explained away by
the predestination party, and “all men” interpreted to mean “all who are
actually saved”. In support of his article, Hincmar lays great stress on the
authority of the Roman Church, which had always, as he says, enforced this
doctrine; and quotes, from St. Celestine, the maxim that we may learn what to
believe from our custom in prayer: whence, as the catholic Church universally
prays for the salvation of all men, we may certainly conclude that God wills
the salvation of all. A large mass of quotations follow, from nearly all the
chief doctors of the Church, from Dionysius, the Areopagite, down to Bede, all
bearing, more or less, on the subject in question, which is obviously a most
comprehensive one, embracing, in fact, the whole scheme of redemption. Taken
together, these bear an overwhelming testimony to the truth of Hincmar’s
assertion, showing that it is indeed the will of God that all should be saved,
which is in no way impugned by the fact that some fail of salvation, inasmuch
as the freedom of will in men to choose evil, implies of necessity the
possibility of their failure; nor would it be consistent with the Divine
holiness and justice forcibly to destroy this liberty, so that men should cease
to be moral agents. If, on the contrary, the opposite opinion is adopted, that
God wills the salvation of some men and not of others, on the ground that he is
omnipotent, and therefore that all which he wills must necessarily come to
pass, it follows that those who perish are condemned without any fault of their
own, or, in other words, are so predestined to death, that no efforts of their
own could possibly have saved them. Thus the reasoning of Prudentius and
Godeschalcus, against which the third canon of Hincmar is directed, is seen to
be in accordance with their erroneous views on predestination; and their
belief, that God wills not all men to be saved, a proposition which can bear
but one meaning, seems to prove that their views or expressions, on the more
ambiguous doctrine of predestination, were really of that dangerous and
heretical nature which Hincmar, in opposition to the Council of Valence, and
many learned and orthodox prelates, so constantly maintained them to be.
In his fourth article Hincmar contradicted the opinion
expressed, in precisely the same form, by the old predestinarian heretics, by
Godeschalcus, Prudentius, and the Councils of Valence and Langres. It would not
be difficult to show that Prudentius and the two synods had a different meaning
from that of Godeschalcus and the early predestinarians; in form, however,
their language was equally false and dangerous; their assertion was that Christ
died not for all men; in opposition to which Hincmar maintained that as there
neither is, was, or ever will be, any man whose nature was not assumed by
Christ, so there neither is, was, or ever will be, any man for whom he suffered
not, though all are not redeemed by the mystery of the passion; and that this
failure is not from any deficiency in the virtue of his passion, but from the
infidelity of those who will not rightly believe, because the cup of salvation,
composed of human infirmity and Divine power, is able to profit all, but will
not heal those who refuse to drink it. In opening his discussion on the truth
of his own article, and the falsehood of that to which it was opposed, Hincmar
expresses his surprise that the latter had not been confirmed by Origen’s
argument on the same subject; which was, that if Christ died for the reprobate
among men, we are bound, in consistency, to believe that he died also for Satan
and his angels; a heresy satisfactorily refuted by Theophilus of Alexandria.
Two or three arguments, in addition to what is said by this father, are adduced
in disproof of the error of Origen; and it seems that some of Hincmar’s
opponents had actually attempted to show that it was involved in the doctrine
of the fourth article of Quiercy. One of these, drawn from St. Chrysostom is,
that our Lord took not on him the nature of angels, but of men only; a second,
from St. Gregory, that the sins of devils had no such palliation or excuse as
that which the weakness of the flesh furnishes to men; a third, from Alcuin,
that they had no tempters to seduce them to evil, such as they themselves are
to men. As to antichrist, it is plain, as he remarks, from the opinions of the
Church, that he will be a man, and, therefore, there is no greater difficulty
in supposing Christ to have died for him than for any other person who will
fail finally of salvation. He next argues, that if the death of our Lord
affected all men, in any way whatever, he must have died for all; and shows,
from several of the fathers, that the general resurrection, whether to life or
to condemnation, is a consequence of the passion and resurrection of our Lord.
Quotations from the most celebrated doctors are then advanced, proving, beyond
all possibility of doubt, that the universal belief was rightly represented by
Hincmar’s article, the very words of which are taken from St. Prosper. It is
true that additional emphasis was given to the clause which asserted that
Christ had taken the nature of all men, as well as to that in which He was said
to have died for all; because not only had Godeschalcus maintained, in his letter
to Rabanus, that our Lord assumed not flesh for the whole of mankind, but one
of his followers had since published some strictures on the articles of
Quiercy, in which he had denied the possibility of Christ taking the nature of
all men, by being born in the world. In reference to the censure which had been
passed on certain Irishmen, who had introduced novelties into the Church, and
which was aimed at Hincmar, through Erigena, as it was supposed that the latter
was employed by the archbishop to write his treatise on predestination, he
retorts that there are certain inventors of other novelties,— that there is a
threefold Deity; that the sacrament of the altar is not the real body and blood
of Christ, but a mere memorial of them; that the angels have a bodily nature;
that the souls of men are not contained in their bodies; that the only hell
torments are the pangs of an evil conscience. Erigena himself was the author of
some, if not all, of these notions; but Hincmar undoubtedly means to include
Ratramnus, Godeschalcus, and Prudentius.
To these observations are added arguments and
quotations upon three propositions connected with the subject in question. The
first is, that the passion of our Lord redeemed not only those who lived while
he was on earth, and since the establishment of the Christian Church, but those
also who have lived from the beginning of the world. This is understood to be
shadowed forth, according to a very general opinion, by the crowds who preceded
and the crowds who followed him into Jerusalem, all equally crying Hosannah, or
declaring their faith in him, as their Savior. The second proposition is, that
Christ died for all of these, both those who are saved, and those who refuse
salvation. Judas, the traitor, was fed with the divine food of our Lord’s flesh
and blood at the last supper, no less than the other apostles; and, in earlier
times, not only the faithful and obedient among the children of Israel, but
many who died in rebellion and disbelief “ate of the same spiritual food, and drank
of the same spiritual drink, and were all baptized in the Red Sea, and in the
cloud”. For all these, before or after his death, Christ died, whether they
believed and were saved, or not; salvation was prepared for them, and they
might have been saved but for their own fault; and that some failed, in no way
interferes with the truth that the Savior died for them, as well as for others.
To this, the universal consent of the Catholic fathers bears undoubted
testimony; and the whole of Christendom, consisting of a hundred and thirteen
provinces, according to Hincmar’s enumeration, has agreed in this faith from
the beginning, whereas only three provinces have been, in any degree, infected
by the contrary views spread by the modern predestinarians. The third proposition
repeats one part of the second, asserting, more particularly, and proving, by
similar quotations, that the death of Christ purchased life for the wicked and
finally reprobate, as well as for the elect and faithful; or that the Church
has always carefully distinguished between those who accept not the benefits
thus prepared for them, and those who willingly embrace them, although holding
that life and salvation have been equally purchased or prepared for both.
A chapter follows on the fifth of the articles of
Valence, which, though apparently intended, like the others, against Hincmar,
opposed, in reality, not his opinions, but those of Godeschalcus. In this it
was asserted, that all the baptized and regenerate are washed in the blood of
Christ, a proposition which was equally believed by Hincmar, though it
contradicted the tenets of both the old and the modern predestinarians. The
former had denied that baptism was of any service, except to those predestined
to life, not even taking from them the guilt of original sin; while
Godeschalcus, admitting that all the baptized were redeemed, yet maintained
that the blood of Christ was not shed for them. Although agreeing with the
article of Valence, Hincmar discusses the question in the same way with the others,
for the sake of more fully refuting the predestinarian notions, and shows,
satisfactorily, that the belief of the Catholic Church had always been that
baptism implied a washing with the blood of our Lord.
The Council of Valence, in addition to the doctrinal
questions settled there, had appended to their canons one on the discipline of
the Church, in which a general charge of simoniacal and grossly negligent
conduct, was brought against both princes and metropolitans, in their choice
and ordination of bishops. Hincmar attributes this canon to the influence of
Godeschalcus himself, refusing to believe that the archbishop of Lyons could
have had any part in its composition. If generally meant as a charge against
the kings and bishops of France, he denies, indignantly, that it has any
foundation; but if intended only against himself, and his election to the see
of Rheims, he disproves it, by entering into an account of all the
circumstances attending the election, with the names of the bishops and clergy who
had taken part in it, and of the proceedings afterwards adopted by Ebo, his
predecessor. As a relation has already been given of these events, no more need
be said on the subject here, except that we cannot help suspecting, from the
presence of Ebo, bishop of Gratianopolis, at the Council of Valence, and the
prominent part which, as has been before mentioned, he took in the decision,
that his influence, rather than that of Godeschalcus, or perhaps in addition to
it, may have caused the insertion of the canon; nor is it improbable that
Hincmar, when exculpating Remigius from any share in its composition, and
attributing it to Godeschalcus, may have tacitly meant to direct the charge
against Ebo.
The formal examination of the canons of Valence, and
defence of those published at Quiercy, terminates here; the next chapter
containing extracts from earlier Councils and decrees on the subject of
teachers who revive heresies already condemned, with rules for their treatment.
According to these rules, which Hincmar applies to the case of Godeschalcus and
his party, those synods and bishops who had engaged in defence of the
predestinarian notions, or had even required that they should be discussed and
disproved previous to condemnation, had acted in opposition to the customs and
decisions of the Church. This conclusion implies the identity of the views of
Godeschalcus with the predestinarian heresy, condemned in the time of pope
Celestine and Prosper, which, in all main points, had been already sufficiently
shown, although, in some questions, the modern teachers denied their agreement
with the more ancient heretics.
In the epilogue which concludes Hincmar’s treatise,
most of the points discussed in the body of the work are more briefly
re-examined, especially the comparison just mentioned between the ancient and
modern predestinarians. The orthodox opinions on grace, original sin, and
predestination, on baptism, and the effects of our Lord’s death and passion,
are supported here, as before, by quotations from St. Austin and other writers.
In the course of the argument, notice is especially taken of the case of such
persons as were said, by the opposite party, to have been predestined to death
in such sense that there was no possibility of their salvation; a view in which
both ancients and moderns concurred, although the latter adhered to the
phraseology of their perishing by their own fault, and not in consequence of
the divine decree. Saul and Judas were singled out to illustrate this opinion.
In contradiction, Hincmar shows, that although all men were not, from the
beginning, predestined to life, yet that none were left without witness, nor,
consequently, without such grace as might have led them, but for their own
disobedience, to salvation; and that not only the traitor Judas, but even
antichrist himself, is redeemed by the blood of Christ, and included in the
universal will of God to save all the world.
The treatise of Hincmar, of which a short and very
imperfect account has been now given, extends to considerable length, and is
well worth reading, as giving a very full account of the views of all the great
writers in the Church on the subjects of grace and predestination, and the
points connected with them. The quotations are very copious, and probably have
omitted little that bore on the questions under discussion. Hincmar appears
always to have preferred using the words of the fathers of the Church, whose
orthodoxy was acknowledged, to his own. His own argument, when it is
introduced, chiefly in way of application to the present topic of what was
originally written with a somewhat different view, is sufficiently close and
logical, and at times ingenious. It is, however, doubtless mainly as a
collection or catena of all the Catholic writers, from Cyprian to Bede and
Alcuin, that the work would be of use to the student.
There need no remarks, in way of summing up the
argument, or for explanation of the line of controversy adopted by Hincmar
himself or his opponents. Hincmar’s view seems simply to have represented the
theory of predestination, if such title may be used, which was most forcibly
and at greatest length, if not for the first time, expounded by St. Austin, and
afterwards accepted, with few or perhaps no exceptions, by the succeeding
Church. The theory which Hincmar opposed, and which was affirmed by its
advocates, though without ground, to convey the true meaning of St. Augustine,
in attempting to explain the difficulty that some only of mankind are saved,
whereas saving grace is the free gift of God, falls into the heresy of making
God the cause of evil. No subtleties of argument or substitution of one phrase
for another can ward off the charge; a double predestination, while offering,
in appearance, as it undoubtedly does, a more rational and intelligible scheme
of Divine Providence than the adverse hypothesis, leads, beyond escape, to the
worst of all heresy, to the reversal of our fundamental idea of the very nature
and character of Almighty God. The difficulty which seemed to call for
explanation was the following :—If God predestines all who are saved from the
beginning, irrespectively of any merit of their own, because indeed the very
first springs of will are moved by his free grace, how are we to look upon
those who finally fail of salvation? If they are predestined to death, in the
same way as the others to life, God is the cause of evil; the alternative
accepted by the predestinarians: if God is infinitely just and holy, no
predestination to death takes place in their case, as maintained by Austin and
the Church in general, and by Hincmar and his followers, in the ninth century.
Almighty God, out of his boundless mercy, chooses some out of the whole race of
men lying under condemnation, for Adam's sin and their own, and leads them on,
from one step to another, to final salvation. His infinite wisdom is a
guarantee that such are chosen as ought to be chosen, and his infinite justice,
that the rest are rightly rejected or left behind; although the reason of this
is a point altogether beyond human comprehension. The great difference in the
two parties of disputants consists in this:—that the orthodox attempted not to
explain why some are chosen and others not, while the predestinarians, by
introducing the double predestination, got rid of the doubt, and proved God the
cause of sin. The arguments of the former must fall into the form of a protest
against unworthy attempts to explain what it is not meant for us to understand.
If it be thought that this is representing the theory of St. Austin in an
insignificant aspect, we may remember that the enunciations of doctrinal truth
have been, at all times, in the Church, no more than protests against error. Or
if, again, it be said, more particularly, that, in such a view, the great
difficulty is left untouched, we can but answer that so long as this difficulty
is not practical, so far as it interferes in no way with true conceptions,
and, therefore, with free and reasonable worship of God, it need no more offend
us than other revealed truths which are matters of faith alone, and confessedly
beyond our comprehension.
While we are not to seek, in Hincmar’s treatise, in
his own arguments or in those quoted from earlier writers, for any definite
explanation of the fundamental difficulty which attends upon this subject, we
must notice that both himself and his opponents agreed in placing
predestination, in one point of view, upon the same ground, or in understanding
the term in a similar sense. Both equally held the predestination of
individuals. The early Church understood St. Paul in this sense; and the
doctors of the ninth century sought little more than to satisfy themselves as
to the real opinions of St. Gregory and St. Austin. In modern times, it need
scarcely be said, further attempts have been made to evade the difficulties of
the subject by maintaining that predestination extends not to individuals, but
to classes of people; or again, that the salvation to which Christians are
predestined is the state of regeneration to which baptism is the appointed
external means, and can neither mean the final salvation of the saints, nor,
generally, the sanctification which, though an ordinary accompaniment of
baptism, is not to be confounded with it, and may be bestowed on other
occasions and by various means. Whether such an hypothesis removes or lessens
the difficulties which embarrass the theory of St. Austin and Hincmar, it would
be out of place now to discuss. It is obvious, however, to remark that if the
supposition referring predestination to the good, as a class, and not to
individual believers, is to do away with the objection drawn from the arbitrary
election of God, there seems, at the same time, considerable danger of its
encroaching upon a maxim acknowledged equally by Hincmar and Prudentius, that
the first beginnings of good, the first will to be converted, come from God.
We have no means of learning the effect which the
treatise had in the settlement of opinions at the time. The dispute, which had
lasted so long, and was so vigorously conducted, on both sides, seems to have
ceased altogether at the point to which its history has been now brought,
whether we are to consider Hincmar’s work or the friendly discussion between
Remigius and himself, as the cause of its termination. To whatever it is to be
attributed, there can be no doubt that the victory lay with Hincmar and the
orthodox party, because Godeschalcus still remained in confinement.
During his imprisonment, in the monastery of
Hautvilliers, Godeschalcus published several effusions of different kinds, on
the subject of the Holy Trinity; asserting that it was necessary, for
correctness of faith, to believe and confess that there is, in the Trinity, a
threefold Godhead. Ratramnus of Corbey, his supporter, if not teacher, in the
views on predestination, for which he was then suffering captivity, led the way
also in the promulgation of this novelty or heresy. We are not informed whether
any of his other partisans took any share in the controversy. Probably they may
have learnt, from their former want of success, that the patronage of new and
strange views of doctrine is both useless and dangerous. The occasion of the
publications of both Ratramnus and Godeschalcus was the alteration, by Hincmar,
of an old chant, in use in the Church of Rheims. In one of the concluding lines
of this the words ran, “Te trina Deitas, unaque poscimus”, in which Hincmar
ordered the epithet “trina” to be changed into “sancta”. Ratramnus made an
attack at once upon the archbishop of Rheims, in a letter addressed to
Hildegar, bishop of Meaux; and shortly afterwards Godeschalcus published a
confession of doctrine, or a schedule, as it was termed, asserting and
attempting to prove, by various arguments, the orthodoxy of the phrase rejected
by Hincmar, and the Sabellianism of all who refused it. Hincmar, in his answer,
considers that the prisoner of Hautvilliers was prompted by malice towards
himself in this attempt, which is by no means improbable; nor is it surprising,
that the unfortunate monk, heretic as he was, yet regarding himself as most unjustly
persecuted, should take every opportunity of revenging himself, in what way he
could, on one whom, rightly or wrongly, he considered as the author of his
misfortunes. That Hincmar, as an orthodox bishop, or even as an obedient son of
the Church, could have acted in no other way, was likely to be overlooked by a
person who denied his orthodoxy, and was then suffering from the punishment
which the canons or the safety of his Church compelled him to inflict. But,
although it is impossible to avoid feeling some pity for the imprisoned monk,
this consideration can be no palliation for his heresy. The history of the
Church shows that heresies, though apparently unconnected, are linked together
in a strange and inexplicable manner; and the fact of the unsoundness of
Godeschalcus and Ratramnus, or of their rash desire of innovation on the
subject of the Holy Trinity, is a strong argument, if any such argument were
required, that their views on predestination and the atonement, however
concealed by vagueness of expression, and defended by orthodox prelates and
provincial synods, were, in reality, heretical and unsound.
In commenting on the schedule of Godeschalcus, Hincmar
takes one sentence or portion at a time, and discusses the assertions contained
in it, or the meaning which it involves, in a way similar to that in which he
had previously treated the propositions put forward by the same writer, or by
the synod of Valence, on freewill and predestination. The main strength of his
argument here, as before, lies in the number of his quotations from the chief
fathers of the Church. These fathers are, for the most part, the same as those
cited in the former and larger work. St. Austin and St Gregory the Great occupy
the first place, although St. Athanasius also, as might be expected in a
treatise on this subject, is frequently quoted. On the whole, the impression to
be gathered as to the opinion under discussion is, that Godeschalcus was not
explicitly and formally heterodox; that is to say, he believed in three coequal
and co-eternal persons in one Godhead; but his expressions, as will be seen, if
fairly carried out, lead to a denial of the truth. Like many other originators
of error, he maintained certain premises, while reprobating conclusions which
logically followed from them. If he had been willing to recant these statements
or opinions as soon as their dangerous consequences had been plainly pointed
out, as was done in the book of which some account is now to be given, they
would have been regarded as errors of judgment rather than as heresy; but the
obstinacy with which he persisted in holding them, even till death, must
absolutely prevent us from giving them any other name.
The first propositions of Godeschalcus which are
selected by Hincmar for examination, maintain that as the Godhead is naturally
one, so, to avoid Sabellianism, we must believe it to be personally threefold,
just as we believe that God is naturally one, and personally
threefold; and as all Catholics believe and confess each person of the Trinity
to be whole, full and perfect God, so must all believe, confess, and assert,
each person to have his own proper, full, and perfect Godhead.
These words contain, as Hincmar observes, the
substance of the whole. That God is naturally one, personally trine or
threefold, he admits to be true and Catholic doctrine, but strongly denies that
it follows from thence that the Deity or Godhead is also naturally one, and
personally threefold. We might ask, what it is which makes the three persons in
the holy Trinity one? The answer must be, their nature, or Godhead. It is
clear, then, that that very thing on which the unity of God depends cannot be
threefold. We confess that God is both three and one; meaning by this, that
while there is but one God, in the strictest and fullest sense of the word,
each person in the Godhead is himself whole and perfect God. But it is not in
his Godhead that God is three, but in the distinction of persons. The Godhead
is that in which God is one. Hence the Godhead, the very nature of God, whereby
he is one, can in no sense be called three, or threefold. The nature, as
Hincmar continues, that is, the Godhead of the Father, is the nature of the
Son, and is the nature of the Holy Ghost, who proceeds equally from the Father
and the Son, and is the ineffable communion of the Father and the Son. He
who proceeds wholly from the Father and wholly from the Son, abides wholly in
the Father and wholly in the Son, so abiding as to proceed, so proceeding as to
abide. Hence he naturally has with the Father and Son such fullness of unity,
such unity of fullness, as to contain in him wholly both Father and Son, and to
be himself wholly contained by both Father and Son, and to be given equally by
Father and Son, yea, and by himself also, as the Son says of him, “The Spirit
bloweth where it listeth”. Therefore he, like the Father and Son, is perfect
God, yea, is one God with the Father and Son, and one substance, one Deity, one
Divinity, one essence, one nature, which, as Athanasius and Ambrose agree in
saying, cannot be divided in the persons, according to the truth of our Lord’s
words, “Go, teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of
the Son, and of the Holy Ghost”: in the name, not in the names, to show at once
the unity of God by the undivided name, marking the divine essence, and the
distinctions of persons pointed out by their proper appellations.
Hincmar lays great stress on the absolute identity of
meaning between Godhead and nature, or unity, which, in fact, settles the whole
question against Godeschalcus. Accordingly, he adduces many passages from the
fathers, in which they either assert that these words are synonymous, or use
one or more of them in such a manner as necessarily to imply sameness of
signification. Thus St. Athanasius says, If we introduce three Gods, we are
like the heathen; but if we confess the Father in the Son, and the Son in the
Father, with the Holy Spirit, the unity is not separated, nor the Deity
divided. In this passage, Unity and Deity are regarded as synonymous, and not
only so, but any division of Deity is by implication considered equivalent to
maintaining that there are three Gods. Hence, concludes Hincmar, there is no
threefold nature or Deity, but one nature and Deity of Father, Son, and Holy
Ghost, and this Trinity is the one only God, his own Unity, Deity, greatness,
goodness, omnipotence, and whatever else is spoken of him, in himself,
according to his substance. This, indeed, is the great test by which we may
certainly know whether the term three or threefold is applicable. All that is
spoken substantially, as the Latin phrase is, of God, as equivalent to or
belonging to that unity of nature whereby the three persons in the holy Trinity
are one God, is altogether incompatible with this term. Reference will be made
again to this test, to which we meet with frequent allusions in the treatise;
it is, in fact, recognized and expressed by St. Ambrose in one of his hymns, in
which the words occur—
Summae Deus clementiae Mundique Factor Machinae,
Unus potentialiter trinusque personaliter;
and of which the term “potentialiter” is explained by
St. Austin to mean “substantialiter”. The assertion of Godeschalcus, tried by
this test, signally fails; for he would apply the epithet “trinus” or threefold,
to that very word which, more obviously than any other, is spoken of God, not
personally, but, as St. Ambrose says, potentially, or, as St Austin,
substantially. In another hymn also the same father addresses Almighty God in
the words,
Tu Trinitatis Unitas, orbem potenter qui regis;
and again,
O Lux beata Trinitas, et principalis Unitas.
of which St. Austin’s expressions may be considered as
an explanation or commentary, when he speaks of the unity of the Trinity in the
Godhead, incorporeal, unchangeable, and, by nature, consubstantial and
co-eternal with itself. Of precisely the same purport are the words of St.
Gregory Nazianzen,—we confess a Trinity of one Godhead, or, if you prefer the
phrase, of one nature.
The edict of Constantine, for the sixth Ecumenical
Council, is equally express; we believe in the Unity, says that orthodox emperor,
because of the natural union and dominion of God—in the Trinity, because of the
perfection of the three substances. . . For the Trinity is truly Unity, because
one in Deity; and the Unity is truly Trinity, because divided by the personal
distinctions, though undivided in eternity. And again, the Trinity is simple,
undivided, incorporeal; of three perfect subsistences, itself perfect, of one
nature and deity, of one will and operation.
From these and other testimonies, it is clear that the
Godhead, which is the Unity of the Trinity, can in no way be considered as
“personally threefold”. If, asks Hincmar, the Godhead is threefold, because
each person is perfect God and has a perfect Godhead, what sense is the
same Deity to be regarded as one? If the answer is, one in Godhead, threefold
in persons, which is, in fact, what Godeschalcus must mean, if he had any
definite meaning, by the phrase “una naturaliter, trina personaliter”, there is
at once a contradiction of terms. To say that the Godhead is one in Godhead,
while three in some other respect, is a palpable absurdity. Nor is this
lessened in reality, though less immediately apparent in sound, if it were
answered that the Godhead is threefold in persons, one in substance, essence,
nature or divinity; for all these have been shown, and might be shown more
fully, by a vast collection of passages, to be perfectly identical in meaning
with the word Godhead. It remains, then, that we confess God to be one in
Godhead, three in persons; or, which is the same thing, deny that the Deity,
which is the Unity of the Trinity, can be threefold.
This argument of Hincmar is unanswerable, and of
itself is quite decisive of the question. The only doubt about its force must
turn on the fact that the term Deity is synonymous with the other expressions
enumerated, nature, substance, and the like. This is most satisfactorily proved
by authority, if the testimonies advanced are such as the opposite party is
willing to admit. To these, of which the archbishop quotes a sufficient number,
running through many pages, Godeschalcus could in no way object, as the voice
of the Church Catholic, speaking by fathers and Councils, was regarded with the
same reverence, and appealed to as equally final, by both of the disputants. A
few only of these authorities have been quoted here, but enough perhaps to show
that Hincmar’s cause, in this branch of his examination, is the stronger of the
two.
The rest of the remarks upon this clause of the
heretical schedule consist mainly of exhortations to the monks of his province,
on the subject of excommunicated persons, teaching them to avoid being seduced
by the artifices of Godeschalcus into any agreement with him or his heresies.
The decisions of Councils and of bishops, especially the bishops of Rome, as to
the treatment of those excommunicated for heresy, the readiness of the Church
to receive them on recantation and repentance, while she is most strict in
forbidding any communication with them while persisting in their error, are
asserted and illustrated at considerable length. The dignity or high character
of the person who originates or advocates heresy, is in no way regarded in the
judgment passed upon him by ecclesiastical authority. As the angels who
rebelled were not spared, the holy synods which have met from time to time to
settle the faith, have pronounced condemnation on bishops and patriarchs of the
highest sees, of Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, Constantinople, and Nicomedia.
Even Rome itself has not escaped, but pope Honorius was, even after death,
condemned and anathematized by an Ecumenical Council.
The second clause of Godeschalcus advances, as an
argument for his view of a threefold Deity, an assertion in the edict of the
emperor Constantine, affixed to the volume containing the proceedings of the
sixth or Constantinopolitan Council, of which mention has been already made.
The words of the emperor were, that a threefold Deity (the very phrase used in
Godeschalcus’s schedule of belief) is to be glorified together; and this,
although the synod itself had condemned as heretical those who worshipped three
Deities; the juxtaposition of the two thus proving that the doctrine of a
threefold Deity by no means implies three distinct Godheads or Deities.
This argument is met by Hincmar in two ways: First, be
shows, by quotations from the acts of the Council, that the holy fathers there
assembled, or the Church of the time, held what he had before been proving,
that Godhead, nature, and Unity, are synonymous phrases, when applied to
Almighty God. Thus, in the letter of pope Agatho, addressed to the synod, and
read before the bishops, the holy Trinity is spoken of as of one Deity, nature,
and substance, or essence, and, consequently, of one natural will, virtue,
operation, rule, majesty, power, and glory, and whatever else is predicated
essentially of the same holy Trinity. Again, in a similar letter, also read
before the Council, from Sophronius, patriarch of Jerusalem, the still stronger
expression, if possible, is used, that the Unity of God consists in the one and
single Godhead, and identity of essential and natural sovereignty; words in
which Godhead is not only represented as synonymous with Unity and nature, but
even with identity. To these may be added the passage before quoted from the
same edict of Constantine, to which Godeschalcus alludes as confirming his
doctrine and using his manner of expression. Accordingly, the weight of all
these passages, proving, as they do beyond doubt, the sentiments of the
Council, far more than counterbalances any single quotation that might be made
from an edict, which, if the quotation is correctly made, contradicts itself.
The quotation, however, is itself incorrect. For the
purpose of proving this, Hincmar relates the following circumstances. The edict
in question had been sent by him to the monastery of Hautvilliers, in which
Godeschalcus was confined, to be transcribed. In the original, or, at all
events, in other copies which he had seen, the phrase on which the foregoing
argument is founded is not to be discovered. As quoted by Godeschalcus, the
sentence in which it occurs is as follows : We embrace the five holy and
universal synods, among which was that of three hundred and eight fathers at
Nicaea, assembled against the madness of the Arians, who settled the sacred
symbol of faith by the cooperation of the Godhead, threefold, and to be
glorified together. But the true reading was, by the cooperation of the
Godhead, to be thrice glorified together; which is equivalent to saying, the
Godhead of the Trinity. As a proof of the falsification, we are told, that just
at the time when the copy was made, Ratramnus’s book came out, a volume of
considerable size, on the threefold Deity, professing to collect passages from
St. Austin and St. Hilary, but evidently showing the dishonesty of its author.
Nearly at the same period Hincmar happened to preach on the subject, and, in
his sermon, laid down the rule to which reference has been already made, that
whether we speak of one person of the holy Trinity, or of the three persons
together, we must use the singular in all that relates to God substantially, or
considered in his essence as God. Someone who was present quoted to him, at the
conclusion of his discourse, a passage of St. Augustine, where the phrase “one
and threefold truth” occurred, not with any disputatious view, but for the
satisfaction of his own doubts. Hincmar at once borrowed the book, from which
the quotation had been made, from the king, to whom it had been just sent as a
present, having been transcribed at the same time with the publication of
Ratramnus’s work, and the copying of Constantine’s edict at Hautvilliers. On
finding, to his great surprise, that the quotation was correctly made, and
having no recollection of any such words in that place before, he took the
pains to collect all the oldest manuscripts of the same work which could be
obtained, from many towns and monasteries, and plainly discovered, by a
collation of these with the king’s copy, that the latter had been interpolated.
The passage in the authentic copies was this : “Thanks be to thee, O God, who
art virtue, thanks be to thee, O God the Father, who hast manifested thy Son,
and given him to me as my teacher”; immediately preceding which, the following
words were interpolated : “Thanks be to thee, O God, thanks be to thee, trine
and one Trinity, one and threefold truth, threefold and one Unity”. More light
was thrown on the subject by several quotations, sent to Hincmar with some of
the manuscripts collected by him from the monasteries, in which the same
unauthorized expressions were used. These had been copied at the same time
with the book sent to king Charles, and were traced, after diligent
examination, to the same source from which that book originated. A synod of
bishops of five provinces was just then on the point of assembling at Soissons,
in the presence of the king. Accordingly Hincmar related to them all that had
occurred, and had the authentic and falsified passages from St. Austin, with
the preceding and following context, read in their hearing, from which it was
sufficiently evident, independently of the testimony furnished by the other
manuscripts, that that orthodox father could never have used so careless and
heretical a phrase. All present agreed in the conclusion; but among these was
the person who had sent the book under discussion to the king. He begged his
brethren to hear what he had to say, and adduced two passages in proof of the
orthodoxy of the expression, one from St. Ambrose, which proved precisely the
contrary, and the second a sermon of St. Augustine, entitled, “On the one
Trinity, and the threefold Unity”. There was a general surprise that any one
should lay stress on the title of a sermon, which was directly contradicted by
its contents, as is shown by several quotations, in the course of which St.
Augustine illustrates the doctrine of a Trinity in Unity by the analogy of the
human mind, which, though strictly one, is at once memory, understanding, and
will. He warns his hearers that this is merely an illustration, and cannot be
followed out too far; but, according to Hincmar, entitles his sermon, “On the
one Trinity, and threefold Unity”, in reference to
this analogy, or with a similar vagueness of speech. For it is plain that the phrase
“threefold Unity”, though inadmissible in speaking of Almighty God, is
allowable and expressive when applied to the threefold nature of the human
mind. That this explanation, by Hincmar, is not merely fanciful, and an attempt
unfairly to escape whatever argument might be drawn from the title in dispute,
is rendered more probable by the use of the same, or a similar expression, in
the book which St. Austin, while yet a presbyter, wrote on the two souls. In
his Retractations, however, he corrects all that is said erroneously in his
other works, and warns his readers to alter, by his later publications,
whatever is not strictly accurate in his earlier treatises. It is true that
Pelagius, bishop of Rome, spoke in the same way, using the phrase one Trinity,
and threefold Unity, but he accompanies it with other expressions, which fully
prove that his meaning was sound, and that we are to understand it in some such
metaphorical way as that used above to explain St. Augustin. He speaks of three
persons or subsistences, of one essence or nature, of one virtue, operation,
blessedness, and power; which shows that he could not have meant this threefold
Unity to bear the same signification which must be given to the threefold Deity
of Godeschalcus. But although it is possible, as it is necessary in this
instance, to give the expression an orthodox meaning, or rather to defend it,
in a particular case, from inferring heresy in the person who uses it, the
fathers and doctors of the Church in general have scrupulously avoided
sanctioning so loose and dangerous a way of speaking. Thus several other
phrases also, which might, in themselves, have borne an innocent meaning, are
repudiated as leading to error. For example, the Latin writers never use the
word substance in the plural, when applied to the holy Trinity, although, in
matter of fact, substance represents the Greek term hypostasis, which is
equivalent to person, rather than being, or essence. A similar confusion
existed for some time also between the terms hypostasis and ousia; so that we find some perfectly
orthodox writers denouncing an anathema on all who shall confess or believe
three hypostases in the Deity. This proves the caution necessary in the use of
phrases, as well as in deciding the meaning in which each writer may have
adopted them.
In the falsification of the copy of St. Austin’s
treatise, the transcriber, not venturing to insert the term “threefold Deity”,
substituted for it others with similar meaning, but less plainly heterodox in
sound, “threefold truth”, and “threefold Unity”. But the identity of meaning
between the three expressions had been already shown by Hincmar, from numerous
quotations, to which, in this part of his treatise, he adds many others. The
transcriber was plainly, as he thinks, an adherent of Godeschalcus, and had his
tenets in view when he made these interpolations. Such interpolations had
frequently been made by the supporters of heretical opinions; while others,
with similar fraud, erased passages, both of Holy Scripture and of
ecclesiastical authorities, which too obviously opposed their views. Macarius,
of Antioch, who was detected by the sixth Council, Donatus, reproved for it by
St. Austin, Nestorius, and, more lately, Felix, of Urgel, are mentioned as
notable examples. With reference, however, to the falsification made by
Godeschalcus himself, in the edict of the younger Constantine, at the sixth
Ecumenical Council, the charge might be evaded, by the pretence that the
original Greek would bear the construction thus put upon it, as well as the
more usual and more orthodox translation. To this Hincmar answers, that even if
this were the case, it is no valid excuse; because, as was hinted before, the
manner of expression is so different, on some points, in the Greek and Latin
Churches, that what bears a perfectly good meaning in the one, may very
possibly represent some heresy, when literally rendered into the language of
the other.
But, says Godeschalcus, in the third clause selected
by the archbishop for refutation, Prosper, Prudentius, and Arator, in their
verses, speak of a threefold majesty, a threefold piety, a threefold power; to
which may be added that the Greek trisagion, of such frequent occurrence, is
most correctly Latinized “threefold holiness”.
To the instance from Prudentius, Hincmar himself adds
one or two more of a similar bearing, in which he uses the terms “trinum numen”
or “nomen” and “trinum specimen”; and then briefly quotes a few passages
from Prosper himself and other writers, to show that neither of these
appellations can correctly admit of the epithet “threefold”, although, by
necessity of metre, a poet may be driven to use it, in order to represent the
doctrine of a Trinity. As to the translation of the Greek word, he denies that
it means “threefold holiness”; instead of which “thrice holy” is the natural
and universal mode of rendering it.
In his remarks upon the fourth clause of Godeschalcus,
which simply builds an argument upon the facts stated in the last, asserting
that a threefold Deity follows upon a threefold majesty and power, and which,
as it is little more than a repetition of what he said at first, is met by the
same reasoning, Hincmar observes that the term “persons” is reserved to express
the sense in which the holy Trinity is three, that we may have some answer to give
to the question how is God three as well as one? Yet person and Deity are, in
substance, the same; that is, each person is whole and perfect Deity, and the
three persons together are whole and perfect Deity; nor are three persons
together more whole and perfect Deity than each one; and therefore, he
concludes, the holy Trinity is, in idea, to be considered inseparable, even in
the persons, although it has names separable in words, inasmuch as in these
names, which denote its nature, the plural number is totally inadmissible.
This is illustrated and confirmed in the
animadversions which follow, by words of St. Augustine, in his book on the
Trinity, in which he tells us that to be, and to subsist in God, is the same
thing, or to be, and to be a person; to be, or the essence of God, is spoken of
in himself, person is spoken relatively, as Father to Son, Son to Father, Holy
Ghost to Father and Son. Hence, it is more correct to say that the Trinity is,
in substance, one God, than, as Godeschalcus does, that the Trinity is
essentially and naturally one. The latter phrase is apt to lead to
Sabellianism, of which he seems himself to be aware, by adding, as a
corrective, that the Godhead is personally threefold. But this is no real
correction, for it would follow, from the Godhead being personally threefold,
that either there are three Gods, or the one Godhead in the Trinity is divided,
so as not to be perfect in any one person. The former conclusion is Arianism;
the second is absurd. As Satan, in his temptation of our first parents,
interpreted the declaration of the holy Trinity, “let us make man in our
image”, to imply a plurality in the Godhead, and accordingly promised them
that, if they would eat of the forbidden tree, they should be as gods, it is
natural, according to Hincmar, to look upon the heresy of Godeschalcus, which,
in reality, asserts the same, as prompted by the same false interpreter, the
author of all evil.
This conclusion, however, would be contradicted by
Godeschalcus in the next clause brought under examination; in which he
maintains that neither the Greek word “three-theos”, nor the threefold Deity
which is its translation, is in the plural number, or implies plurality.
That the Greek expression implies no plurality is
true, answers Hincmar, it means only that the one God is thrice spoken of in
his personal distinctions; and this is illustrated by a quotation from
Boethius, who says that if the same name is thrice repeated, or the same name
thrice called by three distinct names, there is no plurality. This must not be
too strictly applied to the present subject, because there is a real
distinction in the three persons of the holy Trinity, whereas, in the example
of Boethius, there is none, but it serves as a sufficiently apposite
illustration, showing us that each person may be perfect God, while yet there
is but one God. The reason of its applicability is the principle, stated
frequently before, that the Godhead is the Unity of the Trinity. But though
the Greek implies no plurality, this certainly is not the case with the
threefold Deity of Godeschalcus, as may be shown by the comparison of any other
use of the word threefold, or of other words of similar grammatical formation.
The word Trinity Hincmar considers to be composed of tri-unitas, equivalent to
ter-unitas, or the Unity thrice repeated, not of trina-unitas, or threefold
Unity.
In what follows Godeschalcus asserted that as each
person in the Trinity is full and perfect God, so we must confess that each
person has his own proper or peculiar whole and perfect Deity.
If this were true, the disputed expression of a threefold
Deity would no doubt be admissible; but when we say that each person in the
Godhead has a peculiarity or “proprietas” of his own, we mean by this those
personal characteristics or properties which distinguish the Father from the
Son, and the Holy Ghost from both. These are paternity, sonship, and
procession; and it follows from, or is equivalent to, the existence of such
properties, that there are three distinct persons. Similarly, to assert that
each has his proper or peculiar Deity, is identical with maintaining that the
Deity in each person has a different property or peculiarity, analogous to the
distinction between paternity, sonship, and procession. Hence it follows, of
necessity, that there must be three distinct Gods.
This strange declaration of Godeschalcus is followed
up by an appeal to grammar, in which he repeats that his favorite phrase must
necessarily bear a singular meaning, just as the cognate word Trinity also is
spoken of in the singular, and is not understood to imply three Gods. The
answer is a simple one, although Hincmar takes occasion to adduce a large mass
of quotations, from St. Austin and other writers, on the Unity of the Trinity.
It is, that although Trinity is singular in number, and used with a singular
verb or adjective, yet the cause of this is that the Godhead is not threefold,
but one, and that, though singular, it yet implies a plurality, not of Gods,
but of persons. Hence, granting that the threefold Deity may be compared, in
this respect, with the name Trinity, it will imply, by parity of reasoning, a
real plurality, and that not of persons, but, by the very form of the
expression, of Gods.
It is needless to transcribe the testimonies quoted in
support of this argument, or of the truths implied in it. One, however, from
the letter of Sophronius of Jerusalem, appealed to in the sixth synod, is so
express, that it may be repeated with advantage. We acknowledge, he says, one
principle of one Deity; neither confounding the subsistences and reducing them
to one subsistence, nor dividing the one same essence and separating it into
three essences, and so dividing the one Godhead. But, there is one God, one
Godhead, shining forth in three subsistences, and three subsistences and
persons are acknowledged in one Godhead. The Father is perfect God, the Son is
perfect God, the Holy Ghost is perfect God, for this reason, that each person
has one and the same inseparable, undiminished, and perfect Deity.
Godeschalcus, however, after his digression on the
subject of grammar, advances as the reason why each person must have his own
proper Deity, that human nature was assumed, not by the whole Trinity, but by
the Godhead of the Son alone. The argument is briefly and satisfactorily
answered, by replying, that it was not the Godhead, but the person of the Son,
who assumed human nature. The Divine nature, or Godhead, remained perfectly
distinct from the human nature of our Lord, both being united, without
confusion, in him, as one person. With all his errors in doctrine, we cannot
avoid surprise at the ignorance, or confusion of belief, manifested in this
argument of Godeschalcus, which appears incompatible with the knowledge evinced
by him of ecclesiastical authors, especially of St. Austin, and fully
justifies, of itself, the strong expressions used of him by Hincmar, and the
fixed determination of the latter to be content with nothing less than a
definite recantation of his heresies. After refuting it, Hincmar takes the opportunity
of showing how the whole Trinity cooperated in the mystery of the incarnation,
hence proving that the Godhead of the Father and the Holy Spirit was, equally
with the Godhead of the Son, the agent in that work, being, indeed, one and the
same. Thus St. Athanasius is quoted, saying, although the wisdom of Solomon
spoke in the proverbs of the Saviour’s body, “wisdom hath built her house”,
thus acknowledging the Only-Begotten as the creator of his own body, yet here
(in the address of the angel Gabriel to the blessed Virgin) the angel declared
it to be of the Holy Ghost, as every Christian is taught to believe. For
Scripture makes no difference in the Trinity, teaching everywhere that it has
one and the same operation. Finally, when the blessed Virgin Mary was about to
give birth to God, and asked the angel, “how shall this be, seeing I know not a
man?” he answered her, “the Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of
the Highest shall overshadow thee; therefore also that holy thing which shall be
born of thee shall be called the Son of God”. If the power of the Highest is
the Only-Begotten, according to the words of Paul, “Christ the power of God,
and the wisdom of God”, and the Holy Ghost is the Comforter and the Spirit of
Truth, and if, by the overshadowing of these, Mary, about to bring forth God,
was made the temple of the Lord, while the angel declares that he should be
created of the Holy Ghost, we are taught here that this is the operation of the
Trinity. St. Ambrose writes to the same effect, as we read that the Father
created the sacrament of our Lord’s incarnation, and that the Holy Ghost
created it, so, too, we read that Christ himself created his own body. Alcuin
also says, we acknowledge that human nature, that is, flesh and a rational soul,
was assumed, not by the whole Trinity, but by the Son alone, into the Unity of
person, not the Unity of nature ... This form of a servant, however, which the
Son of God alone received, the whole Trinity created, which yet, it is clear,
though created by all, belongs to the person of the Son alone. For neither the
Father, nor the Holy Ghost, but only the Son assumed flesh; that he who was Son
in the Godhead of God the Father, might also be made Son in the human nature of
his Virgin mother, and so the name of Son might not be transferred to another
person, who is not the Son by eternal generation.
The next argument for the threefold Deity is drawn
from the analogy of baptism, which consists of a threefold immersion, and is
itself a threefold baptism, although it would be quite inadmissible to say that
there are three immersions or three baptisms. Hincmar replies that, on the
contrary, the threefold immersion, as it is called by Godeschalcus, disproves a
threefold Godhead, inasmuch as the very reason why the three should be,
notwithstanding, one baptism, is that there is one and the same Deity in the
three persons of the Holy Trinity. However, so far from its being inadmissible
to use the phrase three immersions, it is very obvious that baptism consists of
three perfectly distinct immersions, which make one baptism, not a threefold
baptism, as the three persons are one God. He notices that as the three
immersions were a refutation of the Sabellian heresy, which denied the
distinction of persons, so, in some parts, it was the custom to use only one,
as a protest against the Arians, who acknowledged three Gods. Among other
observations on the subject of baptism, Hincmar says, there are three separate
immersions because of the distinction of the persons of the Holy Trinity; but
one baptism, because one God, of one essence, Deity, nature, and consequently
of one name, that is God the holy Trinity, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, in
whose name we are baptized and made children of God, born again by grace, having
been before children of the devil, born of that accursed seed derived from
Adam. And as the inner man must be formed anew, in the faith of the holy
Trinity, after the image of his Maker, the body, too must be outwardly washed
by a threefold immersion, that the priest may visibly imitate in the water what
the Spirit works invisibly in the soul. For the first sin was wrought by
concupiscence, consent and act, and so every sin is committed by thought, word,
or deed. Hence the threefold washing seems adapted to the threefold nature of
sins, whether we consider original sin, which, in infants, has strength to
destroy, or those additional sins which men more advanced in age commit by
will, word, or action. Rightly, also, is man, who was created after the image of
the holy Trinity, restored to the same image by invocation of the holy Trinity,
so that whereas by sin, in the third degree, he fell into death, by grace he
might rise again to life, when raised for the third time from the baptismal
font. These are Hincmar’s own words : but this part of his treatise contains a
collection of many passages from the fathers, illustrating, in a variety of
ways, the catholic doctrine of holy baptism.
As Godeschalcus appealed before to threefold baptism,
he next calls to his aid the phrase used by Sedulius, “a threefold faith”,
which Hincmar contents himself with answering by bringing passages, in both
poetry and prose, of a contrary purport, and by asserting, as on a former
occasion, that an expression used by a poet, for the sake of metre, cannot
stand against so universal a consent as obtains on this subject among the
greatest doctors of the Church.
In conclusion, all who would avoid sharing in the
condemnation of the Sabellians, are called upon by Godeschalcus to embrace, confess,
sing, and worship, with all catholics, a threefold Deity, sanctity, life,
wisdom, glory, fear, love, charity, light, salvation, virtue, peace, and
brightness, a threefold majesty, power, piety, inasmuch as our faith is
threefold. To this rhapsody Hincmar replies by referring to the test laid down
before, that the epithet threefold is inapplicable to such words as represent
the nature or substance of God, and then proving from several writers, but
especially from Alcuin (who has many things in his book on faith in the holy
Trinity, bearing on the matter in question), that these expressions are used
synonymously with the Deity or substance of God. This is shown especially in
the case of two of these names, light and peace, which are singled out by Godeschalcus
in a new paragraph annexed to the schedule just concluded, as most plainly
requiring the epithet threefold, inasmuch as all must grant that both light and
peace are, when applied to God the Father, unbegotten, when applied to God the
Son, begotten, when spoken of God the Holy Ghost, proceeding. It is needless to
follow the refutation of this paragraph, because it manifestly contains only a
repetition of error already sufficiently disproved. Besides the longer
schedule, containing the belief or prayer which has hitherto formed the subject
of examination, Godeschalcus composed many others, attempting, in various ways,
to explain the mystery of the Holy Trinity. Some of these are noticed and
refuted in the remainder of Hincmar’s treatise. Thus, in one place he says,
that the personal names of God are in no way relative, but are rather
essential, or substantial, as the natural names are. Such an assertion could
only proceed from a weak and childish desire to oppose long-established views
or usages, and to invent new names and phrases for himself—a disposition with
which Godeschalcus is frequently, and, as it appears from many circumstances of
the kind, deservedly charged. This assertion is answered by the question, What
are the personal names of the Holy Trinity? Surely none other but Father, Son,
and Holy Ghost. If so, these are, beyond doubt, relative appellations, God the
Father being so called in relation to the Son, God the Son in relation to the
Father, God the Holy Ghost in relation to both, as proceeding from both.
Accordingly, Boethius says, Trinity belongs not to substance; whence neither
Father, Son, nor Holy Ghost, nor Trinity, are spoken substantially of God, but
relatively; but God, truth, righteousness, goodness, and similar appellations,
are spoken of the Deity substantially. The argument adduced by Godeschalcus for
his opinion from the etymology of the word person, as if “per se una”, scarcely
deserves a formal refutation. However, occasion is taken to make copious
quotations from several writers, in opposition, if not to the etymology itself,
to die opinion which accompanied it, or was founded upon it.
Elsewhere Godeschalcus maintained, that while the
singular form of address must be used in prayer or praise to either one person
of the Holy Trinity, the plural ought to be adopted in addressing the three
persons together; this, as he confesses, was his own practice, and several
instances are quoted in Hincmar’s treatise. The opinion is disproved from
numerous passages in Holy Scripture, in which the Trinity is addressed or
mentioned in the singular number. The command quoted by our Lord from the law,
“Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve”, is
sufficient of itself for the purpose. Moreover, the one sanctification, glory,
operation, Deity, of the Holy Trinity, necessarily imply the same. St. Paul’s
expression, in the epistle to the Romans, “Of him, and through him, and to him
are all things; to him be glory forever”, is also quite conclusive. For while
the former of the two clauses makes mention of the three persons distinctly,
the latter attributes glory to all together, not in the plural, but in the
singular. However, Godeschalcus considers that all who say “thanks be to Thee”,
when addressing the whole Trinity, are almost on a par with Sabellians or Jews.
In refuting this error, Hincmar makes an assertion
which, at first appearance, seems opposed to the true faith. He disapproves of
saying that each person of the Holy Trinity, by himself, is Lord God—words
which occur, in almost precisely the same form, in the Athanasian creed.
However, he soon after explains the phrase “by himself”, to have been meant in
a different sense from that which the same expression in the creed is intended
to bear. As, he says, the Father is singly Lord God Almighty, uncreate,
immense, eternal, and whatever else is spoken absolutely of God, but not by
himself alone without the Son, begotten of his substance, and the Holy Spirit,
proceeding from himself and the Son; so also the Son is singly Lord God
Almighty, uncreate, immense, eternal, and whatever else is spoken absolutely of
God, but not alone, by himself, without the Father, from whom he is begotten,
and the Holy Ghost, who proceeds from the Father and himself; and so the Holy
Spirit is singly Lord God Almighty, uncreate, immense, eternal, and whatever
else is spoken absolutely of God, but not alone, by himself, without the Father
and the Son, from whom he proceeds. Thus the phrase “by himself”, is understood
by Hincmar as implying separation, whereas, in the creed, it denotes what he
represents by the term “singly”, the perfection of each person in the Trinity.
Of all the passages adduced from Catholic writers,
none is more distinct against the opinion in question than the following words of
Alcuin, in his book on the Trinity, addressed to Charlemagne. This must be
maintained over and over again, that nothing said of the Holy Trinity, in
itself, or absolutely, must be said in the plural number, because that simple
nature of the supreme Godhead, should be designated in the singular, not in the
plural. Hence, it is not lawful to speak of God as three Gods, three
omnipotents, three good, three great, three substances. For though, personally,
one is Father, another Son, another Holy Ghost, yet they have but one and the
same name, denoting their nature, namely, God, or substance, or essence, or
omnipotence, or either of those numerous other words which are spoken of him
substantially, and not relatively.
Some of the prayers used in Divine service in the
Catholic Church, terminated with the following words, addressed to our Lord :
“who livest and reignest with God the Father, in the Unity of the Holy Spirit,
God, world without end”; in which formula the doctrine of the Unity and Trinity
are distinctly recognized. Godeschalcus found fault with the expression, not,
as it appears, from any objection to the doctrines themselves, but for the
futile reason that in the original Latin the words may be so rendered as to
convey the idea, that our Lord is God of the Holy Spirit, and therefore
inferior to him in nature or dignity. After making then an orthodox confession
of belief in the unity of God, he continues with a strange prayer, almost
defying translation, in which each of the three persons of the Trinity is
mentioned with scrupulously the same appellations, to avoid ingratitude to
either one, and all three are addressed in the plural. In commenting on this
prayer, Hincmar tells us that St. Austin lays down as a rule, that wherever in
Holy Scripture the name of God is used, without any addition to show that
either one person is meant distinctly from the other two, we must understand
the whole of the Trinity to be signified. This is illustrated by many passages
from Scripture. Similarly, according to the same authority, we address all the
persons of the Holy Trinity under the name of Father, in the Lord’s prayer; or
rather, in consequence of the Unity of God, in praying to the Father, we pray
also to the Son and Holy Spirit. This he considers sufficiently proved by the
petition, “Thy kingdom come”, in which we pray for the advent, not of the
Father, but of the Son. Again, St. Austin says, that if the Son is considered
inferior to the Father, the Unity is destroyed, so that in the oblation the
words of the prayer must be, not “I offer to Thee, O God”, but “I offer to you,
Gods”, in the plural. It is a fair inference from this, that when the plural is
used, according to the practice and recommendation of Godeschalcus, the Unity
is destroyed, and an inferiority of one to another established between the
persons of the Trinity. Again, the same father says, that God appeared to
Abraham under the tree at Mamre, as he sat at noonday in his tent
door. He looked up and beheld three men standing by him, and running to meet
them worshipped and said, “my Lord, if now I have found favor in thy sight,
pass not away, I pray thee, from thy servant”. We are told that God appeared to
him, and that while looking upon him he saw three men, and that he went to meet
them, and worshipped the one God, addressing him as his Lord. No one blamed him
for recognizing and worshipping one God and one Lord in the likeness of those
three men.
Among the letters or exhortations, or other documents
which Godeschalcus was in the habit of dispersing among his friends or
followers, from his confinement at Hautvilliers, was one in which he mentioned
that God had commanded him not to pray for Hincmar. Another contained a
revelation that in three years and a half antichrist, that is, Hincmar, would
die, that he himself would succeed him as archbishop of Rheims, and after
holding that dignity for seven years, would be carried off by poison, and thus
gain the crown of martyrdom. When, however, the time fixed by the prophetic
revelation had expired, without the fulfillment of the prediction, he wrote to
one of his adherents, expressing, in a kind of prayer, his willingness to wait
the appointed time and manner of Hincmar’s punishment, and declaring that he
would be fully satisfied whenever that heretic and enemy of the truth, on whom
he bestows many similar appellations, should be rooted out as he deserved.
Hincmar remarks, at greater length, and with a greater
weight of testimony than appears needful, that such revelations and prayers
could not have been prompted by our Lord, or his
Holy Spirit. They seem attributable, in fact, to no other cause than
madness. We might have supposed that his long confinement in the monastery,
which served as his prison, had partially deprived him of his senses; but the
account of his manner of behavior, from the day of his first entering the
cloisters of Hautvilliers, proves his conduct to have been no less irrational
at that period. The relation is contained in a letter from Hincmar to Egilo,
archbishop of Sens, who was departing on a mission to Rome, to deliver to pope
Nicholas the acts of a Council lately held at Soissons. News had been brought
him, just at the same time, that a monk of Hautvilliers, well known to be a
friend and disciple of Godeschalcus, had plundered the monastery of books,
vestments, horses, and other property, and had fled into Italy, with the
professed purpose of engaging Nicholas to take up his master’s cause. The
relations subsisting between the pope and the archbishop at that time were of
such a nature that the latter could not afford to pass over even so slight a
danger unnoticed; especially as Nicholas had lately written to king Charles,
declining any longer to protect Hincmar in charges of the kind, as he had so
frequently done before. Although declaring his ignorance that such protecting
care had been hitherto bestowed upon him, Hincmar begs Egilo to spare no pains
in laying before the pope a true statement of all that had occurred in
connection with Godeschalcus, with reference both to his doctrine, and to the
treatment which he had received since his confinement. His whole behavior (he
says) shows that he is mad or possessed by a devil, adding that madness seldom
occurs without possession. He had been treated in precisely the same way
with the brethren of the monastery; the same food and clothing were provided
for him, and a convenient cell, furnished with a fire-place, a bath, and all
things needful for comfort. Until compelled by cold, he had refused clothing or
fire, and even up to the period of Hincmar’s writing to Egilo had persisted in
rejecting the bath, and had not even washed his face.
The following is the relation of the death of
Godeschalcus. Many attempts had been made to induce him to adopt orthodox
views, but in vain; and at last when word was brought to the archbishop that
his death drew near, he sent him a paper, shortly asserting that God wills the
salvation of all, though all are not saved, that those who are saved receive
their salvation, as a free gift, from him, whereas all who perish, perish from
their own fault; that our Lord Jesus Christ suffered for all, and that his
blood is a sufficient price for all the world, although those who refuse
redemption, or who afterwards sin and persevere in impenitence, have no share
in it. With regard to the Holy Trinity, the same document charged him to
confess one God in a Trinity of persons, and a Trinity of persons in the Unity
of the Godhead, not confounding the persons, like Sabellians, so that they be
not three, nor dividing the substance, like Arians, so as to make it threefold,
inasmuch as the persons are distinct, while their Deity is one, their Majesty
equal, their Glory co-eternal. If he would subscribe this confession, Hincmar
offered him episcopal absolution and restoration to communion. Godeschalcus,
however, rejected the articles offered to him with rage and detestation. The
archbishop wrote again to the monks of Hautvilliers, charging them to give him
the opportunity of making his confession, to the very last; and if he gave any sign
of a wish to recant, and to be reconciled to the Church, to admit him to
communion, and after death to bury him with the prayers and offices used for
all who died in the faith. If, on the contrary, he persevered in his present
state of mind, his cause must be left, according to the commands of St. Leo,
and the canons of the Church, to the judgment of God, who might, had he so
willed it, have prolonged his life. If, continued the canon, any one of those
for whom we offer up our prayers, be prevented, by whatever obstacle, from
receiving absolution while still alive, it is forbidden to give him, after
death, that which he accepted not while still in the body. It is not necessary,
however, for us to decide upon the merits and acts of those who have thus died,
because our Lord has reserved for his own righteous judgment all such cases as
are beyond the ministry of his priesthood upon earth.
Such was the case
with Godeschalcus, who retained his faculties to the last; and when at the very
point of death, being urged by the brethren who stood round him to give some
token of repentance, and to receive the viaticum, he plainly persisted in his
refusal, and thus died out of communion with the Church
CHAP. IV.
FROM THE DEATH OF
THE EMPEROR LOTHAIRE (AD 855) TO THAT OF KING LOTHAIRE, HIS SON, (AD 869).
The death of the emperor Lothaire was preceded by that
of Leo IV, who died in the month of July, in the same year 855, after having
filled the papal chair, with high reputation, for a little more than eight
years. The election of his successor, Benedict III, is remarkable for the
attempt secretly made by the emperor to force upon the Church and people of
Rome a pontiff appointed by himself. The clergy, nobles, and people were
unanimous in their selection of Benedict, who accepted the dignity with great
reluctance. He was taken, as was usual, to the Lateran palace, and there
enthroned in the midst of hymns of praise and thanksgiving, after which the
chief of those concerned subscribed the notice of election, and sent it, by the
hands of a bishop and of an officer of the Roman guard, to the emperors
Lothaire and Louis.
A year and a half before the death of Leo, a cardinal
priest, of the Roman Church, of the name of Anastasius, had been deposed and excommunicated
by the pope and a Council, for a contumacious refusal,
continued during the space of five years, to reside in
Rome, and perform the duties of his office.
He lived in the diocese of Aquileia, and at the
court of Louis, at Ravenna. The emperor, however, though regarding him
with favor, could not refuse to subscribe his name to the act of deposition
passed by Leo and a synod of more than sixty bishops. Accordingly from
that time Anastasius had remained in seclusion and disgrace; but on the decease
of Leo, having gained several adherents (probably through his interest with
Louis) among the bishops and nobles of Italy, he employed one of
his partisans, Argenius, bishop of Eugubio, to meet the
messengers sent from Rome to notify the election of Benedict, and persuade them
to substitute his name in the document which they were conveying to the
emperor. Imperial deputies were sent to Rome, according to custom, to
witness and sanction the appointment and consecration of the pope; and
these, whether by the command of Louis or not, supported with vehemence the
cause of Anastasius, whom they carried with them into the city, and seated him
on the pontifical throne. Then, after stripping Benedict of his robes, and
committing him to the charge of some priests, who had been deposed for their
vices by the late pontiff, the deputies attempted to compel the
bishops assembled for the purpose to acknowledge and consecrate
Anastasius. Though threatened with violence by the soldiers of the
emperor, who advanced with drawn swords, into the Church where they were
assembled, they constantly refused to recognize any one but Benedict; and
the whole people supported this resolution. The dispute lasted several
days, until the deputies were at last forced to yield to so unanimous a choice,
to sanction Benedict's consecration, and to banish Anastasius from the city.
There can be no doubt that Benedict succeeded Leo.
Anastasius the librarian, Lupus of Ferrières, pope Nicholas, Hincmar, and other
contemporaneous writers, all bear testimony to the fact. Those however, who
invented the story of pope Joan, place her, for the most part, between these
two pontiffs, and pretend that Leo died in the year 853, instead of two years
afterwards. The general belief which this fable gained in Europe is remarkable,
as it is difficult to discover even the appearance of any foundation for it.
Marianus, an Irishman, is said first to have spoken of pope Joan; this author
died in the year 1086, two hundred and thirty years after the death of Leo. But
the best critics suppose that even in his book it is an interpolation. Pagi had
seen an ancient copy, in which no vestige of it was found. Baronius attempts to
trace the origin of the story to a letter written by pope Leo IX, in the middle
of the eleventh century, in which that pontiff asserted that a woman had been
raised to the patriarchate of Constantinople. This story, no less than that of
pope Joan herself, was a misrepresentation or a mistake, and arose from the
circumstance of the emperor Michael’s dressing one of his eunuchs in woman’s
clothes, and then placing him, in sport, on the pontifical throne. If,
continues the annalist, there had been any truth in the story of pope Joan,
Photius and other enemies of the Roman see at the time would certainly not have
omitted so fair an opportunity of attack. To this we may add, that such an
event as the election of a woman to the papacy could not by any possibility
have escaped the watchful eye of the emperor or his deputies, who, at this
time, observed with vigilance and jealousy all the proceedings connected with
election and consecration to the apostolic see.
Pope Joan has been called by various names, Agnes,
Gilberta, Isabella, Margaret, Dorothea, and others. Some say she was a German,
others an Englishwoman; and with this last assertion may be connected the fact
that Martin the Pole is said to have inserted the pontificate of an Englishman
named John between the reigns of Leo IV and Benedict. The story was, at one
time, so generally believed, that she had a statue among those of the other
popes, in the Cathedral Church of Sens. This statue remained in its place till
the pontificate of Clement VIII, or that of Alexander VII, at which time it is
said to have been altered, at the request of cardinal Baronius, into an image
of pope Zachary. To whatever reason the erection of this statue is to be
attributed, its existence at Sens probably gave rise to the insertion of the
fable in the book of Marianus.
A civil war among the Danes, (which broke out in the
year 854, between king Horic, who had remained peaceably in his dominions, and
those of his subjects who, under various chieftains, had engaged for twenty
years in ravaging more civilized countries), relieved
France, in some degree and for a short time, from the presence of the
barbarians. The cessation of hostilities was, however, by no means complete,
for in the following year we are told of an invasion of Bourdeaux, and of a
victory gained by king Charles over Sidorc, a chief of reputation, at Pistres,
on the Seine. The slaughter of both parties was so great, in Denmark, that of
the whole tribe or family to which the king belonged one boy alone survived,
bearing, like his father, the name of Horic. St. Anskar, whose banishment from
Hamburg has been before related, had since that time been laboring in the cause
of Christianity, among the Danes. The late king Horic was a convert, and had
extended his protection to the Church. Sleswig was the headquarters from whence
St. Anskar, or a priest placed there by him, spread the knowledge of the faith.
But the death of Horic and the revolution in Denmark seemed for a time fatal to
the Church. The young prince was persuaded to abolish Christianity in his
dominions, to destroy St. Anskar’s Church, at Sleswig, and to banish the
clergyman stationed there, with all who persisted in following and obeying him.
St. Anskar, however, set out at once to the court of Denmark, regardless of the
dangers which threatened him there, and having been presented to the king, by a
nobleman of his family, succeeded in persuading him to grant permission to
build a new Church, in the city of Ripa, to establish another priest there, and
to introduce a peal of bells, which was regarded as a peculiar abomination by
the heathen, and was a proportionate triumph to the bishop and his party.
From Denmark or from his old see of Hamburg St. Anskar
had already planted the Church in Sweden, but the priest whom he had
commissioned to represent him in that country, had, like himself, lost his
Church, and narrowly escaped with his life, from a sudden insurrection of the
pagans in his neighborhood. For seven years from that time another priest was
sent into the same district, to encourage such of the inhabitants as still
retained their Christianity, and if possible to lay afresh the foundation of
the Swedish Church. Meanwhile the light of truth had been kept alive by the
faith of Herigar, a man of rank and station among the Swedes, who had
persevered in the belief and practice of his religion, notwithstanding the
sneers and reproaches of all his countrymen. It is related by the author of the
life of St. Anskar, St. Rembert, who was his disciple and friend, and successor
in the bishopric of Bremen, that on one occasion when a vast national assembly
was met together, for the purpose of celebrating some festival in honor of
their idols, Herigar challenged them to prove by trial the truth of their
respective creeds. He bade them place themselves in one part of the plain,
while he and his servant stood in another; each party was to pray the God whom
they worshipped to let fall a heavy shower of rain on the other side. The
result was that all the Swedish pagans were drenched with the water that fell
in answer to the prayer of Herigar, while not a drop of rain fell either upon
his servant or himself. At another time he was himself suddenly healed of a
malady which prevented his moving, by being carried into the Church, and
praying there that our Lord would vouchsafe to convince the heathen, who stood
round in crowds, and urged him to sacrifice to their gods, by granting him a
miraculous cure. On a third occasion the town of Brica, of which Herigar was
governor, was besieged by a Swedish king and by the Danes. At his persuasion
the inhabitants engaged at length, as the only hope of their preservation, to
become Christians, and vowed, on condition of their escape, to perform deeds of
alms and fasting, in token of their sincerity. Scarcely had this been done when
the besieging army, at the persuasion of the Danish prince, who had been either
wholly or in part convinced of the truth of Christianity, on drawing lots, according
to a prevalent custom, to determine whether they should succeed or fail in the
capture of the town, found the result unfavorable, and suddenly raised the
siege. These miracles, says Fleury, recorded as they are by St. Rembert, are
worthy of credit, if any such stories are to be believed; and if it is
permitted us to say that any occasion whatever calls for miracles from God,
such is, without doubt, furnished by the needs of an infant Church like that of
Sweden. St. Anskar, at length, not being able to prevail upon the bishop who
had formerly preached in Sweden to return thither, had recourse to king Louis,
who appointed him his ambassador to the court of Olaf, king of that country. He
was supported by the recommendation of Horic, king of Denmark, and was
favorably received by Olaf, who offered him help and protection, on condition
of his persuading the people to admit him among them. This was the less likely,
as they had been lately persuaded, by some person zealous in his enmity to
Christianity, to deify their former king Eric, and were eagerly employed in
adorning his temple, and offering him sacrifices. Resort was had to the usual
method of decision by lot, and a popular tumult, which threatened to be fatal
to the cause, was quieted by the speech of an old Swede, who reminded his
hearers that the profession of this religion had frequently brought success in
war, and in the perils of the sea; and that, in former times, persons had
ventured as far as Dorstadt, for the very purpose of gaining that instruction
which was now offered them without trouble, on their part, by St. Anskar, the
ambassador for the Franks. After this Churches were built, and the clergy
received with honor and joy, and the apostle of the north, after seeing the
Church rapidly advance under Erimbert, whom he left to represent him in Sweden,
returned again to his monastery in Saxony.
The death of the emperor Lothaire increased the evils
of subdivision under which the empire had already greatly suffered, and
multiplied the wars and quarrels, previously too numerous, between the
sovereigns of the petty kingdoms into which it was divided, or the rival
claimants of various thrones. Two princes, instead of one, now shared with
Charles the Bald the territory of modern France; these were Lothaire, of
Lorraine, and Charles, of Provence. In Aquitaine, as Pepin and his brother were
still in confinement, in the monastery of St. Medard, at Soissons, and as the
inhabitants chose to have a king of their own, they had offered the crown to
Louis, a son of the king of Germany, who accepted it without hesitation,
feeling, as it appears, no scruple at thus usurping a portion of his uncle’s
kingdom, a Charles retaliated on this act of aggression by sending a secret
embassy, with bribes and presents, to the Slavonian and Bulgarian tribes, on
the confines of his brother’s dominions, to urge them to invade Germany. At the
same time he marched into Aquitaine against his nephew. The campaign passed
over without any decisive result, but Louis soon found that his new subjects
had little affection for him, and were little disposed to endanger their lives
and property in defending the throne to which they had so lately raised him.
Accordingly he resigned his crown, and returned into Germany.
The events just related took place shortly before the
death of the emperor Lothaire. Soon afterwards, Pepin and his brother escaped
from confinement. The latter, on the death of Rabanus, was presented by king
Louis of Germany with the metropolitan see of Metz, an appointment in which the
bishops and clergy, and the people of the province, took no part, but in which
they thought it advisable to acquiesce, rather than endanger the peace of the
diocese by what would probably have been a fruitless resistance to the royal
will. Pepin made considerable advances, and gained many successes, by finding
auxiliaries in the bands of Normans and of Saracens, who were ravaging the
country at the time, and the Aquitanian nobles now sent to the king of France,
informing him that they would make no resistance to his rival, unless he
permitted them to have some other sovereign who would reside in the province,
and form a centre around which they might range themselves for the defence of
their country. Charles accordingly conducted his second son, who bore his own
name, to the town of Limoges, where he was accepted by the people, and crowned
and anointed king of Aquitaine. The war between Pepin and the new king was
carried on for a year or two with various success. Twice or thrice the former
constrained his rival to relinquish his claims and leave the country, but the
people as often returned to their allegiance. These constant changes filled the
whole province with disorder and calamities; no one appeared to recognize any
law beyond his own will and power. The exhortations and censures of the clergy
were altogether disregarded, and the allegiance professed to one king or the
other was merely nominal.
While these disturbances were agitating the province
of Aquitaine, Louis and the new king of Lotharingia, who, with their younger
brother Charles, inherited the dominions of the late emperor, divided by his
will between them, agreed to strip the latter of his portion, and to dispose of
him in the method usual at the time, by forcing him to retire into a monastery.
They met at Orbe, in Switzerland, to effect the conquest, and agree upon the
partition of the territory, but the nobles who attended the conference refused
to sanction so palpable an act of injustice, and compelled the emperor Louis
and king Lothaire to confirm their brother in the kingdom of Provence and the
duchy of Lyons.
The young king of Aquitaine was the second son of
Charles the Bald. The eldest, Louis, against his father’s will, married the
daughter of the count of Auvergne. His daughter, named Judith, after his
mother, espoused at Verbery, in October, 855, Ethelwulf, then returning with
his son Alfred from a journey to Rome, and, after the ceremony, was crowned by
Hincmar queen of England. Ethelwulf died ten years afterwards, and was succeeded
by his two sons, Ethelbald and Ethelburg, who divided the kingdom. The latter,
who had a very short reign, married Judith, his father’s widow, in violation of
all law, civil and ecclesiastical. After his death Judith returned to France to
her father, Charles the Bald.
Amid the festivities which attended the ceremonies of
Judith’s marriage and coronation, the Normans sailed up the Seine, and
destroyed Beauvais, Maine, Melun, Chartres, Evreux, Bayeux, and other towns;
not even a hamlet or convent escaped destruction, and no one ventured to resist
their progress. They passed the winter in a spot which they fortified on the
banks of the Seine, and Charles (who, whether at Verbery, Paris, or Attigny, or
at his favorite palace at Quiercy, could have been but a few leagues in
distance from them,) seemed altogether to disregard the presence of the
invaders. Taking courage from this neglect, they burnt and plundered Paris not
long afterwards. All the Churches and monasteries, which were very numerous in
the city and its neighborhood, were laid in ruins, with the exception of one or
two of the richest of them, for the preservation of which they exacted an
enormous price. Louis, abbot of St. Denys, the grandson of Charlemagne, and
cousin of the king, was taken prisoner on this occasion, but restored on the
payment of a ransom proportionate to his rank and station. During the same
year, Orleans was burnt by another band of the same nation, and a contemporary
historian, quoted by Sismondi, tells us that if a line be drawn through the
towns of Paris, Orleans, Bourges, and Clermont of Auvergne, the whole country
between this line and the sea, a space which, at this time, was nearly
coextensive with Charles’s kingdom, contained not a single town, village, or
hamlet, which had not experienced the ravages of these barbarian and heathen
plunderers. Nor were their ravages confined now, as formerly, to invasions
which, though marked with ruin and misery, were brief in duration, and repeated
only at intervals. On the Seine, the Somme, the Escaut, the Loire, and the
Garonne, they founded permanent establishments, or military colonies, and
another of a similar nature was shortly afterwards fixed in an island of the
Rhone. From these centres, or head quarters, they were able to keep up a
perpetual system of rapine throughout the country; nor would anything have
impeded them in attempting the entire conquest of the kingdom, if a plan
requiring so much system and organization had been in accordance with the
character and genius of the northern pirates.
It appears that for some time there had been a growing
conviction in the minds of many amongst the leading subjects of Charles, that
they were ruled by a king altogether incompetent, from indolence, or want of
talent, to defend his dominions from the various calamities which overwhelmed
them. The eyes of many were turned to other quarters in search of a remedy.
Louis of Germany was, undoubtedly, the most energetic among the Carolingian
kings, although the comparative tranquility of his kingdom is to be attributed,
probably, quite as much to the fact, that the access to it was more difficult,
as to any superior military vigor of his own. Charles was aware of the
increasing disaffection among the prelates and nobles of his realm. He sent
several ineffectual messages, ordering their attendance in parliament, first at
one town and then at another, and even went so far as to write a letter to pope
Benedict, imploring him to use his influence with the bishops of France to
induce them to preserve their allegiance unbroken. The bishops and abbots met
at Bonneuil in August, 856, to consider the exhortations which the pope
addressed to them, in compliance with the request of Charles. They protested
against the interference of a foreign prelate in the national concerns of
France, and exhorted the king to terminate the miseries of his people by
observing his own capitulars and those of his ancestors, especially in
reforming and protecting the monasteries.
At last a diet or Council met at Quiercy, in February,
857, and published their complaint of the ravages and other irregularities
practiced by the French nobles and gentry, in imitation, as it seemed, of those
inflicted by the Normans. The bishops, counts, and royal messengers, were
ordered to hold frequent provincial meetings, to inquire into the abuses in
every quarter of the province, and the sentence of excommunication was
threatened against all who should persist in their disobedience to these
authorities, and disregard of the lighter censures of the clergy. A letter of
Lupus, of Ferrières, written about the time of the diet, gives us an idea of
the state of confusion to which the country was reduced. “In the dominions of
our king Charles”, he writes, to a friend who intended to visit him, “robberies
are exercised with impunity, under cover of these new revolutionary movements;
nothing is more certain or more common than plunder and violence, and it is
necessary, therefore, that you only venture to make the journey in company with
a large party of travelers, whose number and valor may secure them from attack,
or, in case of such an event, defend them”.
The capitulars of Quiercy produced, as might be
supposed, but little advantage. On the first mission to the king of Germany
from the malcontents of France, in the year 850, Louis had been prevented from
listening to their proposals, by a war in which he was engaged, with some
tribes of Slavonians, who had invaded his dominions, probably, in consequence
of the persuasions of Charles the Bald, and who defeated him in several
engagements. But in the summer of 858 their proposals were repeated by a still
more numerous body, and were conveyed to him by the abbot Adelard, and Count
Otho. They represented the miserable state of France, which Charles was
altogether unable to defend, and complained that the little which remained to
the French from the heathen ravages was swallowed up by the violence or
artifices of the king. No one, they added, could place any faith in his
promises or oaths, or entertain any hope of his amendment. Louis was persuaded
to accede to these proposals, either with the desire, as we are told by his
subject and apologist, the author of the annals of Fulda, of saving so fair a
portion of Charlemagne’s empire from utter ruin, or with the ambitious hope of
adding France to his own dominions. The permission formerly granted to his son
to usurp the kingdom of Aquitaine, forces us to attribute his favorable
reception of the French proposals, on this occasion, to the latter motive. He
assembled his army at Worms, marched through Alsace, and was met by the
majority of the nobles of France at the town of Pontyon. Charles was at this
time encamped on the banks of the Seine, in opposition to the Normans, who were
again threatening Paris, which they shortly afterwards pillaged and burnt for
the third time. His situation and employment is a proof that the complaints
which charged him with entirely neglecting to defend his kingdom, were somewhat
exaggerated. The universal defection of all the nobles of Aquitaine to the
German king, left both the rival claimants to that country without adherents;
accordingly, the king’s camp on the Seine was joined, at this time, by his son
Charles and his nephew Pepin. Pepin agreed to relinquish, henceforward, all
claim to the throne, and was presented by his uncle, as a compensation, with
the county of Meaux, and some other dignities. Charles marched to meet his
brother, and encamped, in presence of his army, at Brienne. After some days
spent in negotiation, he appears to have been convinced of the hopelessness of
his cause, and suddenly leaving his followers, he made his escape into
Burgundy. The French troops then went over to king Louis, who marched,
unresisted, through Neustria, and divided among the French nobles of his party
the counties, abbeys, and other possessions of the kingdom.
Charles, however, had meanwhile assembled a fresh
army, by the aid of his nephew Lothaire, and advanced a second time against his
brother; and the king of Germany, who had been obliged to disband the whole or
a great part of his native troops, and who had also received news of an attack
by the Lorabians, on the eastern frontier of his kingdom, retreated as Charles
advanced, and crossing the Rhine, relinquished, without a blow, the crown which
he had taken so much trouble to usurp.
Among the French prelates, Wenilo, archbishop of Sens,
was at the head of the few who had taken part in inviting Louis into France; a
large majority, following the example of Hincmar, stood firm in their fidelity
to king Charles. Louis, on entering the kingdom, had ordered a general meeting
of the bishops, at Rheims, to agree upon some plan of reformation in the
affairs of both Church and state. They excused themselves from obeying his
commands, but the bishops of the provinces of Rheims and Rouen assembled at
Quiercy, and from thence addressed to the king of Germany a long letter,
written by Hincmar, signed by all who were present at the Council, and conveyed
to Louis by the hands of Wenilo, metropolitan of Rouen, and another bishop.
While expressing their own fidelity to king Charles, and complaining of the
conduct of Louis, in attacking his brother’s dominions, instead of attempting
to persuade him by friendly advice, they prudently abstained from showing him
that they regarded him in the light of an usurper, or from granting his claim
to be their king. At the same time, great boldness is shown in rebuking him for
the devastation which he had caused or permitted, in his march through France,
and which was represented as worse even than those of their pagan plunderers.
They urge him to turn his arms against the heathen, and put an end to civil war
and rapine; to reestablish the right and influence of the Church, which in many
places had well-nigh altogether ceased to exist; to force the counts who had
the sovereignty over different provinces, to punish offenders; to summon
frequent provincial Councils, according to canonical regulations; and to found
again the monasteries and hospitals which had been misused, or given up to the
possession of laymen. To support the advice which had reference to Church
property, the example of Charles Martel is adduced, by Hincmar, in the Council
of Quiercy, by way of warning to his descendants. This prince was the first to
alienate the lands of the Church, and had been seen in a vision by St.
Eucharius, of Orleans, suffering torment, both in body and soul, for his
sacrilege. Charlemagne, on the contrary, Louis the Pious, and, which is
more remarkable, Charles the Bald, are mentioned as sovereigns who respected
the rights of the Church, and had great fear of sacrilege, although it is at
the same time confessed that the last of the three had, under the guidance of
ill counsel, or the thoughtlessness of youth, occasionally given away Church lands,
but these Louis, who claimed to come into France as a restorer of the rights of
the Church, was bound to deliver again to their just possessors. They set
before him, with great gravity, and some eloquence, the fear of death and a
future judgment, and the destitute condition of the soul when it appears before
the tribunal of the judge; and concluded by bidding him excuse them for
retaining their allegiance to his brother, and promising that, notwithstanding
this, if it should appear, by the result, to be the Divine will for him to be
their king, he might expect the bishops to be peaceable and obedient subjects.
This letter (which, from the excellence of the advice contained in it, and
perhaps from the prudence or caution by which it was no less characterized, was
called the golden letter), was intended, as Hincmar tells Charles, as much for
that king as for his brother Louis, and was sent to him by a nephew of the
archbishop's, of the same name with himself, and about this time appointed
bishop of Laon, who followed the king in his flight to Burgundy. We cannot
suppose that it had much share in producing the king of Germany’s retreat from
France, which may be sufficiently accounted for by other
considerations. However, it is said that he was-moved with terror or
compunction at the representations which it contained, and an expostulation
addressed to him at the same time by the pope and his nephew the emperor, to
whom Charles had written complaining of his brother’s conduct, united, with the
censures of the bishops, in making him desirous of a reconciliation with the
Church and the king of France. Accordingly, he gave audience at Worms in July,
859, to three archbishops, Hincmar, Gonthar, of Cologne, and Wenilo, of Rouen,
with some other bishops who followed in their suite, commissioned by a Council
held under Charles and his nephew Lothaire, at Metz, to offer him absolution,
under certain conditions, and to conduct negotiations which might lead to a
firmly established peace. The bishops ranged themselves before the king in the
hall of audience, with Hincmar at their head. Louis, who was supported by his
chancellor, the abbot Grimwald, and one of the bishops of his Kingdom, began
the conversation, or conference, by publicly imploring their pardon for all
which he had done to offend them. Hincmar replied by assuring him that the very
purpose of their coming was to grant him what he desired, and that he
entertained no resentment whatever against the king. The German bishop then
besought Hincmar to put an end to his apprehensions, by pronouncing at once an
episcopal absolution; but the archbishop of Rheims explained, that his
unconditional pardon could only extend to offences against himself in person,
not to the evil which the late invasion had brought upon his Church and people.
This was a more weighty matter, but he was ready to give the king all necessary
advice for enabling him to obtain a plenary absolution and reconciliation. The
ecclesiastics who were present of both parties, expressed their concurrence in
the archbishop’s proposal, but Louis, who had hoped to receive what he desired
without further delay, unwilling to commit himself by promising consent to all
that Hincmar might hereafter suggest, broke up the conference by saying that he
could come to no final determination, without previously consulting the bishops
of Germany. The French prelates therefore returned, without effecting the
purpose for which they had been sent, further than that they received from the
German king a promise to meet Charles and Lothaire, to settle with them all
necessary negotiations. The promised meeting took place near Coblentz, in the
course of the following summer, and the usual assurances of friendship were
interchanged between the three princes, who agreed upon a perfect amnesty, as
far as all past grievances were concerned. Louis, however, could not succeed in
prevailing upon his brother to restore their honors and estates to such o£ his
nobles as had been active in the late rebellion.
Meanwhile the great Council of Savonières, near Toul,
to which allusion has been made before in the account of the predestinarian
controversies, was held in the presence of the king of France and his two
nephews, Lothaire and Charles. In addition to the discussion which took place
here on the doctrinal questions agitated at the time, several other subjects
were brought forward, some of them bearing on the late civil war. It has been
already said that archbishop Wenilo, of Sens, had been at the head of those
among the French clergy who had joined the party of king Louis, and it cannot
be doubted that in proportion to his exalted station in the Church and the
weight of his personal character, his influence had been more prejudicial to
Charles than that of any other of the malcontents. As a reward for his
services, the king of Germany had made a deacon, a relative of Wenilo, bishop
of Bayeux. The Council determined that the appointment, under such
circumstances, was illegal and uncanonical; they nominated some bishops to
decide upon the cause, with a threat of excommunication against the accused,
unless he consented to abide by their decision. In the following year another
person is mentioned as bishop of Bayeux, which makes it probable that it was
determined, on this occasion, to depose him from his see.
After the settlement of this, and one or two other
similar causes, the Council took cognizance of a charge presented against
Wenilo, by king Charles. The king enumerated the benefits which he had heaped
upon the archbishop, and dwelt upon the intimacy which had existed between
them. He was at first his chaplain, then he had been raised by him to his
present dignity; at the partition of the empire between himself and his
brother, it was Wenilo who was chosen as chief of the bishops who witnessed the
compact, and administered the oaths; and he it was who had performed for him
the ceremony of coronation, and who had consecrated him as king. “At that time”
continues Charles, in a tone of humility which is remarkable, and which,
although partly explained by the insecurity of his present position, and by his
desire to conciliate the large party of prelates who composed the Council, must
be regarded as a proof of the high ground which was occupied by the bishops of
that day, and of the generally prevalent notion that the sovereign owed his
right or power, in some sense or degree, to the episcopal sanction and
consecration, “at that time he promised not to depose me from the royal
dignity, at all events, without the consent of the bishops who assisted him in
consecrating me, to whose judgment and fatherly chastisement I was prepared
then, and am still prepared to submit myself”. Besides this promise, Wenilo
had, with the other bishops, subscribed an agreement, at the commencement of
the last troubles, to remain faithful to Charles; yet, on the first approach of
Louis, he was the only one among the bishops who had advanced to meet him, and
who, afterwards, though especially summoned to join his own king, had gone over
to him with all his followers. When Charles, previous to the invasion of the
Germans, was preparing to march against the Normans, he had sent to Wenilo to
accompany him, perhaps from some suspicion of his fidelity. The archbishop of
Sens excused himself on the plea of illness, but it soon appeared that the
pretext was groundless, and that the real cause of his refusal was the
intention of joining Louis on his arrival in France. Moreover, although he well
knew that all who revolted from the king had been excommunicated, he had
scrupled not to communicate with them, and had performed mass in the royal
palace of Attigny, in their presence. In return for his rebellion, he had
received from Louis the abbey of St. Columba, besides the bishopric of Bayeux
for his relation Tortold. Even since the invasion, when Charles was advancing
with his army in pursuit of Louis, he had taken Sens on his way, for the sake
of gaining succor from the archbishop, but had been refused. He had also been
foremost in the attempt, fortunately ineffectual, to persuade his nephew, king
Lothaire, to join in the rebellion.
The Council was unanimous in its reprobation of
Wenilo’s conduct, and he was cited, by a synodical letter, to appear, within
thirty days, in the presence of four judges, chosen by the king. These were the
archbishops of Lyons, Rouen, Tours, and Bourges. The bishop of Mans, who was
commissioned by his metropolitan to deliver the citation to Wenilo, urged him
to put a stop to all further proceedings by making his peace with Charles. The
archbishop followed the advice, and received the king’s forgiveness at a
private interview, without the delay and disgrace of submitting to a formal
trial.
While on the subject of the Council of Toul, or
Savonières, it may be worth notice, that the revolution which had been
effected, by Nomenoius, in the Church of Britany, more than ten years before,
was still looked upon by the French in the light of a schism. Some time since,
the son and successor of Nomenoius had been murdered by Salomon, or Solomon,
who now possessed the title of king or duke of Britanny, but had not been
recognized by Charles, and was regarded as a rebel. The chief of the Breton
nobles, nine in number, had been laid under the ban of excommunication by the
bishops of France as long as they continued to support the pretensions of duke
Solomon; and the present Council addressed a letter to them, as well as to
their leader, containing earnest exhortations to return to their obedience, and
thus avert the peril which now threatened their salvation. A letter was also
written to the bishops of the country, containing similar advice to return to
their allegiance to the metropolitan of Tours, and warning them against holding
communion with the nobles who had been removed from the pale of the Church.
One of the canons passed at Savonières, was on the
subject of education, and ordered that public schools, for divine and human
learning, should be established throughout the kingdom, wherever fit teachers
could be found. A knowledge of holy Scripture, it is added, was rare at the
time; a circumstance which need cause no surprise, when we remember how
unfavorable the state of the country was to any literary or peaceable
occupation. We are not informed whether the public schools now recommended were
similar in character to the institutions suggested, under the same name, by the
Council of Paris, in the reign of Louis the Pious. If the latter, as is
supposed, were large universities, of which only one was to be planted in each
of the kingdoms of Lombardy, France, and Germany, it is probable that the
public schools of the Synod of Savonieres were meant to designate
establishments of a less exalted or extensive character. It would be
interesting to know whether the recommendations of the Council were followed;
probably the disturbances of the country hindered any effectual attention to
the subject. Charles the Bald, however, enjoyed a reputation even higher
than that of the other Carolingian princes for his patronage of learning. The
author of the life of St. Germain, writing at the time, says that the Greeks
were moved to emulation by his zeal in promoting literature; and describes all
Ireland, with its flock of philosophers, as migrating to the shores of France.
So many teachers are said by the same writer to have come from various
quarters, that no one was left in other countries to conduct the schools. Of
the heads of the Church who patronized learning and encouraged it by their own
example, Lupus and Hincmar, in France, and the late archbishop of Metz, in
Germany, are named as the most remarkable.
While Hincmar was busily employed in public affairs of
the Church and the civil government of France, he was not less zealous in
matters which concerned the welfare of his own diocese. After finishing the
Church of St. Remigius, he constructed a richly ornamented cell, as a suitable
resting place for the bones of that saint. In the presence of all the bishops
of his province the body was disinterred, and placed in its new receptacle; it
was found to be in perfect preservation, wrapped in a linen sheet, and enclosed
in a small silver shrine; a part of the sheet, with the handkerchief or napkin
which covered the head, was placed in an ivory casket, and laid in the
Cathedral Church of Notre Dame. The tomb was concealed in front by a screen of
richly-worked gold, ornamented with jewels, in which a small window disclosed
the treasure within to the eyes of spectators. On the shrine some Latin verses
were inscribed, containing the date of the translation, which was the 1st of
October, 852. The day on which St. Remigius died was the 13th of January, but
his festival is celebrated by the Church of Rheims on the day of his
translation by Hincmar. King Louis, of Germany, hearing of the labors of the
archbishop, wrote to beg that he would send him some portion of the body of the
saint, but Hincmar replied that he could not venture to dismember a body which
had been preserved entire by Divine Providence for so many years.
So much did the peculiar sanctity attributed to
certain Churches, and extending, in degree, from them to the city or
neighborhood in which they were situated, depend upon the possession of such
sainted relics as the body of St. Remigius at Rheims, that translations similar
to that which has been now mentioned not unfrequently occurred; it was reckoned
as a religious duty, and an act of the utmost importance, to deposit in
Churches, which were built or restored, or which were thought worthy of
especial honor, the remains of some saint, whatever the expense or trouble at
which they were acquired. It may be worthwhile to relate one or two of the more
celebrated instances of this, which are recorded during this or the preceding
reign. Hilduin, the late abbot of St. Denys, and instructor of Hincmar,
obtained, from the emperor Louis the Pious, a letter to pope Eugenius,
requesting him to bestow the body of St. Sebastian on the monastery of St.
Medard, at Soissons. It was not without great reluctance that the pope granted
so remarkable a favor; but he could refuse nothing to the emperor, and the body
was received with the greatest solemnity and rejoicing in France. It is said
that Hilduin, or the persons employed by him or by the provost of St. Medard,
to remove the remains of St. Sebastian from Rome, carried away by stealth, at
the same time, those of St. Gregory the Great. The Romans, however, boast that
they still possess not only St. Gregory, but also St. Sebastian; from which we
must conclude, says Fleury, either that the Romans imposed upon the French, and
gave them other bodies under these names, or, that feeling less scruple than
Hincmar at mutilating the relics of saints, they had sent a portion only to
Soissons, and kept the rest at Rome. Another famous translation was made by the
historian Eginhard, who, at great trouble and expense, obtained the bones of
many saints, and transported them to the monasteries of Mulenheim and
Micklenstadt, of which he was abbot. The author before quoted, in relating the
history of this occurrence, remarks, that zeal for the acquirement of these
relics was sometimes carried too far, and that every species of artifice was
thought justifiable in gaining possession of them.
On the foundation of the new monastery of Corbey, in
Saxony, the emperor presented it with the relics of St. Stephen, taken from his
own chapel. When Hilduin was there, during his banishment from France, for
participation in Lothaire’s rebellion, he found that the abbot of the monastery
had an earnest desire to possess the body of some saint, as a means of
confirming the faith among the new converts in that country. Accordingly,
on his return, he gained the consent of the emperor, the bishops of Paris, and
the chief nobles of the diocese, to transfer the relics of St. Vitus, which had
been brought from Rome, in the time of king Pepin, from the abbey of St. Denys
to that of Corbey. The sacred gift was three months on its journey, in the
course of which it worked more than forty miracles, as is related by the author
of the translation of St. Vitus, who himself witnessed them. On its arrival at
the monastery, the concourse of people assembled for the occasion was so great,
that for more than a mile in circuit the country was covered with the tents of
the Saxon nobility. During the whole night and the following day this immense
multitude sang praises to God, and for a considerable time afterwards so many
flocked from all quarters to be healed of their diseases, or to give evidence
of their reverence and gratitude, that the towns, villages, and houses appeared
deserted throughout a great part of Saxony.
The translation of St. Liborius to Paderborn took
place about the same time. The body of the saint was presented by St. Aldric,
of Mans, to the bishop of that see, who found it difficult to remove the
heathen superstitions to which the people in his diocese adhered, without some
striking exhibitions, such as the miraculous cures which appear to have been
often wrought at the time by means of relics of the kind. This translation,
like that of St. Vitus, is said to have been accompanied by many miracles. The
body was received with the highest marks of respect by the bishops of all the
towns through which it passed, and arrived at Paderborn on the day of
Pentecost, in the year 836.
Shortly after the translation of St. Remigius, Hincmar
published some capitulars, or directions to his clergy, delivered to them at a
diocesan meeting at Rheims, which will convey some idea of the information and
duties of the parochial clergy of the day. He requires that all his clergy must
be well skilled in the exposition of the Creed and Lord’s Prayer, according to
the interpretation of the orthodox fathers of the Church, and that they
frequently draw from thence the subject of their sermons. They must know by
heart the canon and its preface, the composition or rules for settling the festivals
of the Church, the psalms, and those chants which were in common use, the
Athanasian creed, the services for exorcism, for the baptism of the sick, for
final absolution in the reconciliation of penitents, for burial, and some other
occasions. The forty sermons of St. Gregory are to be diligently studied by
all, and one of them, that on the seventy disciples, to be committed to memory.
They are ordered to bless holy water every Sunday, for the use of the people on
coming into Church, to lay incense, in memory of our Saviour’s death, upon the
oblation, after the offertory; to give to non-communicants “eulogiae”, or
portions of the bread which remained over from consecration, but on no account
to permit any layman to take the consecrated elements to their own houses, for
after use, or for administration to the sick; in all such private communions,
the clergyman must himself administer. None of the sacred vessels, vestments,
or other articles belonging to the Church, on any pretence whatever to be given
in pledge. No one is permitted to be married within the Church without the
bishop’s especial license; nor is any money to be exacted for the performance
of the funeral service, although the clergyman is not forbidden to receive what
may be voluntarily offered. Any presbyter who shall omit to inform his bishop
of public offenders, for the sake of reward, or from favor, or who, for similar
causes, shall either unduly hasten or too long retard the absolution of
penitents, is declared guilty of simony, and is to be dealt with accordingly.
The bishop’s license is also required by any presbyter who wishes to apply for
a Church or Chapel. After the performance of Divine Service, clergymen are to
visit the poor of their parishes, and are then permitted to cultivate their
glebe land till the usual hour of dinner. At dinner time they are to make a
practice of entertaining the poor, or any strangers who may be passing through
their parish, at table. Strict moderation and a sober demeanor, is strongly
enjoined, on all occasions on which the clergy of different parishes meet to
dine in company, and singing, jesting, or sporting with dancing bears, or
dancing girls, positively forbidden. The matriculated poor, or those whose
names are on the Church list, for the reception of alms, must be disabled or
destitute persons belonging to the same parish or domain, the only exception
being relations of the parish priest himself, if they are really in want of
such support.
The following are among the subjects of inquiry, sent
by the archbishop among the clergy of his diocese, and ordered to be answered
and given into his hands within a certain time :—The nature and size of the
glebe-house, or clergyman’s residence; the number of houses in the parish which
pay tithe; the material and the workmanship of the sacred vessels; whether the
parish priest has a clerk to keep school, to read the epistle, to lead the
chanting, and to perform other such duties; whether the roof of the Church is
in good repair; whether the clergyman has bought any land, and, if so, whether
with his own private means, or with the proceeds of his living: if the latter
is the case, the property purchased belongs to the Church. The tithe was to be
divided into four portions, in the presence of two competent witnesses, one portion
for the repairs and other needs of the Church, another for the bishop, of which
account is to be kept, and to be handed in to him year by year, a third for the
support of the poor matricularii, or pensioners of the Church, and the fourth
for the use of the clergyman himself.
In addition to the foregoing instructions to his
clergy, a few other capitles were published by him in the twelfth year of his
bishopric. The first contained directions concerning persons guilty of some
notorious and scandalous offence. The parish priest is to persuade such an one
to appear before the rural dean and the clergy of the district, who examine
into the facts of the case; then, within fifteen days, he must appear before
Hincmar, who will admit him to public penance in the canonical way, by
imposition of hands. Then, on the first of each month, the clergy of the
deanery, at their monthly meeting, are to take notice of his behavior, and
report it to the bishop, who will settle the time of his reconciliation with
the Church accordingly. If a notorious sinner refuse submission, he must be
separated from communion till he repent. If a parish priest neglect to warn the
sinner, or to inform the bishop within the proper time, he is to be suspended
for the neglected period; and if the criminal die within this time, he will be
deprived of his grade altogether. No person who demands it, under any
circumstance, is to be refused the last communion on his death-bed. In a second
capitle, the place of burial for any parishioner is left to the choice of the
priest; no person may claim a particular tomb as a family burying place, or on
any other pretext. The clergyman can demand no fee furnishing a tomb, although
he is not forbidden to accept any gratuitous offering. Great care is to be taken
that no tomb be plundered, or turned to any other purpose. The third clause of
the capitular condemns the practice followed by some clergymen, of performing
Divine Service in unconsecrated chapels, which they hold in addition to their
parish Churches. To remedy any inconvenience where they are waiting for
consecration of Church or altar, or in the case of a chapel too insignificant
for consecration, Hincmar orders the presbyter to bring him a neat slab of
marble or other stone, and promises to consecrate it for the due performance of
the holy mysteries.
The late invasion of France, by the king of Germany,
had greatly weakened the confidence, at no time very secure, subsisting between
the various princes of the Carolingian family. To heal the wounds that had been
then inflicted, Charles the Bald, accompanied by Hincmar, with some others of
his bishops, and many noblemen, went to Coblentz, early in the year 860, and
there held a conference with his brother Louis, and his three nephews, the
emperor, and the kings of Lorraine and Provence. The usual oaths were taken by
the five kings, in the Church of St. Castor, promising mutual succor and
defence. The king of France extended a full forgiveness, at this meeting, to
all his subjects who had joined in the late rebellion. A number of capitulars
were afterwards passed, which, decreed as they were by all the sovereigns of
the empire, with the authority of the chief bishops, and a large body of nobles
of France and Germany, might be thought to possess a more than usual weight. It
seems, however, that the treaties of friendship determined upon at Coblentz had
no better success than others of a similar nature, for we hear of many
complaints and mutual recriminations shortly afterwards, which rose to such a
height that king Louis and his three nephews wrote, in the course of this year,
to pope Nicholas, complaining of the aggressions of Charles the Bald, and
inviting him to pay a visit to France, and endeavor to settle matters on a
securer basis by his personal presence and authority. Although a few bishops
signed the letter to the pope, the generality of the Church, whether of France
or Germany, would certainly not have sanctioned the request, and Nicholas had
sufficient prudence to decline undertaking so delicate and difficult a task,
which would not only have proved ineffectual, but would have engaged him in a
quarrel with half the bishops of western Christendom.
As the meeting of the five princes had done but little
for the peace of their kingdoms, a national Council of fourteen provinces met
in October of the same year, at Toussi, in the diocese of Toul. Several canons
were passed to put a stop, if possible, to the irregularities which prevailed
throughout France. Many persons of both sexes, devoted to a religious or
monastic life, availed themselves of the destruction of the convents by Normans
and other plunderers, to live in a wandering and lawless manner, in defiance of
all ecclesiastical rule or civil order, while others, who, for their crimes,
had been excommunicated by the bishop of one diocese, took refuge in another,
and were admitted to all the privileges of the Church, a circumstance most
injurious to religion, but which the danger and rarity of communication between
different parts of the kingdom, and hence between neighboring dioceses,
rendered it extremely difficult to avoid. The Council set itself to remedy, so
far as was possible, these and similar abuses; and, to add weight to their
endeavors, advised Hincmar to draw up a synodal letter, addressed to all the
faithful who were represented by the assembly at Toussi, and instructing them
in the peculiar duties which the disturbed state of society devolved upon them,
and in the relations which they occupied to the Church.
Two questions were brought before the Council of
Toussi, which, from the rank of those who were concerned in them, had for some
time attracted considerable notice, and which are not without interest, from
the picture which they give of the kind of influence exercised by the rules of
the Church upon men’s minds, and the proof furnished by this, that
ecclesiastical or episcopal jurisdiction was the only one in that day which
attempted to defend the cause of morality and justice. The first of the two was
a complaint brought by count Raymond, a nobleman of rank and power, against
Stephen, his son-in-law, a young gentleman of equal wealth and family. It
appeared that Stephen had persisted, from the hour of his marriage, in living
separately from his wife, in consequence of a scruple of conscience, arising
from an intimacy which had subsisted, in former years, between himself and a
cousin of that lady. The scruple had existed long before the marriage, and, as
he informed the fathers at Toussi, on being summoned before them, and
questioned as to the history of the circumstances, he had laid the case before
his spiritual adviser, who read to him, from a book called the canon, some
rules of the Church which bore upon the subject, declared the marriage
contemplated by him unlawful, and said that nothing remained but a mutual
agreement to separate, if it were once contracted. To avoid the marriage he
found was impossible, as the betrothal was of long standing, and count Raymond
insisted on its fulfillment, and if he had continued to refuse or delay
compliance, his life would have been in danger. He had therefore been forced to
adopt the compromise of receiving the lady as his wife, and thenceforward
avoiding her company, but would willingly take the most solemn oath that he was
actuated in so doing neither by dislike for her, nor love for any other woman,
but solely by his anxiety not to implicate her in the consequence of his own
former guilt and folly. On deliberating upon the matter, the bishops at Toussi
found it difficult to come to a conclusion, or perhaps considered that a
smaller assembly would be more suited to discuss and pass sentence upon so
delicate a question. They therefore gave directions to the archbishops of
Bourges and Bourdeaux, in whose province the parties concerned dwelt, to call
together the suffragans, and examine what the canon decided on such a matter,
while the king and his nobles should be requested to attend to give weight to
their judgment, and assist them in arriving at some settlement, which might at
once be canonically correct, and might satisfy both count Raymond and his son-in-law.
Stephen expressed his consent to this arrangement, and Hincmar was ordered by
the fathers to draw up a statement of the case, with his own view of what the
law determined. The letter addressed by Hincmar, in obedience to the order of
the Council, to archbishops Rodulf and Frotarius, of Bourges and Bourdeaux, is
extant among his works. After relating the circumstances of the appeal to the
synod, and remarking that the charge was altogether irregular, and that, in
consequence, the bishops assembled at Toussi might have declined noticing it,
but for the sake of the parties, and the excitement which it had caused for the
last three years, he recommends that count Stephen be ordered to bring his wife
with him to the Council, to be held in Aquitaine, and that the lady be examined
separately, to discover whether she agrees in her husband’s story, or whether
there may not, after all, be some cause of disagreement between them. If her
account is the same with his, he must then be required to disclose the name of
the other lady, from whose intimacy with him, in former years, the present
difficulties took their rise. For the full legitimacy of a marriage, Hincmar
explains that it must take place between persons who are free, and nearly of
the same age, with the consent of the father, and that the bride must have a
legitimate dowry; nor is the marriage to be considered a sacrament, if
followed, like that nuptial ceremony now in question, by an immediate
separation between man and wife. Hence it follows that this is no real
marriage. Thus a legal separation must take place, and then the lady may be
permitted to marry again. Stephen must, however, return the dowry he received
with his wife, and, after penance, not so much for the early offence as for
irregularities since his marriage, he may also, if he thinks it expedient and
necessary, take another wife.
The other case brought forward for the decision of the
Council was that of Ingeltrude, daughter of count Matfrid, and wife of Boso, a
powerful Lombard nobleman, in the neighborhood of Milan. This lady left her
husband, and went into France, where she travelled from one place to another,
affording great cause for scandal by the irregularity of her life. Count Boso
had applied to pope Benedict, and after that to his successor Nicholas, for
letters to the kings, nobles, bishops, and other persons in the countries in
which he heard that she was, exhorting them to send her back to Italy.
All was to no effect, and at last she was
excommunicated by a Council at Milan, and the pope himself affixed his
signature to the sentence. Soon afterwards it was discovered that the lady had
fixed her abode in the kingdom of Lothaire, and, consequently, at some place
within the province of Treves or Cologne. The pope, therefore, wrote to the
metropolitans of those dioceses, Teutgard and Gunther, reproving them for
permitting such an irregularity, reminding them that she had been
excommunicated at Milan, and begging them to confirm and repeat the sentence,
unless she returned at once with her husband, who, as it appears, had gone
thither in quest of her. He wrote, at the same time, to king Charles the Bald,
praying him to force his nephew Lothaire to banish her at once from his
dominions, and to beware that she found no refuge within those of France.
Charles had no wish to embroil himself in a war with his nephew, out of zeal
for count Boso, or for the preservation of ecclesiastical discipline, and
therefore appears to have paid no attention to the pope’s letter, although
afterwards, when seeking a pretext for quarreling with Lothaire, he made use,
among other things, of his harboring Ingeltrude in his kingdom. Lothaire,
indeed, we know not for what reason, took up the lady’s cause with some energy,
and insisted that she should not be forced away against her will. Under these
circumstances, Gunther, archbishop of Cologne, knew not what steps to take. He
was unwilling either to disoblige the pope, or to give his countenance to any
such scandal as was undoubtedly caused by Ingeltrude’s residence in his
province, excommunicated as she was by her own bishop, and proving, by her
contempt of her husband’s authority, and other particulars in her conduct, that
the sentence was fully resisted; nor, on the other hand, did he consider it
safe, or consistent with his duty, to excommunicate a person whom his sovereign
had taken under his protection, and chose to regard as an injured woman.
Hincmar had gained the reputation of the best casuist of his day, and, in
consequence, the archbishop of Cologne, in presence of the Council of Toussi,
laid the case before his brother of Rheims, and requested him to give him his
advice. The question was put in the following form :—If the wife of count Boso
comes to me, making confession of her guilt, and desirous of penance and
reconciliation with the Church, but expressing, at the same time, a fear that
her husband will put her to death if she returns to him, in what way am I to
treat her request? Ought I to admit her to penance and absolution, and then
send her back to count Boso, urging him, at the same time, to save her life,
and to receive her again as his wife, on pain of being himself excommunicated?
Hincmar declined answering so grave a question without due reflection, and,
after the Council, having given it his careful consideration, returned an
answer to archbishop Gunther, to the effect that he has no right to impose
penance upon a wife, without her husband’s consent and sanction; moreover, that
whatever confession Ingeltrude may have made, count Boso accused her of no
graver fault than neglect of the household duties to which a wife is
bound. All that Gunther is required to do, is to deliver her into the
hands of king Lothaire, who is bound to send her, by his official messenger or
deputy, to count Boso. The archbishop ought also to write to Boso, forbidding
his taking vengeance upon his wife by putting her to death, under pain of
excommunication; but the sentence of excommunication, in such cases, must be
pronounced, not by Gunther himself, but by the bishop of his own diocese. Also,
if Ingeltrude, on her return into Italy, renews the confession which she had
already made at Cologne, or if she is otherwise proved guilty, when there, her
own bishop will know what penance to pronounce against her.
The archbishop of Cologne, as is probable, was unable
to persuade Lothaire to follow the advice given by Hincmar, or to restore
Ingeltrude to her husband, count Boso; or perhaps he may have had as little
scruple as the king himself against disregarding the orders which pope Nicholas
had sent him, to repeat in his own province the sentence of excommunication
which had been pronounced against her at Milan. The strenuous opposition which
we find subsisting, shortly afterwards, between Gunther and the pope, upon
another subject, gives probability to this conjecture. Certainly, nothing was
now effected towards the return of the fugitive wife to her husband; for three
years afterwards Nicholas, in a letter written to some of the bishops of
Lothaire’s kingdom, anathematizes Ingeltrude and all who held any communication
with her, though, at the same time, he offered to pardon her if she would leave
her present place of refuge and come to Rome.
Shortly afterwards another event
occurred which threatened the peace between the kings of France and
Lorraine. Baldwin, a count of Flanders, persuaded Judith, daughter of king
Charles, who had been living in a convent since her second widowhood, to leave
her seclusion in his company. They took refuge in Lothaire’s dominions, and
that prince, when Charles called upon him to send back to him his daughter and
the count of Flanders, either refused compliance, or, as is probable, was
possessed of too little authority to seize upon so powerful a noble as count
Baldwin. Charles wrote to the emperor to complain of his brother’s conduct, and
at the same time informed Lothaire that he must, henceforward, cease to regard
him as a friend. Louis endeavored to mediate between the two kings, and at
last, on the departure from Lorraine of the subjects of the quarrel, succeeded
in his attempt, for Baldwin, meanwhile, had been excommunicated by the French
bishops, and, finding that it would be useless to continue in opposition to the
king and the Church together, went to Rome and begged pope Nicholas to
intercede for him with the former. The pope, as it appears, was afraid that the
count of Flanders might join the Normans, which would be a severe blow, not
only to the kingdom of France, but to all Christendom in the west; for the
advances made, of late years, by those heathen tribes, were looked upon with
the greatest apprehension by the whole of civilized or Christian Europe.
Accordingly, the pope wrote to Charles the Bald and his queen Hermentrude,
begging them to pardon the count and recognize him as a son-in-law; he wrote,
at the same time, to Hincmar, begging that he, and the other bishops of France,
would take up the cause of Judith, and plead with the king in her behalf. This
Hincmar readily undertook to do, but as firmly refused to sanction what the
pope, at the same time, requested, that their marriage should be at once
publicly solemnized. He insisted that their reconciliation to the Church must
take place before this could be canonically done. Nicholas was irritated at his
refusal, and went so far as to threaten him with loss of communion if he
persisted in it; and many persons were urgent with the archbishop of Rheims to
overlook the excommunication of the offenders, rather than draw down the anger
of the pope upon himself and his Church. Hincmar, however, simply answered,
that they must have misunderstood the request made by the pope, as it was quite
impossible that so orthodox a pontiff could wish to break through the laws of
the Church, and dispense with ecclesiastical censures. Thus the matter rested
for a time. Baldwin and Judith, however, shortly afterwards so far pacified the
king as to gain his consent to their union, although he refused to sanction
their marriage by his presence. We are not expressly told whether the ban of
excommunication was removed before the ceremony. Probably Hincmar, though
unwilling to act in violation of the rules of the Church, of which he was
always a firm and consistent champion, might consent, when the king’s
permission had been obtained, to relax the severity of discipline, and to be
content with a less strict or a shorter penance than would otherwise have been
exacted.
The disquiet caused by the misconduct of the princess
Judith in the family of Charles the Bald, was increased by the rebellion of his
two sons, Louis and Charles, the latter of whom still retained the title of
king of Aquitaine, while the former had been honored with that of king of
Neustria. These princes had married against the king’s will, and had been
induced, by their fathers-in-law, to unite with duke Solomon, of Brittany. The
alliance might have proved formidable to Charles, but for the courage and fidelity
of Robert, count of Anjou, surnamed the brave, or strong, who had already
signalized his valor by several victories over the Normans and Bretons, and who
now defeated Louis and his new allies and forced him to return to his duty and
allegiance. The king of Aquitaine, after the defeat of his brother, was quickly
compelled to follow his example. Soon afterwards, as he was engaged in a mock
combat with one of his companions, he received a blow upon the head which
enfeebled his intellect, and brought on frequent attacks of epilepsy, of which
he died in the course of two or three years, in September 866.
The death of the young king of Aquitaine was preceded,
a year or two before, by that of his cousin Charles, king of Provence, who died
in 863, of the same disease, of epilepsy. This prince, of whom little is known,
had reigned about eight years, during which time his dominions had suffered not
less than the rest of France from the ravages of Normans and Saracens. The only
interest which can attach to his name, arises from the fact, that he was the
first king of Provence. The territory over which he reigned was divided,
according to a former agreement, between his two brothers; Provence, Dauphiny,
and Savoy fell to the lot of the emperor, who assumed now, in addition to the
imperial title, that of king of Italy and Provence; while the remainder, under
the appellation of the kingdom of Burgundy, was added to the dominions of
Lothaire. It is said that Charles the Bald was only hindered by the quarrel in
which he was engaged with his own sons, from attempting to possess himself of
his late nephew’s kingdom, although he had himself guaranteed the inheritance
to the brothers of that prince.
Louis, the eldest son of the king of France, succeeded
his brother as king of Aquitaine. There was now no opposition to his assuming
the title, or exercising the rights of king, so far as any king, in this time
and country, could be said to possess such rights, when the whole power was in
the hands of the nobles, who obeyed their sovereign or not at their own will.
Pepin, who had been reconciled to Charles, at the time of the king of Germany’s
invasion of France, afterwards took up arms again, and availing himself as
before of Norman aid, had met with considerable success. At the head of his new
forces he took Poitiers, and though the city itself was spared, on paying an
enormous ransom, he burnt the famous cathedral of St. Hilary, one of the most
venerable of the Churches of France. Limousin and Auvergne were conquered; the
count of the latter province was killed in battle, and Clermont, its capital,
pillaged and destroyed. The whole of Aquitaine might probably have been finally
conquered by the Normans, who, to the usual terror of their arms, which none
dared to resist, added now a general of a more enlarged ambition and more
cultivated mind. But their career was cut short by the treason or stratagem of
count Rainulf, of Poitiers, who, by a promise of joining his party, induced
Pepin to trust himself to a private interview. Rainulf seized him, and carrying
him to Pistres, on the Seine, delivered him into the hands of king Charles, who
was holding a diet there at the time, in the month of June, 864. In addition to
his rebellion, a still heavier charge was brought against the prisoner, for he
is said to have purchased the assistance of the Normans by apostasy from his
own religion, and conformity to the idolatrous worship of the heathens.
Accordingly the parliament condemned him to death, but the king commuted the
sentence to confinement for life in the convent of Senlis. There is extant a
letter written by Hincmar to king Charles, relative to the way in which he
ought to be treated. Pepin, as it appears, had confessed his sin of joining the
pagans, as well as that formerly committed of renouncing the religious vows
which he had taken at Soissons, and professed repentance; and the monks of
Senlis were at a loss what kind of penance to impose upon a personage of such
exalted rank, and for crimes of so grave a nature. The archbishop explains that
a public penance is in all common cases necessary, tinder such circumstances,
but that as Pepin is afflicted with paralysis it may be sufficient for him,
after a full private confession of all his sins, to come into Church, and on
repeating there the confession of his apostasy to paganism, and his former
renunciation of his monastic vows, to receive the same absolution which is
there bestowed upon public penitents; he is then to receive the tonsure and
monastic habit, and afterwards to be admitted to communion. He recommends that
Pepin should be strictly guarded, but that he should be treated with every
kindness consistent with a secure confinement.
Up to the year 869 the political or military history
of France consists only of the ravages of the Normans, who, in parties of not
more than a few hundreds, penetrated to every part of the kingdom, and seized,
without resistance, on the strongest towns, as well as on the richest
monasteries. For a time, Robert the Brave, and a few other nobles, defeated and
repulsed them from their own counties or territories; but in 866 the count of
Anjou, with Rainulf, of Poitiers, and some others, were defeated and slain in
open fight in the neighbourhood of Mans, and, by their death, France seemed
left without a defender. An attempt had indeed been made to resist the progress
of the ravagers, or rather to furnish places of refuge on their approach, by
the erection of fortresses on the estates of the noblemen and more wealthy
proprietors in various parts of the country. But it was soon discovered that
these strongholds were of far greater use as retreats for banditti, and safe
storehouses for plunder, than as places of defence against the foreign
invaders. They were therefore ordered to be razed to the ground, by an edict of
the diet of Pistres, in 864, and the king attempted to supply their place by
fortifying the mouths of the large rivers, placing garrisons on their banks,
and planting stockades to hinder the approach of the vessels. If this plan had
been put in practice twenty years earlier, it might have saved the country from
its ruin and misery; but the Normans were now grown so fearless, from long
success, and the French nation so unaccustomed to think of defending
themselves, that they were of little comparative advantage. However, after the
years 868 and 870, the invasions certainly grew less frequent, or were marked
with less rapine and devastation. The French princes and nobles had learned to
encourage disunion and sedition among their foes, and to win one party of
Normans to oppose another; many also, in different parts of the kingdom, had
been attracted by the fertility of the country, and by the charms of peace and
refinement, to settle in quiet among the inhabitants, and imitate their manner
of life, and not a few had been persuaded to relinquish the superstitions of
their former heathenism, and adopt the profession of Christianity, which they
looked upon as the religion of civilization.
The kingdom of France, less troubled than formerly
with intestine war, had more leisure to turn its attention to a subject which,
for twelve years, engaged the almost undivided interest of the princes and
prelates of the empire. This was the divorce, by king Lothaire, of his wife
Thietburga, with the circumstances which attended and followed it. Thietburga
was daughter of Boso, a count of Burgundy, and her brother Hubert was notorious
as being a married clergyman, who had gained possession, in an irregular
manner, of more than one monastery in Switzerland, who lived in the midst of
debauchery and strife, and who had been, on several occasions, instrumental in
causing quarrels between the princes of the empire. Lothaire married her in the
year 856, but a former attachment, or, as was said by some, betrothal to a
German lady, named Waldrada, prevented him from treating his wife with due
affection; nor was this, apparently, the worst of which queen Thietburga had to
complain, for the conduct, as well as the court of Lothaire, is said to have
been disgraced by a licentiousness from which that of the other Carolingian
kings seems to have been singularly free. Not long after the marriage, a report
became prevalent that the queen, many years ago, had committed the crime of
incest with her brother Hubert. Thietburga indignantly denied the charge, and
some nobles of his court, who, by the advice of his bishops, had been appointed
by Lothaire to decide the question, proposed that recourse should be had to the
ordeal of hot water. The queen readily consented, and, as was the custom when such
a trial was undertaken by persons of high rank and dignity, chose a proctor or
deputy, to undergo the ceremony in her behalf. The proof consisted in plunging
the naked hand into a vessel full of boiling water, and drawing up from the
bottom a stone or ring which had been thrown in for the purpose. The hand was
immediately wrapped up, and the covering fastened with a seal, that no method
of cure or obliteration might be, meanwhile, adopted. Then, after a time, it
was uncovered, and, if found uninjured, the accused was declared innocent, but
if injured, was condemned. The queen’s deputy passed through the trial unhurt,
and, on her acquittal by her judges, the king was compelled to receive her back
again as his wife.
After a time, Lothaire appears to have induced the
archbishops of Cologne and Treves to undertake his cause against the queen, on
the promise, as is said, of marrying a lady who was niece of the former, and
sister of the latter prelate, if they would aid him in freeing himself from his
present wife. Accordingly, the two archbishops, with Adventius, bishop of Metz,
and some others, met at Aix-la-Chapelle, in January, 860, by the king’s
appointment. In their presence he declared that he had been apprised, since his
marriage, of his wife’s former guilt, and his suspicions had been confirmed
during a visit which he had lately paid to his brother Louis, in Italy; he
therefore begged the bishops who were present to have an interview with
Thietburga, and to examine her as to the truth of the reports brought against
her. On their return, Gunther assured Lothaire that the queen had made private
confession of the truth, that she had expressed herself as unworthy of the
conjugal state, and desired only permission to enter a convent, and pass the
rest of her life in penitence. She added a solemn declaration that she was
prompted to this conduct by no motive of fear, but solely from anxiety for her
own salvation. The other prelates confirmed the account of Gunther, and agreed
with him in advising the king to permit her retirement to a life of seclusion.
In a letter written at the same time to the rest of the bishops, they added to
this relation that the queen had cast herself at their feet, and implored their
ghostly counsel; that they had strongly urged her on no account to make a false
confession, and that she had promised, with an oath, never to dispute
or deny what had been done, on condition of their giving her the
absolution which she desired.
Soon afterwards, in the course of the next month, all
the nobles of Lothaire’s kingdom were summoned to meet the same bishops, with
some others, at Aix-la-Chapelle, and in their presence the queen delivered to
her husband a written paper containing her confession, with a declaration that
it was made of her own free will, without compulsion or suggestion of any kind
whatever. Lothaire likewise took an oath that he had used no threats or
persuasion to induce her falsely to accuse herself, and the bishops, in
consequence, pronounced as her sentence, that she must perform public penance.
With this view she was confined in a convent, but left it before the
termination of the year, and joining her brother Hubert, took refuge in the
dominions of king Charles, who, whether from a real belief in her innocence, or
from a readiness to annoy his nephew, willingly offered her a secure residence
in his kingdom. While there, she sent messengers to Rome to complain to pope
Nicholas of the episcopal sentence passed against her at Aix-la-Chapelle, while
Lothaire, on the other hand, also sent Mentzaud, archbishop of Treves, and
Hatto, bishop of Verdun, with commendatory letters from the nobles and prelates
of the kingdom, assuring the pope that they had passed no definitive sentence
of divorce, but had simply imposed a public penance in consequence of
Thietburga’s public confession of her guilt. At the same time they begged the
pope to send legates into France, to settle, in a Council convened by them, the
whole matter in dispute.
Some time after the last assembly at Aix, either in
the same or in the following year, Hincmar received, on two separate occasions,
sets of questions relative to the case of Lothaire’s divorce. They were sent by
several persons of rank, both among the bishops and lay nobles, and contained a
request that he would give them his best consideration, without mentioning, in
his answer, the name of the inquirers. The terms of the request prove at once a
doubt as to the correctness of the late decision, and a fear of appearing
openly to oppose the will of Lothaire. Probably the character of the king was
such as to confirm the doubts entertained by those best acquainted with him, as
to the real guilt of Thietburga. Hincmar answered the inquiries in a treatise
of considerable length, addressed to the kings, bishops, and faithful in
general. He expresses himself as altogether dissatisfied with the proceedings
of the bishops at Aix-la-Chapelle. It had been said that he had declared his
approval of all that had been done, and had even begged the bishops of Metz,
Meaux, and Rouen, who were present at the latter assembly, to signify his
consent to the Council, with the assurance that he had himself intended to be
present. This report he positively denies. The fact was, that just before the
meeting, Adventius, bishop of Metz, had paid him a visit at Rheims, and had
endeavored to persuade him to come, but that Hincmar had declined doing so,
both from ill health, and because he had no time to consult the bishops of the
province, without whose advice or consent a metropolitan was not permitted by
the canons to engage in any business beyond the limits of his diocese. In
commenting upon the line of conduct adopted by the bishops, he explains that
the cause ought at once to have been referred to lay and married judges; and in
support of this view, refers to a case which had occurred during the reign of
Louis the Pious, when a lady of rank appealed to the emperor against her
husband. Louis wished to lay it before a general synod which was then
assembled, but the bishops wisely referred it to lay judges, with the
understanding that after the case had been fully decided by them, they would,
if necessary, appoint the proper penance suited for the occasion. Moreover, it
was altogether wrong to separate husband and wife, on a mere private
confession, unsupported by any proof. The case of Ebo, late archbishop of
Rheims, who had been sentenced, on a private confession, to lose his diocese,
had been quoted as a case in point, on the ground that the relation subsisting
between a bishop and his flock is similar to that between a husband and wife.
Hincmar, however, will not allow that the two relations have more than a
resemblance of analogy one to the other. The conjugal tie is far stronger than
that between a bishop and his diocese. Scripture expressly lays down one only
cause sufficient to break through the former, whereas there may be an
indefinite number of reasons for a bishop to resign his see. He lays it down as
a principle, that divorces or separations can take place only on one of two
pretexts. One is that laid down by our Lord, on the proof of adultery, clearly
made out before lay judges, with sufficient evidence; and the other is, the
mutual consent of both parties to separate, for the sake of their own spiritual
advancement, and for the better service of God. In this latter case it is
necessary that both husband and wife should enter at once upon a religious
life; either one is forbidden to take a vow of continence and seclusion without
the other. This, of course, was not pretended in the case of Lothaire, and, as
to the former alternative, it was equally devoid of foundation, for Thietburga
was not accused of any impropriety of conduct since her marriage, which is the
only case contemplated by the Church, nor, waiving this, was the offence with
which she was charged in any way attempted to be proved. The omission of so
obvious a step as that of sending for Hubert, the pretended accomplice of the
queen, proved of itself that the judges in this cause could have had no great
anxiety for arriving at the truth. And again, Lothaire’s conduct was open to
this dilemma: if the charge had any truth in it, he could not have been
ignorant of it at the time of his marriage, and if he had abstained for some
years in making his complaint, how could he expect to be believed now? Another
argument not to be evaded was the circumstance of her trial by hot water.
Whatever might be thought of the validity of this method of proof, Lothaire had
consented to abide by it, and as the result was favorable to Thietburga, he was
bound never to permit a resuscitation of the charge. If the queen’s deputy had
been injured in the trial, there could be no doubt of her condemnation; nor, by
parity of reasoning, ought she therefore to lose the advantage of an opposite
consequence. However, as none of the enquiries sent to Hincmar begged for his
opinion on this method of ordeal, and others by cold water, hot iron, and the
like, he enters at some length into the question, deciding on the whole that
they are valid and permissible means of arriving at the truth, though it is to
be confessed that his reasoning, in this part of the treatise, is not so clear
or so conclusive as his usual style. Many analogies are drawn from Scripture to
bear upon the subject. For example, the passage of the Red Sea was a trial by
cold water, which terminated in the acquittal of the Israelites, and
condemnation of the Egyptians; the destruction of Sodom, the ordeal by fire,
and that by hot water, refers, typically, or by anticipation, to the last
judgment, when it is believed that fire and tempest will meet and destroy the
wicked, but leave the saints uninjured. The method by which some of these
trials were conducted is explained by Hincmar: that by hot water has been
mentioned before; in the trial by cold water, the accused was let down by a
rope into a cistern and drawn up again; if innocent, the water received him,
but rejected him if guilty. The proceeding, in every case of the kind, was a
strictly religious one, and accompanied by a regular service appointed by the
Church. An attempt had been made by some persons, who considered this trial as
a legitimate mode of proof, but who were favorable to Lothaire’s side of the
question, to evade the force of the argument which pressed upon them, by
supposing that the deputy of Thietburga escaped unhurt, not because the queen
was innocent, but because she had already made a secret confession of her
fault, which might be regarded as, in some degree, a compensation or
satisfaction for it, or because, by a secret act of thought at the time of the
immersion, she fixed in her mind upon another brother, and not Hubert, and
therefore was justly acquitted. Hincmar easily shows the futility of such
suppositions, and demonstrates as easily the probability of her having been
acted upon by fear of death, or of some other severe punishment at her
husband’s hands, to make a false confession. He then replies to another
question bearing on the popular belief of the day, whether it is possible for
such alienation as that which subsisted between Lothaire and his wife, to be
caused by demoniacal influence, or the magical acts of enchanters. He answers
this in the affirmative, and adduces several cases in proof of it, one of which
had fallen under his own observation, or had happened in his own parish. The
sudden hatred conceived by Amnon against his sister Tamar, he considers to have
been the effect of some diabolical power of the kind. From hence he is
naturally led to speak of the different kinds of witchcraft, or incantation,
over all of which the Church has power by exorcism, and other methods of
expulsion, or opposition, and defeat.
Since his separation from Thietburga, Lothaire had not
scrupled to regard and treat Waldrada as his wife, although their union had not
yet been sanctioned by any episcopal or ecclesiastical benediction. In speaking
of this circumstance, Hincmar scruples not to charge him with adultery. In
answer to the objection that no bishop of another diocese has any concern with
the affairs of Lothaire, and the nobles and prelates of his realm, he replies,
that, inasmuch as the Church is one, that which affects one portion reaches
also to the rest; and that the crimes of a Christian king are indeed matters of
grave thought, and of episcopal censure, not to his own subjects only, but to
all Christendom. Nor can it be said with truth, that what has once been
decided in a Council of bishops, ought not to be brought forward a second time,
as still question for discussion, for the history of the Ephesian Council
proves the contrary, and the apostolic see has the power of re-examining the
decisions of provincial, or even of general synods. The final objection
asserted that kings are above laws and synods, that they have no superiors upon
earth, and therefore are not liable to censure and excommunication, which
Hincmar answers by adducing the instances of Saul, David, and others, of the
emperor Theodosius, and, in later times, of Louis the Pious, all of whom
submitted to censure from their spiritual superiors, and acknowledged the lawful
authority of the ministers of the Church over kings as well as their subjects.
We see from this treatise that Hincmar took, very
decidedly, the part of the queen, like his sovereign, king Charles, and, with
the exception of Lothaire, and a few of his bishops, and perhaps the emperor
Louis, like all others who took any interest in the question. The archbishop’s
letter, although written at the request of a few private individuals, was
published, as is probable, from its address to all the faithful, and, doubtless,
had considerable influence in forming men’s opinions on the subject, quite as
much from the writer’s former reputation as a canonist and casuist, as from the
intrinsic weight of the arguments contained in it. However, it is not to be
supposed that Lothaire and his party would be turned aside from their
determinations by anything that the archbishop of Rheims could say. A meeting
assembled at Metz, at which nearly the same bishops were present who had
conducted the last synod at Aix-la-Chapelle. King Lothaire, after acknowledging
that the rank and power of bishops was superior to those of kings, declared
himself ready to perform whatever penance they might think right to impose upon
him for the sins of which he had been guilty, since his separation, two years
before, from queen Thietburga; he then begged that they would permit him to
take another wife in her place. The archbishop of Treves bore testimony to the
sincerity of Lothaire’s repentance for his late irregularities of conduct, and
to the strictness of his fasting and mortification during the Lent which had
just passed. Two bishops were then appointed to examine what the canons
permitted to be done under such circumstances. After spending a whole night in
their examination, they reported to the Council, on the following day, as the
decision to which they had arrived, that although neither Holy Scripture nor
the laws of the Church afforded any ground on which the separation from
Thietburga could be justified, and, although supposing the separation legal,
both parties were bound to remain unmarried, at all events, till the death of
one of them, yet they recommended that Lothaire should be permitted to enter
upon a second marriage. This conclusion they founded on a commentary upon St.
Paul, attributed to St. Ambrose, although it is now agreed that the treatise is
spurious, even if the portion referred to by the bishops at Metz was not
interpolated for the occasion; however, St. Ambrose was made to say that our
Lord's command, not to marry after separation, applied only to the wife, and
was not meant to bind the husband.
Having thus freed the king from the bonds of his
former marriage, the archbishops of Cologne and Treves expected to receive
their reward, in seeing the lady who was their relation, and to whom Lothaire
had promised that honor, raised to the dignity of queen. She was brought to
court and presented to the king, who, so far from redeeming his promise,
treated her with cruelty and insult. He then introduced his mistress Waldrada
to the nobles and people of his kingdom, and having celebrated his nuptials
with all possible solemnity, had her crowned queen, to the great displeasure,
as it is said, of the best and most faithful among his subjects.
Charles the Bald shared in the general discontent at
the proceedings of his nephew, which was increased by his conduct in affording
refuge to Count Boso’s wife, and to Baldwin and his daughter Judith, and
declared that he could not conscientiously have any dealings with him,
regarding him, as he did, in the light of one who had subjected himself to the
heaviest censures of the Church. The emperor Louis, however, contrived by some
means to remove his uncle’s scruples, and the three princes had a friendly
meeting at Savonières, in the neighborhood of Toul, at which the king of France
was accompanied by Hincmar of Rheims, his nephew, bishop of Laon, of the same
name, and two other prelates.
The decision of the bishops at Metz had been made in
April, and the meeting at Savonières had taken place in November, in the year
862. About the end of the same year the pope, who had only just received news
of Lothaire’s marriage, sent two bishops, Rodoald and John, as his legates into
France, with letters to the king of Germany, to Charles the Bald, and to the
king of Provence, to send two bishops each to the synod which they had his
authority to assemble. At the same time he wrote generally to the bishops of
France and Germany, begging them to meet at Metz, and to prevail on king
Lothaire to attend in person. In his instructions to the legates, they were
ordered to go to Lothaire, if he refused to meet them at the Council, and to
examine strictly into the truth of the assertion which he had made in his
letter to the pope, of his having married Waldrada many years before, during
his father’s lifetime. If this should prove true, they were to discover for
what reason Waldrada had been afterwards divorced; but unless good proof could
be brought of the alleged marriage, they were to exhort him to a reconciliation
with Thietburga, on her acquittal by the Council of Metz. The latter, as the
pope tells his legates, had three times appealed to the holy see, and had
assured him that her former confession had been extorted from her by fear of
instant death. The story of Lothaire’s former marriage with Waldrada, and of
his being forced by the menaces of Hubert to divorce her and marry his sister,
was put forward by Adventius, in a treatise or memoir which he published
shortly afterwards on the subject. But the bishop admitted that he had no
ground except mere hearsay for the truth of either assertion.
The Council of Metz had been summoned for the Festival
of the Purification, in 863; but an invasion of the Normans, in which Cologne
was threatened, and the death of Charles, king of Provence, occupied Lothaire
till the month of June. During this interval the papal legates spent part of
their time with Charles the Bald, at Soissons, and apparently assisted at a
Council held by that king at Senlis; for the fathers who were assembled there,
in their letter to Nicholas, beg him to alter his judgment in favor of
Waldrada, and condemnation of the former queen, taking it for granted, as is
plain, that the pope’s views were rightly represented by his legates, who,
meanwhile, had been bribed by Lothaire to maintain that side of the question
for which he was interested. In his answer to this letter, the pope tells them
that the instructions which he had delivered to his legates would explain to
them, as soon as the Council of Metz assembled, the real opinion which he had
formed upon the subject. These instructions, however, were not made known to
the bishops at Metz. At the Council all the prelates of Lothaire’s kingdom,
except the bishop of Utrecht, were present, but no one from Germany or the dominions
of Charles the Bald. No one opposed the wishes of the king, who explained that
he had only obeyed the decisions of the bishops of his realm. Accordingly the
divorce of Thietburga and marriage of Waldrada were ratified, and a report of
the proceedings was drawn up, to be carried back to Rome by the legates. In
signing the report, one of the bishops present added to the subscription of his
name a conditional clause, to the purport that the decree of the Council should
not be reckoned of authority until confirmed by the sanction of the pope.
Gonthar effaced the sentence from the parchment with a penknife, leaving only
the subscriber’s name. He thought fit, however, in company with the archbishop
of Treves, to attend the legates on their return to Rome, to demand from
Nicholas, in the name of king Lothaire, his confirmation of the Council; and
the legates, who could not but apprehend some dissatisfaction from the pope at
the result of their proceedings, were probably not unwilling to be supported by
the presence of the two leading prelates of the kingdom.
On arriving at Rome, they found that the pope had
given orders for assembling a Council, to pass judgment on the conduct of
Rodoald, bishop of Porto, in a former embassy to Constantinople, from which he
had only returned shortly before his late mission to attend the Synod of Metz.
In order to understand the reason for the sentence which the pope intended to
pass upon him, and which he only avoided by taking flight the evening before
the meeting of the assembly, it is necessary to say a few words on the subject
of events which had lately happened at Constantinople. During the patriarchate
of Ignatius, Gregory, bishop of Syracuse, had been excommunicated by that
prelate, and created a schism. One of his friends and adherents was Photius, a
man of noble birth and of vast learning, who filled several important offices
in the imperial court. The young emperor Michael, preferring a life of ease and
pleasure to the toils of government, had committed the whole management of
affairs to the Caesar Bardas, his uncle, a great patron of literature and
philosophy, but a man, as it appears, of a profligate life, as well as of
inordinate ambition. In consequence of his character, on presenting himself
with the rest of the faithful on one of the great festivals of the Church, he
was refused communion by Ignatius, and from that time left nothing undone until
he had succeeded in driving the patriarch from his see. By a variety of
artifices he withdrew many of the bishops of the province from their fidelity;
but neither by his own threats, to which were added those of the emperor, nor
by their persuasions could he induce him to sign an act of resignation. He
proceeded, notwithstanding, to the choice of a successor. Photius, although a
layman, was elected to fill the highest place in the Church, and on five
successive days was ordained reader, subdeacon, deacon, priest, and patriarch,
by the hands of Gregory, the excommunicated and schismatical bishop of
Syracuse. His consecration took place on the Christmas day of the year 858; and
as soon as he was raised, in name, to the head of the Eastern Church, and found
that he had many bishops as well as all the court influence in his favor,
Photius lost no time in commencing a bitter persecution against Ignatius and
his party. The unfortunate patriarch was hurried from one place of banishment
to another, and subjected to the greatest personal cruelties and privations. In
order to strengthen his cause, which he felt to be intrinsically weak, though
strong in outward support, Photius sent deputies to Rome, with his own account
of all that had occurred, to demand of the pope the recognition of his
authority. None of the adherents of Ignatius were permitted to accompany or
follow the legation, and Nicholas, struck, as it is probable, at this
circumstance, avoided either complying with or refusing the request until he
had sent messengers to Constantinople, nominally for the purpose of settling in
Council the question of images, which was even yet agitated in the east, but
fully as much, in reality, for the sake of discovering whether Photius or
Ignatius were the legal possessor of the patriarchal rights. Two bishops,
Rodoald and Zachary were charged with this embassy, and carried letters both to
the emperor and to Photius, dated Michaelmas 860. In the latter epistle the
pope acknowledges the orthodoxy of Photius, (who, aware of the suspicions to
which he was liable, had sent his creed to Nicholas) but could not avoid
noticing the irregularity of his ordination, not, however, as it seems, with a
view to the schism of the bishop who ordained him, but because he had been
elected bishop while a layman, and had been invested, with uncanonical
rapidity, with the episcopal character. In his letter to Michael, he demanded
the restitution of the jurisdiction of Rome in Epirus, Illyria, and other
provinces, and of the patrimonial possessions of the Roman Church in Calabria
and Sicily.
On the arrival of the papal legates at Constantinople,
they were seized upon with little ceremony by the court party, and threatened
with the severest sufferings unless they promised, in everything, to conform to
the emperor’s will. It is but justice to them to testify that they held out
against these menaces for many months. At length they were prevailed upon to
give the promises required, and Ignatius was quickly brought from the island
winch then formed his place of banishment, to be judged in their presence by
the emperor, and a Council of upwards of three hundred bishops. The patriarch,
who stood day after day alone, without a single supporter, in this vast
assembly of enemies, preserved his courage, and yielded not, in the smallest
point, to their threats or reproaches. He refused to recognize the papal
legates as his judges, although willing, as he declared, to submit his cause to
the decision of the pope himself, for the circumstance that Photius occupied
the throne as president of the Council, was, he reasonably objected, a proof
that the cause had already been prejudged, and determined against him. An
informality in his election was the charge on which the attempt to depose him
was based, and sixty-two witnesses, of various grades, were brought forward in
proof of the accusation. The assertion was probably fictitious, or, if not, as
Ignatius alleged in his defence, it was of equal force against the episcopacy
of the bishops who formed the Council, all of whom had been ordained by him,
and, as he asserted, with somewhat less cogency of argument, against the right
of Michael himself, who had been consecrated by him, to the imperial throne. He
also exposed the pretensions of Photius, who, by the acknowledged rules of the
Church, lay under an anathema and ban of excommunication, who had bound
himself, by the most solemn promises to the bishops whom he seduced from their
allegiance, to treat the former patriarch as his father, and to do nothing
without his sanction, and who, in violation of these oaths, had deposed and
anathematized him within forty days of his ordination. He had exercised
the greatest cruelties against all who attempted to remind him of his promises,
and one prelate, in particular, is mentioned, the archbishop of Cyzicus, whose
lingers were broken, and who lost his diocese, because he refused to give up
his copy of the agreement.
The Council decreed the deposition and excommunication
of Ignatius; and Rodoald and Zachary, having assisted in passing a few canons,
for form’s sake, on the subject of images, and other ecclesiastical matters,
returned to the pope, and delivered to him such a relation of the events at
Constantinople as might encourage him in the support of Photius. A few days
afterwards an ambassador from the emperor followed them, carrying with him
letters from that patriarch, in which, noticing the demand of Nicholas that
Illyria and other countries should be restored to the papal obedience, he
assured him that he should have been most ready, not only to restore those
provinces, but to add others, feeling, as he did, the weight of the
responsibility which was involved in the government of so large a territory,
but that state reasons prevented the cession. In the same epistle he reminds
the pope that he is bound by the canons not to receive any persons who went
with complaints to Rome, unless they were furnished with letters of
recommendation from their bishops or metropolitans, and informs him that these
persons were usually such as have been guilty of great crimes in their own
country, and adopt the practice of making a pilgrimage to Rome in lieu of doing
penance or suffering punishment for their offences. Notwithstanding this
letter, and another from the emperor, Nicholas easily understood, from reading
the acts of the late Council, which were also transmitted for his perusal, that
his legates had given their countenance and aid to an act of great injustice
and irregularity. He was, however, not acquainted with the prominent part which
they had taken in the proceedings, or with a full history of all that had been
done, until after the departure of Rodoald on his mission to the court of
Lothaire. The additional information was brought by fugitives from
Constantinople, whom the cruelties, as they alleged, of Photius, had forced to
take refuge in Rome. Zachary was condemned and deposed in another assembly,
which, at the same time, declared Photius, for his numerous offences, deprived
of his sacerdotal dignity and office, by the authority of Almighty God, of the
apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and of all the saints, of the six general
Councils, and of the judgment of the Holy Ghost, then pronounced by the mouths
of that synod. If Photius continued, after the reception of that decree, to
retain the see of Constantinople, he was excluded from all hope of restitution
to communion till his death.
Such was the high tone of authority used by pope
Nicholas in his address to the patriarch of Constantinople, and letters written
on the same subject, in favor of Ignatius and condemnation of Photius, to the
other three ecumenical patriarchs, of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Alexandria,
breathe the same spirit of monarchical superiority. There is no doubt that the
pope was in the right in this point, and that Photius was wrong, but this,
while an excuse or reason for the firmest opposition, is none for the tone in
which it is expressed. Probably, no one of his predecessors had so exalted an
idea as Nicholas of the privileges of the papal, or, as it was usually called,
the apostolic see, and perhaps none effected so much towards extending them.
Enjoying a reputation, which none could impeach, for strictness of life and
manners, and conscious of no intermixture of low and selfish motives with his
zeal for promoting the power of his see, he had no personal fears of his rival
Photius. No one can doubt the sincerity of his belief that the Roman patriarch
was, as he was now usually called, the universal bishop, from whose authority
that of all other patriarchs, metropolitans, and bishops, was derived.
The same tone of authority in which Photius and the
other eastern patriarchs were exhorted or rebuked, was adopted by the pope
towards the archbishops of western Christendom. Rodoald, as we have seen, took
flight from Rome to avoid the sentence which, as he knew, would be passed upon
him, and by which his colleague Zachary had already been condemned, but the
archbishops of Treves and Cologne waited on the pope, and, at his request, read
in public the acts of the Councils of Metz and Aix-la-Chapelle. Nicholas made
no comment at the time, but sending for them some days afterwards, to an
assembly in the Lateran palace, found great fault with the proceedings, and
bestowed a severe censure on the two metropolitans who had conducted them. He
then wrote a circular letter to all the bishops of France, Italy, and Germany,
annulling the resolutions of the Council of Metz, and declaring Gonthar and
Theutgard deprived of their episcopal character, not only for the late judgment
in the cause of Lothaire, but for their neglect of the sentence of condemnation
which had been passed upon Ingeltrude, count Boso’s wife. The other bishops who
had assisted at the Councils were also deposed, but were promised restoration
on acknowledgment of their fault, and submission to the judgment of the holy
see.
Neither of the archbishops were disposed at first to
submit without a struggle to so severe a sentence. They wrote to their brethren
in Lorraine, begging them to trust to no reports which might be spread to their
injury, to encourage the king in the independent line of conduct which he had
adopted, and to use their utmost endeavors to gain for him the friendship of as
many allies as possible, and especially of the king of Germany. The lord
Nicholas, continues the letter, who is called pope, who accounts himself an
apostle among the apostles, and makes himself emperor of all the world, wished
to condemn us; but, thanks to God we resisted his madness, and now he repents
of what he has done. They go on in an imaginary address to the pope to complain
of the injustice of their treatment: “we went to you”, they say, “in all
humility, begging for your instructions; for three weeks we received no other
answer than that you thought our conduct excusable; at the end of that time we
were brought into your presence, the doors were closed, and a confused
multitude of clergy and laymen together vehemently attacked us. Without
counsel, without canonical examination, without accuser, without witnesses,
without reason or authority brought in proof against us, without confession of
our own, in the absence of our brother metropolitans, and the bishops our
suffragans, you took upon yourself to condemn us for a mere fancy of your own,
at the prompting of your own unreasonable passion. But we admit not your
uncharitable sentence, and we reject you from our communion, and content
ourselves with the communion of all the Church, and with the society of our
brethren, which you despise, and of which you prove yourself unworthy by your
pride and arrogance. You are the first to violate the precepts of the apostles,
and therefore have but called down an anathema on your own head, annihilating,
so far as in you lies, the law of God, the canons of the Church, and even the
customs and conduct of your own predecessors. They finish by maintaining again
their former judgment about the marriage of the king”.
On leaving Rome, the two archbishops sought refuge at
the emperor’s court at Beneventum, and succeeded in representing their
treatment at the pope’s hands as an insult to his brother, by whose commission
they had gone to Rome in the character of ambassadors. Louis expressed great
indignation at the account, and, accompanied by the empress and some troops,
set off at once for Rome. A tumult took place among some of his followers and a
procession of Romans, who were advancing to the Church of St. Peter with banners
and crosses. Among the rest was the cross of St. Helen, presented by that holy
lady to the Church, and including within it a portion of the wood of the true
cross. This was thrown to the ground and broken, but some Englishmen who were
present collected the fragments with great care and reverence, and delivered
them to the keeper of the relics. The soldier whose violence had caused this
catastrophe, fell sick and died, and the fever which had carried him off,
seized likewise on the emperor. Terrified at the danger, he lost no time in
reconciling himself with the pope, and sent the archbishops back to France
without making any further effort in their favor.
Gonthar, whose firmness was not inferior to that of
Nicholas, and who was as fully persuaded of the independence of metropolitan
bishops, or of national Churches, as the pope was of their dependence upon
Rome, was, unfortunately for the cause which he supported, engaged in
maintaining the weakest side of the question in dispute, nor had he the same severe
integrity of character and reputation to uphold him in his own judgment, or
that of others, which was possessed, in an eminent degree, by his adversary. He
was also deserted by his former allies, for Lothaire, who felt that his great
strength lay in the support of his brother, the emperor, no sooner heard of his
reconciliation with the pope, than he sent a message to Rome, promising
submission, although expostulating with Nicholas, and complaining that it was a
new thing for a king to be judged in this way. He interceded also for his two
archbishops, but finding the pope resolute in condemning Gonthar, stripped him
of his see, and banished him from the diocese. Theutgard, Adventius, and the
other bishops, also sent in their letters of submission. The archbishop of
Treves was pardoned, but not restored to his diocese till after the death of
Nicholas; but Adventius, though he had shown equal zeal in the cause of
Lothaire, was permitted to retain his see, chiefly, perhaps, from the
intercession of Charles the Bald, who entertained great affection for him as
the pupil and favorite of his uncle Drogo, whom he had succeeded, some years
before, in the bishopric of Metz. In his letter to Adventius on the occasion,
Nicholas laid down a somewhat dangerous doctrine with respect to kings,
informing the bishop, who had pleaded in his defence the command of St. Paul to
obey the king, as supreme, that the king must be obeyed for the sake of God,
not against God; that is, if he is just and religious, he must be obeyed as
king, if the contrary, he is to be resisted as no king, but a tyrant. The pope
forgets, as Fleury remarks on the occasion, that the sovereign whom St. Paul
enjoins his followers to obey was Nero.
Meanwhile Gonthar, to show his defiance of the
authority which had deposed him, sent his brother Hilduin, a man who had been
elected by Lothaire bishop of Cambray, and put by him in possession of the
temporalities of the see, but who had been refused ordination by Hincmar, the
metropolitan, with a copy of the protest, from which extracts had been made, to
be presented to the pope, and on his refusal to receive it, to be laid upon the
tomb of St. Peter, as an appeal made to that apostle from the injustice of his
successor and representative. Hilduin accordingly, when Nicholas declined
accepting it, marched into the Church, in armor, and driving away the vergers
or officers who attempted to impede him with so much violence that one of them
was slain on the spot, cast the document upon the tomb, and left the Church. This
was done while Louis was still at Rome. During the whole of his sojourn there,
though nominally on friendly terms with the pope, Louis permitted his soldiers
to plunder the monasteries and nunneries in the city and neighborhood, and to
commit other ravages and abuses with impunity. He returned to Ravenna for the
Easter Festival, which this year, AD. 864, fell on the second of April. Gunther
kept the Festival in his cathedral at Cologne, performing mass as usual,
although neither the king nor any of the bishops consented to communicate with
him. On being deposed by Lothaire, for whom he had done and suffered so much,
his indignation against the king overcame that which he entertained towards the
pope, and he returned to Rome to explain to Nicholas the artifices and
falsehoods of which Lothaire had been guilty, in bringing about the divorce
from one queen and marriage to another, and if possible to make his peace with
him. He seems however, to have been unsuccessful; for in November a council was
held at Rome, to treat again of Lothaire’s marriage, and to devise means for
restoring Ignatius to his patriarchate. The bishops of France and Germany, and
of Lothaire’s dominions, which the pope calls Belgica, were cited to attend.
They all excused themselves, but Gunther presented himself at the synod,
testifying repentance, and begging for restoration; but his prayer, although
supported by the recommendation of the emperor, was steadily refused. We hear
little of his cause afterwards. He is said to have written to Photius with
complaints against Nicholas, which could be of no service to himself, and could
scarcely widen the breach that already existed between the pontiffs of Rome and
Constantinople. Two or three years afterwards, probably not till after the
death of pope Nicholas, we are told that he was restored to the see of Cologne,
which had meantime been filled by Hugo, a cousin of king Charles of France.
Meanwhile Thietburga, the innocent cause of all this
strife, lost the protection of her brother Hubert, who was killed in an affray
with some followers of the emperor. She took refuge with king Charles, who gave
her the nunnery of Avenay, in the diocese of Rheims, as a place of residence;
but her stay there was not long. In the year, AD 865, the pope sent Arsenius a
Tuscan bishop, as his legate into France, charged with letters to the kings,
exhorting them to preserve peace, and to the bishops, ordering them to menace
Lothaire with excommunication, unless he dismissed Waldrada without delay, and
received back Thietburga as his wife. The pope’s anxiety for the peace of
France appears to have been caused by some symptoms exhibited lately by Charles
of interfering with that part of the late kingdom of Provence which had fallen
to the share of the emperor. In writing to the king of France, he urges him to
let his nephew retain in peace the territories which had fallen to his lot, and
in which he was confirmed by the authority of the holy see and by the crown
which the sovereign pontiff had placed upon his head; phrases which demonstrate
that Nicholas regarded himself as the fountain of civil, as well as of
ecclesiastical dominion. Arsenius went through Frankfort to Cologne, and
terrified or persuaded Lothaire into receiving Thietburga again, and dismissing
his present wife; and the latter was charged by the legate to proceed at once
to Rome, on pain of excommunication. Twelve noblemen offered themselves as
guarantees that Lothaire should treat Thietburga as his lawful wife and queen;
and they both attended mass, in the presence of Arsenius, (who performed the
service), clad in the robes of royalty, and with crowns upon their heads. The
legate shortly afterwards departed on his return, and was met, at Worms, by
Ingeltrude, the wife of Count Boso of Lombardy. In an interview with that lady,
he persuaded her to promise obedience for the future to her husband, and to
accompany him into Italy; but on the journey she changed her mind, and leaving
his escort, near the Danube, on pretence of seeking horses from a relation in the
neighborhood, and with the promise of rejoining him at Augsburg, she hastened
back again into France. Waldrada paid as little attention to the commands of
the legate, and was in consequence excommunicated by the pope. Letters to this
effect were sent to the French and German bishops, in which, in addition to her
other crimes, the lady is charged with constant machinations against the life
of her rival Thietburga; and it is implied that similar charges were made in
secret against the king of Lorraine himself. On receiving these documents,
bishop Adventius wrote a reply to Nicholas, denying the offences with which
Lothaire was charged, or even his unwillingness to entertain Thietburga in
every respect as his queen; and the king added an epistle of his own to a
similar effect, praying the pope, at the same time, to give no countenance to
any other prince in attempting to seize upon his dominions. That there was some
danger of this is not improbable, and if Lothaire, like Waldrada, had been put
under ban of excommunication, there is little doubt that the king of France
would have made this a pretext for giving public proof of the hostility which
he had never entirely laid aside since the affair of Ingeltrude and his
daughter Judith. Many reports were current at this time with regard to the
inefficiency of Lothaire, and the contempt in which he was held by his
subjects, not less for his readiness in yielding to the threat of Arsenius, and
taking back his wife, than for his former separation from her and marriage to
Waldrada. These unfavorable whispers are likely enough to have had some truth
in them; though it is equally probable that they were encouraged and
exaggerated by Charles and those who were interested in his aggrandizement. The
bishops, however, of Lothaire’s kingdom met, and addressed a letter to those
who were subjects of Charles, denying the truth of what was reported, and
assuring them of their own unshaken fidelity to their sovereign, and
threatening excommunication against anyone who should first violate the peace
between the two kingdoms.
The submission shown by Lothaire to Arsenius and the
pope was but in appearance. Waldrada, though no longer nominally queen,
returned to the court of Aix-la-Chapelle, and exercised her former influence
over the king, and Thietburga, so far from receiving the treatment due to her
as queen, as asserted by Adventius and Lothaire himself, suffered so much of
cruelty as well as neglect at her husband’s hands, that she earnestly desired
to be separated from him a second time. So great was the hardship that she
suffered, that she was driven even to meditate self-destruction. Under these
circumstances, she was easily persuaded by Lothaire to write again to the pope,
signifying her wish to renounce the royal dignity and to pass her life in
seclusion, and to found her request upon the allegation that Waldrada was, in
reality, the king’s lawful wife, and that therefore her own marriage with him
was illegal and invalid. Nicholas, however, had information from several
sources in France and Germany, from which he drew the conclusion that
Thietburga now, as before, was induced either by the threats of her husband, or
by the discomfort of her present situation, to send him a false statement. His
letter, in reply, is a characteristic one, and shows that in the unbending
firmness of his own strength of purpose, he could have little sympathy for the
fears and feelings of a woman whose character was not that of a heroine or a
martyr. He tells her that her coming to Rome, which she had expressed a desire
to do, would be useless; that Lothaire could, under no circumstances, be
permitted to receive Waldrada as his lawful life and assures her that she would
be more fortunate in receiving any degree of ill-treatment, or even death
itself, from her husband, than in succeeding, by means of falsehood, in
obtaining a separation from him. He explains to her, at the same time, that a
wife was forbidden by the laws of the Church to enter upon a monastic life,
unless her husband had a similar intention. He thinks, however, that
Lothaire will hardly carry his hatred towards her so far as to put her to
death, as he would endanger his own kingdom by so open an act of violence and
injustice. We are to understand, as it seems, by these words, that under circumstances
so extreme as those which are here supposed, Nicholas would have thought
himself empowered to pronounce Lothaire’s throne vacant. The date of this
letter is the 24th of January, 867, and others written at the same time, or, as
is probable, at a somewhat earlier date, to the king himself and the bishops of
his realm, declare that unless Lothaire has dismissed Waldrada on or before the
Eve of the Purification, he is to be excluded from entering the Church, which
was equivalent to excommunication, upon that festival.
The bishops were alarmed at this decisive step of pope
Nicholas; it appeared that they must now make their choice between
excommunicating their king, and disobeying an express order of the pope. The
affair, however, was compromised, or its settlement deferred again by
submissive letters written by the king to Rome, in which he begged permission
to go in person to the holy see, and make his own defence, and offered to
collect troops in his own kingdom to join those of the emperor in defending
Italy against the Saracens. Nicholas was not deceived by these attempts to gain
him, yet they were so far effectual that the immediate excommunication was
avoided, although, in the course of the following half year, the sentence was
either actually pronounced, or was supposed to be virtually in force, in
consequence of his continued intercourse with Waldrada, who had herself, long
since, been cast out of the Church. He also refused to see Lothaire at Rome,
and wrote to king Louis, of Germany, to use his influence in bringing his
refractory nephew to a better mind.
In the month of November, 867, pope Nicholas died, and
was succeeded by Adrian II, a man of sixty-seven years of age, and with so high
a reputation, that he had been elected to the pontifical chair by the clergy
and people of Rome after the death of both Leo IV and of Benedict III, but had
prevailed upon his electors to excuse his accepting the dignity on both
occasions. Adrian differed in character from his predecessor; not only was he
of a less stern and unyielding temper, as well as of less vigor and activity of
mind, but he seems, at the commencement of his pontificate, actually to have
disapproved of much that Nicholas had done, and it was feared, by the chief
friends and admirers of the latter, that he would annul many of his acts, and
introduce a different system into the conduct of the Roman see. His favorite
counselor and adherent was Arsenius, who had received ill-treatment at the
hands of Nicholas, and since that time had thrown himself into the arms of the
emperor; and the feelings of Louis towards the late pontiff were generally
understood to have been by no means friendly. Adrian, however, professed, on
every occasion, the highest respect for the character and actions of Nicholas,
and declared himself ready to support all his decrees as if they had been his
own, adding, at the same time, that if his predecessor had been compelled, on
some occasions, to resort to a more than usual severity, he might find himself,
under a change of circumstances, permitted to relax the excessive strictness.
An instance of this quickly occurred in the case of
king Lothaire. That monarch, on hearing of the pope’s decision, sent the bishop
of Metz, and his chancellor Grimbard, to Rome, to congratulate Adrian on his
accession to the pontificate, while he expressed, probably with less sincerity,
regret at the death of Nicholas. The late pope, however, he complained in his
letter to Adrian, had been prejudiced against him, although he had exhibited
towards the authority of Rome more complete submission than any of his
ancestors had ever done. He instanced, particularly, the refusal of Nicholas to
permit him to meet his accusers face to face in his presence, and remarked,
that though well pleased that the Bulgarians and other barbarous tribes should
be invited to visit the tomb of the apostle, he could not but feel it hard that
he, whose ancestors had been the great protectors of the holy see, should be
deprived of the same privilege. He requested that the new pope would grant him
the favor which had been so harshly denied by his predecessor. The messenger
arrived in Rome in May, 868, and found that Thietburga, who had been sent by
Lothaire in advance of them to beg, by personal appeal, for permission to
separate from her husband, had already had an interview with the pope for that
purpose. Adrian, however, though disposed from his own natural temper, as well
as from a desire to please the emperor, who had been very energetic and
successful in his war with the African Saracens in Italy, to comply as far as
possible with his brother’s wishes, could not consent to an act so evidently in
violation of the canons of the Church, and of the intentions of Nicholas. He
removed the ban of excommunication from Waldrada, on being assured by Louis of
her repentance, but urged him to receive Thietburga again, until another
Council, which he was on the point of assembling, should have passed its
judgment on the validity of the reasons alleged by the queen in favor of the
divorce. If, however, she was prevented by bodily infirmity from travelling so
far as from Rome to Aix-la-Chapelle in the interval, he begged Lothaire to
grant her some abbey as a place of residence, and a means of support. Meantime
he threatened with excommunication anyone who should oppose her journey, and
the king himself, if it was found that he had sanctioned the hindrance. Adrian
informed him also that he made no objection to his coming to Rome, if he were
really conscious of his innocence, and even if this were not the case, he could
come to receive at the hands of the pope a suitable penance. About the same
time that these letters were written, another was sent to Hincmar, begging him
to use his influence with Lothaire. Whether the archbishop obeyed the request we
are not told, but the decided manner in which he had taken the part of
Thietburga, and censured the king in his treatise on the subject of the
divorce, as well as the quarrel in which he had been engaged with him on
refusing to sanction Hilduin’s election to the vacant see of Cambray, make it
probable that his expostulations and advice would be regarded with little
favor.
In the beginning of the summer of 869, Lothaire
availed himself of Adrian’s permission, and passed through Ravenna on his way
to Rome. He was accompanied by many of his nobles, and followed at no great
distance by Thietburga, whose entreaties he wished to add to his own, in the
hopes of prevailing upon the pope to sanction their separation, and his
marriage afterwards with Waldrada. But he ventured not to appear in the
presence of Adrian without the support of his brother and the empress. Louis
was engaged in the siege of Bari, whither the Moors had retreated, on being
driven out of one town after another in the provinces of Campania, Samnium, and
Apulia. Their present refuge was strongly fortified, and situated as it was
upon the coast, was easily furnished by fresh supplies of troops or of
provisions. Accordingly, the siege lasted four years. The emperor was reluctant
to leave the camp, and in reply to the messages sent to him from his brother,
bade him return into France, and put off the interview which he demanded till a
more seasonable opportunity. Lothaire, however, hastened on to Beneventum,
where the empress Ingelberga was residing, and, by interesting her in his
cause, he at last prevailed with Louis to send orders to the pope to meet him
at the monastery of Mount Casino, and himself, with the empress, to accompany
him to the place of rendezvous. The pope received him with courtesy and
kindness, and accepted some valuable presents at his hands, and, at
Ingelberga’s request, promised to do him the honor of performing mass in his
presence, and of giving him the holy communion, on condition of his having
abstained from holding any intercourse with Waldrada since her
excommunication by pope Nicholas. He extended his forgiveness also to Gunther,
late archbishop of Cologne, so far as to receive him into lay communion, on his
signifying his acquiescence in the sentence by which he was deposed, and his
promise of obedience, henceforward, to the Roman Church.
The whole party proceeded together from Mount Casino
to Rome, but Lothaire remained at St. Peter’s, without the city walls, not
venturing to enter till his sentence had been removed. None of the clergy of
the city came to visit him, and even the lodging which had been fixed upon for
his abode, near the Church, was found altogether unprepared for his reception.
The day of his arrival was Saturday, and he expected that the pope would have performed
his promise on the following day, and received him to public communion. In this
also he was disappointed; all men kept at a distance from him, and regarded him
with cold looks, as one beyond the pale of the Church, and in whom no Christian
could have any interest or concern. This state of suspense was not to be borne
long; he entered the city, and presented himself before the pope, who received
him with honor, and inquired whether he had attended exactly to the orders
delivered to him by his predecessor with respect to the rival queens. The king
replied that he had attended to them as if they had been the immediate commands
of heaven, and the noblemen o£ his court, who stood by his side, corroborated
the assertion. If your testimony is true, said Adrian, we thank God for his
grace in your behalf, and it remains only that you present yourselves at the
sacrifice of the host in St. Peter’s Church, and, by partaking thereof, be
incorporated anew among the members of Christ, from which you have been separated.
Accordingly, after mass, Lothaire was called up to the altar by Adrian, who
thus addressed him, holding in his hands the body and blood of Christ; “If your
conscience acquits you of adultery with Waldrada, since the prohibition of pope
Nicholas, and if you have made a firm resolution never to repeat the crime,
approach with boldness, and receive the sacrament of eternal salvation for the
pardon of your sins; but if you intend to return to your former guilt, dare not
receive it, lest what is intended by God as a remedy for his faithful, turn to
your condemnation”. The king received the communion without hesitation, and a
similar warning was addressed to his followers, who, with the exception of a
few who seemed conscience-struck, and retired from the altar, also
communicated. After the service, Lothaire dined in the Lateran palace with the
pope, and made him large presents of gold and silver plate, in return for which
he begged him to bestow upon him a lion, a branch of palm, and a cane. Adrian,
not suspecting the interpretation which the king and his followers chose to put
upon these symbols, granted the request, and they, as it is said, by a
miserable conceit, in which they could not possibly deceive themselves,
considered that, under the figure of the lion, the pope had given Lothaire
permission to marry Waldrada, that the palm branch signified success in all his
undertakings, and that by the cane, or ferule, which was at that time a symbol
of the episcopal character, was meant authority to punish the bishops who might
venture to oppose his wish. Congratulating himself on so satisfactory a
termination to his journey, Lothaire and his suite left Rome, and hastened on
their return to France, without thinking it necessary to make any further
request relative to the divorce from Thietburga, and aware that to recur to
this subject would be to reveal to the pope the dissimulation of which they had
been already guilty. On their arrival at Lucca the king was taken ill of fever,
which spread rapidly among his followers, they died in numbers before his eyes,
but disregarding the warning which seemed then addressed to him, he continued
his journey to Placentia, and arriving at that town on Saturday, remained there
during the following day. On Sunday a sudden seizure, resembling paralysis,
deprived him of speech, and he died on the morning of Monday, the eighth of
August, after a reign of nearly fourteen years since his father’s death. The
petty remnant of his suite buried him in a small monastery near the city, and hastened
to inform the emperor of the catastrophe, or proceeded on their journey into
France.
Thus perished, by what the annalist who records it
regards, and apparently not without justice, as a special judgment of Divine
Providence, one of the weakest and least respectable of the descendants of
Charlemagne. His character and actions contain nothing to interest the reader;
and if it had not been for the unfortunate quarrel concerning his divorce,
which must have embittered his own life, as it brought scandal upon his kingdom
and upon the whole of the empire, and for the fact that the province of
Lorraine gained its appellation from him, his name would be scarcely mentioned
in history. The divorce and the circumstances attending it gain a
political importance, from having been used as a handle by pope Nicholas for
strengthening the influence of the papal see, or rather for making it felt, as
a real and active power, greatly affecting the exercise of both spiritual and
civil sovereignty. The events of the last ten years brought home to
people’s minds, in France and Germany, that the supremacy claimed by Rome was
no mere theory, no assumption which might safely be granted without involving
any dangerous practical results. An authority which interfered, in the
highest degree, with the independent conduct of government, in the province of
royal as well as of episcopal jurisdiction, was boldly claimed and actually put
into force by the pope. In the latter case it was carried so far as
totally to set aside two Councils, one of which, though not so numerously
attended as many others at this time, might claim the title of a national
synod, if we regard the dominions of Lothaire as forming a distinct kingdom of
themselves, and to depose the primate of the realm, (for such was the
archbishop of Treves,) with the metropolitan of Cologne, who held
the second rank in the Church of Belgica or Lorraine. The
conduct of the pope towards the king stopped short of actually pronouncing the
sentence of deposition; but Nicholas implied, in a way that was little
ambiguous, that he possessed the right of proceeding to this extremity, and
perhaps was only prevented by death from putting it in execution. The
course of the dispute awakened the attention of both kings and bishops to the
powers claimed by Rome, and the ground upon which it was attempted to justify
them. Hincmar, among others, must have observed and weighed well the
circumstances which unfolded themselves, as scene after scene of the drama was
acted before his eyes. He had already, in an early stage of the question,
declared his sentiments to be in agreement with those of Nicholas on the
subject of the divorce, and his position as a metropolitan of another kingdom,
although part of his province lay in that of Lothaire, prevented his taking any
share in the after part of the dispute. During, however, a part of the time
which was taken up in the discussion of the divorce of Thietburga, he was
himself in a situation, not altogether unlike that of Gunther, of opposition to
the pope. But in conducting the causes of Rothad and Wulfad, which will next
offer themselves to our notice, the side which Hincmar supported, if not free
from all doubt as to its superior justice, was one for which far better
arguments were to be advanced than any which could be brought forward for the
line of action pursued by the archbishop of Cologne and his sovereign.
Independently of this, Gunther had neither the learning, nor the temper and
prudence which distinguished his brother metropolitan; while in strictness of
character and in zeal for upholding, without compromise, the rights and
authority of the Church, the latter was in no degree inferior to the pontiff
against whom he was called upon to defend himself.
The death of
Lothaire was a natural termination to the discussion concerning Thietburga and
her rival. The pope, distrusting the assertions and promises of the king and
his courtiers, had given notice of a Council to be held next year, at Rome, to
decide with greater certainty on the truth or falsehood of their statements
and, meanwhile, had sent two bishops into France, to collect information on the
subject; but the decease of the king rendered these preparations useless.
Theutgard, archbishop of Treves, died a short time before his sovereign; and
the next year, AD 870, his see and that of Cologne were filled, after a vacancy
of six years since the deposition of Gunther and himself. Bertulf, a nephew of
Adventius of Metz, was appointed by king Charles to the diocese of Treves, and
Hilduin, whose name has already been mentioned, was nominated by the same
prince to succeed his brother at Cologne; both of these cities were then
included in the dominions of the king of Germany. Louis seems to have
acquiesced in the choice of Bertulf, but opposed that of Hilduin, and prevailed
in obtaining the consecration of Gilbert as priest of the Church of Cologne, a
venerable and saintly man. Adrian considered the privileges of the Roman see as
in some way violated, by the appointment of a bishop without his previous knowledge
and consent, to a see which the late pope had rendered vacant, by his
deprivation of the former metropolitan. He complained of this, in a letter to
king Louis; but Gilbert continued in undisturbed possession of his dignity, and
presided, with his brethren the archbishops of Metz and Treves, at a Council,
in the month of September, at which the bishops of Saxony were present, when he
consecrated or dedicated the great Cathedral Church of St. Peters, at Cologne.
CHAP. V.
DISPUTES ON THE
DEPOSITION OF ROTHAD AND WULFAD. CHARGES OF PHOTIUS AGAINST THE WESTERN CHURCH.
While the attention of the empire was directed to the
divorce of queen Thietburga, and the various circumstances which attended and
followed that event, Hincmar, who had little individual concern in these
proceedings, was engaged in the conduct of others which created no less
interest in the Church of France. Among the suffragan bishops of the province
of Rheims was Rothad, bishop of Soissons, a prelate considerably the senior of
his metropolitan, having been consecrated during the reign of Louis the Pious,
in the year 831, and who, for that and other reasons, was ill-disposed to pay
so strict an obedience to the will of his archbishop as the canons required, and
as Hincmar was determined to exact. Rothad, so far as we have means of judging
of his character, seems to have been a somewhat weak and obstinate man, and to
have had so little regard for the ordinances of the Church as to manage his
diocese in an irregular and careless way, even should we suppose him free from
some graver offences of which his adversaries accused him. His name occurs
occasionally in the ecclesiastical history of the last twenty or thirty years,
although never in a very prominent position. He joined with others in the
deposition of Ebo, after the restoration of Louis the Pious; he was said also
to have been among the bishops who re-invested him with his dignity, at the
command of the emperor Lothaire; he was one of the adherents of that prince in
opposition to Charles the Bald, although Soissons lay in the dominions of the
latter; he was present at the Council of Beauvais when Hincmar was elected
archbishop, and assisted at the consecration. There seems, from the first, to
have been a misunderstanding between the two prelates, and when Godeschalcus
was condemned, at the Council of Quiercy, Hincmar would not permit him to be
confined in the diocese of Soissons, through fear, as he afterwards told pope
Nicholas, that Rothad might have neither the will nor the power to prevent him
from spreading his heretical notions, or might even himself be in danger of
seduction. The bishop of Soissons, who was present at Quiercy, may, probably,
have expressed some opinion in favor of the monk of Orbais which afforded
ground for such a suspicion. Of this, however, we are not told.
The quarrel was brought under public notice at the
Synod or diet of Pistres, held by king Charles in the year 862. At this
assembly Rothad presented himself, with complaint of a harsh sentence passed
upon him in the previous year by his metropolitan. It appears that three or
four years before a clergyman of the diocese of Soissons had been deprived by
his bishop, on a criminal charge, upon the justice of which we have no means of
deciding. This priest appealed to Hincmar, but not till a considerable time had
elapsed from his deprivation. The archbishop, satisfied, apparently, that
the charge had been unfounded, and perhaps not unwilling to find an opportunity
of exerting his authority in opposition to Rothad, sent him back to his Church,
at the same time excommunicating and putting into confinement the person who
had been appointed to fill his place, and who probably showed some resistance
on being so suddenly required to relinquish it. To this somewhat peremptory act
the bishop of Soissons was unwilling to submit, and, on persisting in his
refusal, was deprived of episcopal communion, in a provincial Council, held at
Soissons, AD 861.
This account of the quarrel between himself and Hincmar
is taken from Rothad’s own story. The Council of Soissons gave, as a reason
for the degradation passed upon him, that he refused obedience to the rules of
the Church, and it was considered as fully proved before the bishops of that
synod that he pledged in pawn, with Jews and tavern keepers, some costly
vessels belonging to the Church; that he had alienated portions of the Church
income, without permission of his metropolitan and of the other bishops of his
province, and that he had led a life which, in many particulars, was indecorous
in a person of his station. Of this deposition Rothad complained to the king
and bishops at Pistres, and when Hincmar, at the same time, pressed, on the
other hand, for a confirmation of his sentence, cut short all further
proceedings by appealing to the holy see. None present chose to oppose the
appeal, to which Hincmar, with great reluctance, was
accordingly forced to submit, and Rothad hastened back to
Soissons, before the breaking up of the Council, to prepare for his journey,
and wrote to the king and to his archbishop, recommending to their care the see
of Soissons during his absence. At the same time he ordered the clergyman, whom
he had deposed, to be ready to attend him to Rome, that the pope might have an
opportunity of hearing both sides of the question.
The messenger charged with the letters to Charles and
Hincmar, at Pistres, carried a third to one of the bishops, who had taken
Rothad’s part in the previous discussion, containing a defence of his
conduct, to be put into the hands of the other prelates who might be favorably
disposed towards him, with a view to their undertaking to clear his character
in the presence of the king and the rest of the assembly. Hincmar, who was
opposed, on principle, to the practice of appealing to Rome, and who was
anxious, if possible, to prevent it in the present instance, suspected that
this letter might contain something to invalidate the appeal, and therefore
urged the king to command its public perusal, before such of the bishops as had
not yet taken their departure from Pistres. On hearing the contents, which was,
in fact, tantamount to pleading the cause over again, Hincmar insisted that
this was equivalent to a renunciation of the appeal to Rome. The case seemed
plain, for such an appeal implied, of necessity, that no other judge should be
chosen or recognized in the meantime; and therefore the king and the bishops,
agreeing in the view taken by the archbishop of Rheims, sent in haste to
Soissons, before Rothad had time to make his preparations for departure, and
proclaiming publicly, in front of the Church, that the king forbade any one
from attending him in his journey, put an effectual stop to his undertaking it.
Soon afterwards Charles, no doubt at Hincmar’s suggestion, ordered a Council
to attend him at St. Medard’s, at Soissons, and cited the bishops of the see
to be present. The summons was repeated a second and a third time, but Rothad,
who had protested against the obstacles put in the way of his journey to Rome,
declared that he durst not attend the Council, as it would be an offence to the
holy see to submit to any judgment pending an appeal to that supreme court. The
excuse is a proof that Hincmar was justified in considering the letter, lately
addressed to the bishops at Pistres, as equivalent to a renunciation of the
appeal, although it is equally certain that it arose from a mere blunder of
Rothad, who had no such intention in writing and sending it. On his positive
refusal to present himself before Charles and the synod assembled at St.
Medard’s, it was proposed to him by the bishops who were sent to require his
attendance, to have a private interview with the king, in some room in the
neighborhood of the place of assembly. He agreed to this, though not without
great reluctance, and clothed in his episcopal robes, and carrying the gospels
and the cross with him as a token of his sacred office, he begged the
permission of Charles to go at once to Rome. The king, who had yielded with
some unwillingness to the proposal of an interview with his refractory bishop
replied that the decision of that matter lay entirely with his metropolitan and
the Council then met for deliberation, and that he should act strictly in
accordance with their advice. As nothing farther was advanced by Rothad, the
king then retired. After this, the same messengers were sent with the most
pressing entreaties at one time, and with severe menaces at another, to urge
him to attend the Council, but without success. The Council then proceeded to
deliberate on the question, and came to the decision that he must be deposed
from the episcopate. Rothad prayed earnestly that they would not presume to
pass such a sentence, under the circumstances, but would permit him to go to
Rome, but he was refused, and to prevent his escaping without permission,
confined in a monastery. Soon afterwards another bishop was elected in his
place. To make some amends for the loss of his bishopric, a valuable abbey was
offered him by the king, at Hincmar’s wish, on condition, according to
Rothad’s own account, that he would relinquish his appeal, and remain content
with the decision of the Council. This he represents himself as indignantly
refusing, but a somewhat different version was given, as we shall see, by the
archbishop of Rheims, in a letter afterwards written to pope Nicholas.
More than a year after these events, the legates sent
by pope Nicholas to hold the Council of Metz, and decide upon Lothaire’s
divorce, were at Soissons, on a visit to king Charles. Many of the people of
the diocese, who had probably enjoyed great freedom from discipline and
restraint, under the laxity and negligence of Rothad’s government, took the
opportunity to apply to the king and his visitors for the restoration of their
old bishop. Hincmar, who had already received a reproof from pope Nicholas on
the subject, charging him with an insult toward the see of St. Peter, and
insisting that he should either restore Rothad within thirty days, or appear
with him, personally, or by his legate, at Rome, on pain of deprivation from
his priestly office, assembled, at Senlis, a Council of several provinces, to
which a reference has been already made, and sent the acts of its proceedings
to the pope by the hand of bishop Odo, of Beauvais. In these was contained an
apology for disallowing the appeal, on the ground that such a step was
forbidden by the laws of the empire. Instead of pacifying the displeasure of
Nicholas, the papers delivered by Odo seem to have increased it. He wrote, in
return, three letters, one in answer to the synodical epistle of the Council,
and the others addressed to Hincmar and the king. In the first he easily
disposed of the excuse that had been advanced by them, by laying down, as an
acknowledged principle, that if the laws of the emperor were in opposition to
the canons of the Church, they ought to be disobeyed without scruple, and by
representing the course which Rothad had adopted as in accordance with the
decrees of the Council of Sardica. Great fault is found, in the same letter,
with the substitution of another bishop in Rothad’s place, and they are
charged to retract what has been done, on the peril of being condemned to the
same degradation which had been imposed on the bishop of Soissons. The pope’s
letter to Hincmar, though speaking in the same tone of censure with respect to
all which had been done in Rothad’s case, contained expressions of amity and
respect, and a confirmation, for which Hincmar had applied some time before, of
a former Council of Soissons, which had been held in the year 853, and which
decided on the canonical regularity of his consecration to the see of Rheims.
That addressed to the king was mainly on the subject of count Baldwin,
containing an apology for the pope’s interference in his behalf, and simply
begged Charles to permit and encourage Rothad’s journey to Rome. Odo carried,
at the same time, a message or epistle to Rothad, consoling him for his
misfortunes, urging him to come to Rome as soon as he could gain permission, and
desiring him, on no account, to be frightened out of his present line of
conduct; yet expressing, at the same time, the hope that he was thoroughly
convinced, in his own mind, of the justice of his cause, for this clearness of
conscience was an indispensable condition to his receiving any countenance or
support from Rome. The date of these letters was the 28th of April, 863. The
king was very reluctant to comply with the wishes of Nicholas, not only because
he regarded the claims of the pope as an encroachment upon the privileges of
the Church of France, but because the appeal of Rothad called for the
interference of a foreign power with his own authority no less than with that
of Hincmar. His queen Ermentrude wrote to Rome, in the hope of bending the firmness
of the pope’s resolution, but the attempt was unsuccessful, and Charles found
himself forced to permit Rothad to set out upon his journey. He was accompanied
or followed shortly afterwards by some bishops, who were commissioned to act as
Hincmar’s deputies or legates at the papal court. At this time an unfriendly
feeling existed between the emperor and his uncle, the king of France, in
consequence of the displeasure which the latter had expressed at the conduct of
king Lothaire towards his wife Thietburga. Accordingly Louis, when the party of
French bishops made their appearance on the frontiers of Italy, refused to
grant them a passage through his dominions. This, probably, was a hardship
regretted by Rothad alone; his companions returned into France, though not
without finding means of letting the pope know that they had proceeded so far
on their journey, and of forwarding to him the letters with which they had been
entrusted from Hincmar and the king; but a sudden illness prevented the deposed
bishop of Soissons from entering the territory of Charles. He remained at
Besançon, and, as soon as the other bishops had left that place,
succeeded in gaining from the kings of Germany and Lorraine a recommendation to
the emperor, to allow him to continue his journey to Rome; and that sovereign
felt, as is probable, less disinclination to one who occupied the position of a
rebellious subject than to the faithful bishops who had previously accompanied
him. He arrived in Rome in the spring of 864, and waited there some months, in
expectation that someone would appear to prefer against him the accusation
which he was come to answer.
The letter from Hincmar, which had been transmitted by
his deputies to the pope, enters with great fullness into the subject of their
correspondence or dispute. He maintained that the legates whom he had empowered
to represent him at Rome, and who were the bearers of the letter, appeared not
as complainants or accusers, according to the notion of Rothad and of Nicholas
himself, but as accused, to answer the charges brought against him by the late
bishop of Soissons. It was true, he said, that Rothad had appealed to
Rome, alleging the canons of Sardica as the ground of his conduct; but having,
in the meantime, substituted for this the choice of another tribunal, and
having selected the judges by whom he desired to be tried, he had brought
himself under the Carthaginian and African canons, which were of equal
authority in the Church with those of Sardica, and which positively forbade any
appeal to Rome under these circumstances. The decree of St. Gregory was to the
same purport. And again, it would be unseemly and irreverent toward Rome to
trouble that supreme court with all the quarrels and discussions which took
place among the lower as well as the higher clergy in different parts of the
Church, and which were ordered by the Nicene and other synods to be settled by
their own metropolitans or in provincial councils. He lays down the matters in
which appeals may be necessary, as the following :—when the dispute involves
some question, connected with episcopal conduct, in which the canons of the
Church have never passed any decision, and on which assemblies of one or more
provinces have been unable to come to any satisfactory conclusion; or again,
whenever, in causes of greater importance, the bishop appeals from a provincial
synod, without having compromised this appeal by choosing other judges for
himself. In either of these cases the Sardican canons allow the appeal, and
permit the pope to require that a new enquiry should be made, to be conducted,
however, not at Rome, but in the same place in which the cause of dispute had
arisen, or the former trial had taken place. A third case is, when a charge is
brought against a metropolitan who has had his rank recognized by receiving the
pallium from Rome, who had the privilege of demanding, in the first place, that
the decision of the pope should be taken upon the matter of complaint. But as
Rothad’s case could fall under neither of these classes, he had no canonical
right to make the appeal. With respect to Rothad’s own character and conduct,
Hincmar informs Nicholas that he had vainly endeavored, for many years, at one
time with kindness and indulgence, at another with more severity, to bring him
to greater regularity of life, and a stricter obedience to the canons and
regulations of the Church; he had been forced at last to bring him before a
Council, and Rothad had then chosen certain judges to decide the cause between
himself and his metropolitan. To these Hincmar had submitted himself, though it
was plainly a concession that could not have been legally demanded or expected
from him. On his deprivation an abbey had been given him, whose revenues would
have been amply sufficient for the continuance of the luxurious life which he
had, hitherto, been accustomed to lead. With this arrangement he was perfectly
content, until the bishops of Lothaire’s kingdom, irritated at the part taken
by Hincmar in the question of Thietburga’s divorce, had instigated him to
demand his restitution from Rome; and some other prelates of Germany had joined
in the same act, from feelings of hostility, in consequence of the decided part
taken by the archbishop of Rheims, in opposition to king Louis, on occasion of
his invading France, at which time Rothad had lent a favorable ear to the
arguments of that prince, although, he was prevented, by the vigilance of his
metropolitan, from openly joining the invading army. However, notwithstanding
all the arguments to be adduced against the restoration of Rothad, Hincmar
assured the pope that on receiving his letters by the bishop of Beauvais, he
had lost no time in laying them before the prelates who had condemned him, and
urging them to comply with his wishes. The deputies would have set out
immediately, but Hincmar was employed in bringing about a reconciliation
between the king and his son Charles, who was engaged in a rebellion. The pope
had complained of Hincmar’s lengthiness of style, a charge to which, it must
be granted, that he was open in some degree, although it was the fault of the
time, rather than of the archbishop of Rheims individually, and one which is
conspicuous in all the documents of that age, and not least in the letters of
pope Nicholas himself. He replied to the complaint in the words of St. Austin,
who says that words, however numerous, are not too many, if the subject
necessarily requires them. While the letters sent from Nicholas by the bishop
of Beauvais had required that legates should be sent with Rothad to Rome,
others which he had sent to king Charles by the hands of Luido, the king's
ambassador, ordered Hincmar and the Council of Soissons to restore him to that
bishopric. This Hincmar declined to do, using, in making his excuse for the
refusal, terms of such excessive reverence and affection, that, customary as
this mode of speaking is in the writings of the day, it is difficult to avoid
attributing to them an ironical meaning. The reasons for not restoring him
were, first, that the bishops who had ordered his deposition could not be
re-assembled, as they were kept in their dioceses by dread of a Norman
invasion; secondly, because Rothad had already commenced his journey to Rome:
thirdly, because all the bishops to whom Hincmar communicated the order of the
pope, declined having any share in restoring a man who had been so negligent in
preserving discipline, so disobedient to canonical rules, and so rebellious, on
all occasions, to the will of his king and metropolitan. In proof that the
reputation thus universally given to Rothad was not unmerited, he recounted
some of his misdemeanors. If, however, he continues, the pope persists, for
some reason which has been overlooked by the bishops of France, or which they
had no opportunity of knowing, in demanding Rothad’s restoration, no obstacle
will be opposed, inasmuch as everyone acknowledges that the Churches of France
are in the primacy of St. Peter, and subject to the Roman pontiff. He
expostulates with the pope on the numerous threats of excommunication which he
had lavished upon him in his letters, but professes to regard them as a just
punishment for his many sins. For the future, he says, it will be his great
business to conduct himself so as to avoid a repetition of them, that he may
run no risk of dying out of communion with the Church of Rome. However, he
reminds the pope that he himself gives the name of brethren to metropolitan
bishops, and that r while the metropolitan has no right to oppress one of his
suffragans, a certain respect and obedience is, at the same time, due from the
latter to the former. In the letter previously sent by the Council of Soissons,
the pope had been requested to pay a just regard to the privileges of the
French Churches, and had expressed, in return, his determination to preserve
those of the Church of Rome. Hincmar now says, as if in answer to this
resolution, that the privileges of Rome are best kept up by preserving those of
the provincial Churches, such as Rheims, and that he himself, in laboring to
uphold the latter, had been striving, in fact, to maintain the rights of the
apostolic see.
In the same letter, referring to an order lately sent
by Nicholas, that the archbishops of Treves and Cologne are to be reckoned as
no longer bishops, Hincmar begs the pope to say plainly whether Ebo’s name is
to be kept, as it has hitherto been done, on the diptychs of the Church of
Rheims, for Ebo, in having presumed to exercise episcopal offices after his
deposition, stood apparently on the same ground with the two metropolitans of
Lorraine. This might be an important question to Hincmar, for the validity of
his own ordination depended upon that of the deposition of his predecessor, and
although Nicholas had lately sent him a confirmation of the Council which, in
853, decided that he had been canonically ordained, the same pope, by taking up
the cause of some priests ordained by Ebo during the vacancy of the see, had,
in fact, given his countenance to the opposite side. Hincmar may have also
wished to know whether the pope would be willing to put upon the same footing a
decree of his own and one passed by a Council of bishops, such as that by
which, in the reign of Louis the Pious, the former archbishop of Rheims had
been deposed.
We may notice that, in an account which Hincmar gives
the pope, at the conclusion of this letter, of the manner in which he had
treated Godeschalcus, in answer to some false or exaggerated statements that
had been made against him, upon that subject, to Nicholas, he mentions that
both he himself and the heretical monk had been summoned to appear before the
Council lately held at Metz. The citation was altogether irregular, and if it
had been otherwise, no time was allowed them to come. It is not improbable that
Nicholas may have given directions or permission to his legate to issue the
summons to which allusion is here made; and the prelates assembled at Metz
would be ready either to suggest or to further any plea which might bring
trouble or annoyance to the archbishop of Rheims.
It is clear, from this letter, and from the whole of
his conduct in the affair, that while the archbishop of Rheims held the see of
Rome in the highest reverence, as enjoying by right a primacy over the whole of
western Christendom, he was perfectly aware that the power of hearing appeals,
now claimed by pope Nicholas, was an innovation on the rules and practice of
the Church, and altogether inconsistent with the rights of national Churches
and provincial bishops. The ground assumed by Nicholas seems indeed only
tenable on the hypothesis that all other bishops derived their authority and
jurisdiction, not immediately from our Lord and his Apostles, but through the
pope, in a somewhat similar way to that in which nobles, at the present time or
a little later in history, derived their rank from their feudal superior.
The custom of sending the pallium to all metropolitan bishops no doubt aided in
suggesting or confirming this opinion; but perhaps no one, and certainly none
of the better informed among the clergy, regarded this practice in any other
light than as a symbolical evidence of union and goodwill, or perhaps, at
furthest, of the primacy of the Apostolic see. This explanation is, in fact,
furnished by one of the popes of the present century.
Hincmar, certainly, in many passages in his letters,
and other works, maintains, in the most positive terms, the doctrine of the
independency of provincial Churches. In the epistle to Nicholas, of which an
abstract has just been given, he uses the following terms, the strongest,
perhaps, of all which are to be found, on this subject, in his extant treatises
: “the Lord himself hath founded, on the apostolic rock, his Church, which,
both before his passion, and after his resurrection, he committed with special
care, and by a singular privilege, to St. Peter, and in him to his vicars, so
that whoso honors his see and the pontiff of his see, honors him who said, he
who receiveth whomsoever I shall send receiveth me�. These words might be
understood either as conceding all which Nicholas and his successors demanded
or could desire, or as implying simply the recognition of primacy, which was
the well-known doctrine of Europe after the fourth and fifth centuries. That
the archbishop of Rheims meant it to be taken in the latter sense is clear,
from the plain explanation which he elsewhere gives, on several occasions, of the
gift of the keys conferred by our Lord on St. Peter, and of the charge
addressed to him to feed his sheep. These he interprets, in precisely the same
way as St. Cyprian and others of the fathers, as spoken to St. Peter as
representative, not of the bishop of Rome in particular, but of all the bishops
of the Church, one of the apostles being chosen, rather than all the twelve, to
receive the promise and command as a token of the unity of the Church, not of
the supremacy of Rome, or, at all events, not of such a supremacy as was
claimed by pope Nicholas and his successors.
After waiting for half a year in Rome, as if in
expectation that Hincmar would send someone to conduct the cause against him,
Rothad presented a petition to the pope filled with bitter complaints against
the archbishop, and with assurances that he had never from the first moment
intended to renounce his appeal to Rome. Accordingly, on Christmas-eve, in a
discourse which he was accustomed to make at that season, from the pulpit of
the Greater St. Mary’s, Nicholas adverted to this subject, and exposed the
illegality of the deposition of the bishop of Soissons, after he had referred
his cause to the apostolic see. Even had he chosen to submit it to other
judges, as was pretended by Hincmar and the king, the archbishop of Rheims
should have prevented such a proceeding, instead of taking advantage of it, in
prejudice of his appeal. He also laid down the doctrine that no general Council
could be convened without the command of the papal chair, from whence it
followed that all the proceedings of the late Synod of Soissons must be
altogether null and invalid. Allusion was made, in this discourse, to the
general consent of many decretal letters, on the subject of appeal to Rome.
This is the first occasion on which these documents, which can be none other
than those contained in the collection of Isidore, are mentioned by the pope.
He entered into the subject more at length shortly afterwards, as will be seen.
It has been conjectured that Rothad brought them with him from France, and
thus, for the first time, made them known at Rome; an opinion which derives
weight from the fact that the French Church had already been, for some years,
acquainted with them, as appears from their having been quoted by Hincmar in
his great work, published in 859, on predestination; and that they were,
probably, not known by Nicholas at the beginning of the former discussion about
Rothad, because he confined himself, for some time, to the authority of the
Council of Sardica, whereas the decretal letters, if genuine, furnished a far
clearer ground on which to rest the right of appeal to the holy see.
The public declaration in favor of Rothad was quickly
followed by as public an act of restitution to his former dignity and office.
This took place on the festival of St. Agnes, in January, 865. Rothad declared
his readiness to appear, when called upon, to answer any accusation that might
be brought against him, and performed mass in presence of the pope and the
Roman clergy and people, in token of his full possession of the sacerdotal or
episcopal character. He was then furnished with letters by the pope, testifying
to the king and bishops of France that he was restored to his station and right
as bishop of Soissons. Arsenius, who was at this time sent as legate into
that kingdom, was commissioned to see that the papal orders were obeyed.
Some of these letters require notice, from the
importance of the lines of argument adopted by the writer. In that which is
addressed to king Charles, he throws great blame upon Hincmar for his conduct
in the matter, and justifies his own by a canon of the Council of Chalcedon,
which directed that any bishop or other clergyman, who had ground of complaint
against his metropolitan, might bring it before the primate of the diocese, or
the bishop of Constantinople, which of course applied equally, or in a higher
degree, to Rome, especially as the canons of Sardica were an additional ground
for the possession of this privilege by the latter city. In the letter to
Hincmar, after reproaches, in the same strain, for his forgetfulness of what
was due to the apostolic see, he replies to some of the excuses which had been
made by the archbishop in his last letter to Rome. He denies that Rothad could
be regarded as having relinquished the appeal, and chosen judges for himself,
for in the document which was represented as containing the proposal for a new
trial, and which, as we have seen, was sent to the bishops at Pistres before
the termination of the diet, neither the names nor the number of the judges
chosen were to be found; and if neither of these particulars were specified, it
was impossible, according to Nicholas, that any choice could have been
intended. But even granting that this had been Rothad’s meaning, the pope
remarks, that to appeal to any bishop or Council, pending an appeal to Rome,
was clearly irregular, and therefore should have been disregarded by Hincmar
and the king. Again, he complains, and not without justice, that a needless
waste of time had been suffered by Hincmar to elapse between the reception of
the letters from Rome and his acting in any way upon them. Nicholas, no doubt,
was well aware that had there been any anxiety, on the archbishop’s part, to
settle the matter speedily, the various causes of delay alleged by him, such as
his employment as arbitrator between the king and his son, or the fear of a
Norman invasion, would have been surmounted without much difficulty. Finally,
he gives him his choice, again, either to reinstate Rothad at once, or to
accompany him to Rome as soon as he should have recovered from the fatigue of
the journey, on pain of his being deposed of his archi-episcopal rank and
office, by the judgment of God, and the authority of the apostolic see, without
any hope of future restoration.
We cannot suppose that Hincmar could be indifferent to
these menaces. Although no one was more fully aware than himself that the
arbitrary right of deposition, thus claimed by pope Nicholas, was a mere
usurpation, altogether unrecognized by the acknowledged rules or Former
practice of the Church, the example of the archbishops of Treves and Cologne
was too fresh in his remembrance to give room for any expectation that the
threats of the pope would be unfulfilled. Those prelates were his equals in
dignity, they had been supported by the bishops of their own provinces with
greater unanimity and earnestness than had been exhibited in Hincmar’s cause,
by his own suffragans and the other bishops of France; and the support of their
king might have been relied on with even greater security than that of Charles
in the present cause, because the interests of Lothaire were more intimately
concerned in the question of Thietburga’s divorce, than those of the king of
France in that of Rothad’s deposition. Therefore, he could not doubt that
Nicholas would put his sentence in force against him; that the French bishops
would either at once, or gradually, acknowledge its validity; and that the
king, however strongly bound to him by ties of gratitude and affection. however
ill-disposed to admit such an interference as that of the pope, in the
relations between his subjects and himself, would be forced, ere long, to yield
to the combination formed against him. If he cast his regards upon the other
metropolitans of France or the neighboring territories, not a single man was to
be found on whose countenance, even for a short time, he could have any reason
to rely. It was plain, therefore, that no course was left him but submission,
and Rothad was accordingly permitted to take quiet possession of his diocese,
an act which was greatly facilitated by the death, just at this season, of the
bishop who had been substituted in his place.
That the complaints of pope Nicholas, in his last
letter to Hincmar, of a certain want of openness and straightforwardness in the
archbishops conduct, were not without some foundation, can scarcely be denied.
This is so far true, that in two, or perhaps three instances, Hincmar had
availed himself to the utmost of circumstances which offered
themselves. He had delayed noticing the orders of the pope till it was
impossible to avoid doing so any longer, he had taken full advantage of the
obstacles interposed by the emperor to the journey of his legates, even if those
bishops had not, according to the insinuation of Nicholas, greatly exaggerated
the difficulty; and in the case of Rothad’s letter to the bishops at Pistres,
there can be no doubt that he gave it an interpretation which, though literally
tenable, was far from the intention of the writer. But he was fighting in the
cause of the Church, not of France only, but of all Europe, against what his
knowledge of ecclesiastical history, as well as of the interpretation of
Scripture, told him was a most ungrounded assumption of dominion. When the most
legitimate weapons of argument were disregarded, and those whose main office it
was to support the cause were backward or unable to assist him, to resort to
such an artifice as that which he employed, if this be not, indeed, too harsh a
name, was not only justifiable according to the recognized laws in such a
dispute, but was part of his duty as the champion in so great a struggle. He
was in the position of an advocate, who, well aware that he is in the right,
but seeing that the truth has little chance of proof in the face of an
overwhelming mass of evidence, unfairly brought against it, takes advantage of
such flaws or accidental errors and omissions as the case admits, and thus by a
legal, and, under the circumstances, equitable artifice, saves his cause and
promotes that of justice. The use of such means depends for its justification
on the cause in which they are employed. In the eyes of the pope, who thought
opposition to Rome equivalent to disobeying the Divine commands, Hincmar
naturally appeared guilty of unfairness and chicanery, but how much more worthy
of censure must the conduct of Nicholas have seemed to his antagonist, in
claiming a power which could have no other termination than the total
subversion of the independence of the Church, and the destruction of that
government which, as the archbishop of Rheims believed, had been established by
our Lord himself, and in supporting these claims by arguments displaying either
gross deception or a no less dangerous ignorance. These arguments were
contained in a third letter committed to the care of Arsenius and Rothad, and
addressed to all the bishops of France. The epistle discussed, at some length,
the whole argument for the papal supremacy, taking as a foundation a saying of
St. Leo, that though the dignity of the holy apostles was equal, there was a
difference of authority, whence the distinction among bishops has arisen, one
holding sway in each province over all the rest, and again, in the larger
cities, one being chosen as chief of the provincials, until the see of St.
Peter crowns the whole, as the head of the universal Church. Considerable
stress is laid upon the unity of the Church as consisting in this dependence of
one part upon another, and of all together upon one visible head or centre; and
the pope takes for granted that all who read his letter will agree in the
theory which he lays down. Probably he was not wrong in this supposition, for
sufficient reverence was then had for the see of Rome to make this no strange
or no distasteful view among the bishops of France. Many, however, might object
to the conclusion, that to assemble a general Council of several provinces, and
especially to depose a bishop, without the direction or sanction of the pope,
must imply a breach of this fair proportion of unity and dependence. To
Nicholas himself, with his interpretation of St. Leo’s meaning, the
consequence was a natural and obvious one; to Hincmar and those of the Gallican
Church who agreed with him, it was unfairly drawn. He proceeds to support it by
the canon from the Council of Chalcedon, which has been already quoted, by the
argument, that detriment done to any one of the limbs must needs affect the
head, that is, to depose or otherwise harm a bishop, must affect the pope, and,
by adducing a canon of Sardica, which ordered or permitted bishops, from all
provinces, to refer to the head, that is, to the seat of the apostle Peter.
But, independently of these arguments in justification
of Rothad’s appeal, and condemnation of the treatment which he had received,
the whole authority of the papal decretal letters is, as Nicholas next argues,
in opposition to conduct so independent of the Roman see. That these letters
are worthy of the highest reverence is plain from this consideration, that
since the approbation of Rome is generally accepted as a test of the soundness
of all documents, those which came from the pen of any pope who lived and died
in the true faith, must, of necessity, be received by the Church. An objection,
however, had been brought against the epistles now in question; and if we
suppose that Rothad was the first to introduce them to the knowledge of
Nicholas, it is probable that the objection was also conveyed by him, as one
that had been commonly advanced in his own country against the genuineness or
the authenticity of Isidore’s collection. It appears to be no very valid or
satisfactory one, and if the learning and ingenuity of the French Church could
discover no stronger argument against the forgery, we need not wonder that
Nicholas prevailed in the dispute. These decretals, the objectors maintained,
were not contained in the code of Church canons, and therefore could not be
reckoned as of equal or similar authority. The pope replied, that the same argument
would lie against the writings of St. Gregory, and the rest of the fathers, and
even against the Holy Scriptures themselves, none of which were contained in
the code of ecclesiastical law. But, he adds, since we accept the Scripture,
although not included in that collection of canons, because pope Innocent
ordered it to be received, so we are equally bound to acknowledge the decretal
letters, open as they are to the same objections, because pope Leo declares
that all the decrees of all his predecessors, on the subject of ecclesiastical
ordinances and canonical discipline, are to be observed with the utmost
reverence, and this must include equally those which are incorporated in the
body of the canons, and those which, for one reason or another, have been omitted
in the compilation.
We shall find Hincmar, on a future occasion,
attempting to answer this argument, which appears to show that the zeal and
firmness of the pope were superior to his logical discrimination. With a second
he might have found it somewhat more difficult to deal, in which Nicholas
remarked that his opponents were ready to use these decretals when favoring
their own cause and when they seemed to tell against the privileges of Rome,
but denied their genuineness or their authority when they were of weight on the
contrary side. It is hard to say to what he especially refers in this
observation. Hincmar, it is true, had, on several occasions, made use of the
false decretals, but never, so far as appears from his extant works, written
before this period, in opposition to the claims of Rome; on the contrary, one
of the few places in which he adopts them is in his treatise on predestination,
of which he had sent a copy, the year before, to the pope, and in which he
quotes a passage from the spurious letters of Anacletus, in proof of the
primacy of the Roman Church. The great difference between the use which Hincmar
makes of these letters and the advantage to which they are turned by Nicholas
is, that the latter builds entirely upon them doctrines hitherto unknown, and
which could be supported by no other proof, whereas the archbishop of Rheims
quotes them only as furnishing an additional evidence to truths already
granted, and even without them easily established or defended. In the latter
case their genuineness could be of little importance, nor was it necessarily
incumbent on the writer who thus used them to have satisfied himself without
any doubt on this point. But when applied to such a purpose as that for which
they are advanced by pope Nicholas, any deficiency in the fullest proof that
they were both genuine and of authority, subjects the author to a graver charge
than even that of the most culpable negligence. Among the particular privileges
derived by pope Nicholas from the decretal letters, so providentially thrown in
his way, as he must have thought, are the following:—that no provincial synod
can be summoned without special permission from the pope; that even when it is
thus regularly assembled, no decision is to be considered as final until
ratified by him; that all the more important and all complicated questions,
especially disputes among bishops, belong solely to his jurisdiction; and that
not only any bishop, but any clergyman, of whatever rank, has the right of
appeal to Rome from any tribunal whatever, and may summon his adversary or his
judges to the papal court. These and other points were likely to meet with a
favorable acceptance with the suffragan bishops and the lower clergy of the
Church, as they virtually annulled the whole authority of metropolitans and of
all Church assemblies larger than the meetings of the clergy of a single
diocese. If the decretals were recognized as law, a bishop could have no
superior but the pope, and Rome was at too great a distance from most parts of
Europe to make such an authority formidable; besides which political interests
were so likely to interfere with a speedy judgment at that court as to make it,
in all probability, generally disregarded. It seems plain that the compiler of
these documents intended them as an attack upon the rights of metropolitan
bishops. We cannot so easily decide whether the object of the attempt was to
exalt the privileges of Rome and increase her power, or to free the suffragan
bishops from the control of their superiors. The forgery cannot be attributed
to the command or consent of any Roman pontiff of the ninth century; for it is
evident that Leo IV could not have been aware of the existence of the decretals
in the early part of his pontificate, at the time of the return or new
consecration of bishops in Brittany; and even Nicholas, in a letter written in
the year 863, two years before the epistle already noticed, to the bishops of
France, proves that he was, at that time, equally ignorant, by referring to the
decrees of his predecessors Siricius, Innocent, Zosimus, and others, from which
it seems an allowable inference that, at that period, he knew of none earlier
than the first-mentioned of those pontiffs.
Hincmar, however, elsewhere mentions that the
decretals were first brought into France, from Spain, by Riculf, archbishop of
Metz, who succeeded to that see as early was the year 787. They could not have
been much known for the next thirty or forty years, but seem to have spread
through the dioceses in the north and east of France after that time. But for a
single circumstance we should conclude that they were quite unknown at Rome
till the time of Rothad’s journey to St. Peter’s chair. The exception is
that before the date of Riculf’s accession to Metz, pope Adrian I is said to
have sent a copy of canons and papal decrees to Ingelram, bishop of Metz,
containing many extracts from Isidore’s collection. Considerable doubt is
thrown on this story by the fact that the same pope, shortly before, sent
another copy to Charlemagne, very different from that which he is reported to
have transmitted to bishop Ingelram; and it has been supposed that the
compilation known by the name of Ingelram’s collection, so far from being the
work of Adrian I owes its authorship to Hincmar bishop of Laon, nephew of the
archbishop of Rheims, in which case it would scarcely be of earlier date than
the year 870, nearly a century after the alleged correspondence between the
pope and the bishop of Metz. It is impossible, however, as will be seen
afterwards, to attribute the document to the younger Hincmar. The history, on
the whole, if we are to suppose that Hincmar was right in his assertion, may
probably be as follows :—the collection known under the name of Isidore,
whether really the forgery of a person of that name, or intended to pass for
the work of St. Isidore, of Seville, was brought from Spain into France, by
Riculf, a few years before his accession to the see of Metz. It is not
impossible that a copy may have been sent to Adrian, either by the author
himself, or by Riculf; and indeed it would be improbable that the author should
abstain from sending them to Rome, calculated as they were to advance the
privileges of the apostolic see. But if Adrian was aware of their existence and
had sufficient belief in their genuineness to send extracts from them to the
bishop of Metz, his immediate successors in the papal throne were either men of
too great sincerity and discrimination to follow his example, or were too well
aware of the sagacity of Charlemagne and Alcuin to attempt to force them on the
notice of the Church. Accordingly they must have been neglected and forgotten
till Nicholas received them from Rothad, after the middle of the ninth century,
and was readily deceived by their claims, from inferiority of critical acumen,
joined to a more eager and unscrupulous desire to adopt any means which might
exalt the dignity of Rome.
Riculf, however, was a pupil of Alcuin, and it is
difficult to believe that any one instructed by so profound and elegant a
scholar could avoid detecting the spuriousness of these decretals, much more,
that he could himself, as conjectured by some persons, have been their author.
We may more easily suppose that Hincmar was deceived, and that they were the production
of Benedict deacon of Metz, and publisher of the imperial capitulars, or of
some other writer, in the reign of Louis the Pious. The compiler represents
himself as ordered by many bishops to make a collection of apostolical canons
and the decretal letters of Clement, Anacletus, and other popes down to the
time of St. Sylvester; but he gives us no information as to where he found
them. They are all composed in the same style, (although purporting to extend
over a space of two hundred and fifty years,) and that the obscure Latin style
of the eighth century, and are made up, in great part, of extracts from
passages of St. Leo, St. Gregory, and other later popes. They speak throughout
of primates, metropolitans, patriarchs, ranks in the Church unknown in the
times of the first bishops of Rome. They complain of usurpation of Church
property, and are mainly taken up with the method of settling disputes in which
bishops are accused or otherwise concerned. They represent appeals to Rome as
frequent in the earliest times, and forbid any provincial Council to be held
without the pope's consent.
It is plain, from events which afterwards occurred,
that Hincmar considered the restoration of Rothad, by the pope, as a mere act
of successful injustice, involving in it no principle, and in no degree binding
him to a different line of conduct on any other occasion, should similar
circumstances again arise. But every such successful act is a precedent of
great weight, and goes far towards facilitating the same or an analagous
attempt in future. The deprivation of Gunther and Theutgard, and condemnation
of the Council of Metz, were of great assistance to the pope in passing a
similar sentence against the Council of Soissons, and threatening the
archbishop of Rheims with the same punishment. Hincmar had, indeed, come off
from the struggle with Rome with less injury than those unfortunate prelates.
This cannot be attributed to any fear in Nicholas of proceeding to the same
extremity with a man of his learning, influence, and character, because such a
feeling seems to have had no place in the heart of that intrepid pontiff, and
because, in fact, he was taught by Rothad, and, as he thought, by his own
observation, to disbelieve in the archbishop’s integrity. Moreover, the metropolitans
of Lorraine submitted to the papal will much more completely and speedily than
Hincmar, and yet could never, by the humblest entreaties, obtain a retractation
of their sentence; whereas he, on the contrary, so far from being visited with
this perseverance in displeasure, was regarded with good-will and respect,
after the termination of the dispute, by Nicholas, as well as by his successor
Adrian. Yet the illegal deprivation of a bishop, joined as it was,
according to the judgment of Nicholas, with many circumstances of unjust
persecution, of dishonest artifice, and of contempt for the apostolic authority
of Rome, could hardly have appeared, in his eyes, a less flagrant fault than
that of which the metropolitans of Cologne and Treves had been guilty; for
there was always a sufficient degree of doubt as to the truth in the matter of
Lothaire’s divorce to afford some palliation for those bishops who acted in
accordance with the wishes of their sovereign. Why was it, then, that Nicholas
visited the two offences with so great a difference of severity? Doubtless
because he could have no hesitation in deciding on the illegality of an
uncanonical divorce, but, with all his resolution in carrying out his will, and
his confident tone in maintaining its justice, he was far less convinced in
reality that the claims advanced in Rothad’s case, and founded on the false
decretals, or on a forced interpretation of the canons of Sardica and
Chalcedon, possessed the same secure ground of equity and truth. Probably Nicholas
knew, as well as Hincmar, that the power which he assumed was not contemplated,
or, at all events, had never been thought practical, by the earlier Church. But
this fact he interpreted in a different way from the archbishop of Rheims. His
theory of Church unity would be more perfectly carried out if Rome possessed
the authority which he claimed for her; and, therefore, it appeared to be his
duty and office to acquire what had hitherto been deficient. His theory,
perhaps, colored the facts of history, and distorted the evidence on which they
were supported, while that of Hincmar and of the Gallican Church, when fairly
represented, was built upon an historical as well as theological foundation,
and if, in any point of view, exaggerated or perverted, was so only because in
some of the precedents by which it was maintained, there had been a departure
from the principles of truth.
We now turn to another course of events in which
Hincmar was opposed to pope Nicholas and his successor, and in which, as in the
contest just described, he was forced to submit at last. The circumstances
took their commencement at an earlier period than those which
concerned Rothad’s deposition, but were not fully terminated till some years
later. A Council held at Soissons in April, 853, has already been
mentioned; king Charles attended at this synod, the archbishops of Rheims and
four other provinces, and twenty-six suffragan bishops, with other clergy, were
present. At one of the sessions, Wulfad and three other canons of Rheims, with
eight monks from the abbey of St. Remigius, and one from another monastery,
were introduced to the Council, and preferred a request, to the effect that
having been ordained by Ebo, after his deposition, and lately deprived by
Hincmar, in a synod at Meaux, they might be restored by the bishop at Soissons
to their former office. The Synod of Meaux, which deposed them, was held
in the month following Hincmar’s consecration. They had quietly
acquiesced in their conditions for the eight years which intervened, but at
last had prevailed upon the archbishop to allow their petition to the
Council. Having ordered them to present their petition in writing, as was
customary in that and similar cases, Hincmar remarked that a canon of the
African Council, confirmed by Charlemagne, provided, that whenever a complaint
was made against a sentence passed by a bishop, judges should be selected by
each party to decide the cause, and that, after such decision, no second trial
could be sought by either side. He then, for his own part, chose Wenilo,
Amalric, archbishop of Tours, and his friend Pardulus, bishop of Laon, with
reservation of his own rights as metropolitan, and of those of the apostolic
see. To these Wulfad and his party agreed, only adding Prudentius of Troyes,
perhaps as a counterbalance to the influence of Pardulus. Hincmar then vacated
his seat, as president of the Council, and the bishop of Laon took his place.
The judges determined that the decision of the matter depended on the
regularity of Ebo’s deposition, and since this affected the validity of
Hincmar’s ordination, that those who were concerned in the latter act must be
called upon to show that all things had been canonically done on that occasion.
Testimony was then borne by some of the clergy present to the facts of Ebo’s
deposition, proving that it was strictly regular, and the confirmation by pope
Sergius was read, in which he was forbidden to exercise thenceforward any
episcopal functions. Next Rothad, bishop of Soissons, produced the canons which
regulated the consecration of a metropolitan, and the letters of the bishop of
Paris and archbishop of Sens, permitting that Hincmar, a clergyman of their
diocese and province, should be promoted to the see of Rheims, at the request
of the clergy and people of that Church. Hincmar then exhibited his
letters of consecration, with others confirmatory, from the king and bishops of
France. The deposition of Ebo and consecration of Hincmar having been thus
proved canonical, and evidence being adduced in addition that all sacerdotal
acts, except baptism, were held by the Church to be invalid if performed by a
deprived clergyman, it followed of necessity that the ordination of Wulfad and
his companions was irregular.
One of the deposed canons, named Fredebert, defended
his ordination, on the ground of his having witnessed the public restoration of
Ebo, in the Church of Rheims, by three of his suffragans, the bishops of
Soissons, Laon, and Senlis, at the command of the emperor Lothaire. He
produced, in evidence, letters from the nine suffragans of the province of
Rheims, but one of these, Immo bishop of Noyon, proved that the signature to
these documents had been forged. For this act, and for having communicated with
Ebo before his restoration to lay communion, the thirteen clergymen were
excommunicated in addition to their deprivation. This last sentence, however,
at the particular request of king Charles, was taken off, at the termination of
the Council. In reference to the defence put forward by Fredebert, and
disallowed by the synod, it must be remarked, that the three suffragans named
by him as having officiated in Ebo’s restoration by Lothaire, with the
addition of the bishop of ChĂ¢lons, who was also now present with the rest
in Council, had really performed the act of which he accused them, and that,
although the signatures produced may have been forgeries, yet the bishops
present seem to have been chargeable with something like evasion, in paying no
attention to a fact which was truly stated, although the evidence brought in
proof of it was fictitious.
Hincmar having been ordered to resume his seat with
the other metropolitans, a somewhat different case was brought before the
Council, in which Halduin, abbot of Hautvilliers, was concerned. He had received
deacon’s orders from Ebo since his deposition, and was afterwards ordained
priest by Lupus, bishop of Chalons. Lupus excused himself for the act, by
showing that during the vacancy of the see of Rheims, king Charles had
commanded him to consecrate the holy chrism, and to perform some other
necessary functions, of which none but a bishop was capable, among others to
ordain Halduin, and consecrate him to the abbey of Hautvilliers, and that,
being unacquainted with the circumstances, he had complied, without further
enquiry, on his being presented in the usual way, by the archdeacon of Rheims.
The Council, however, decided that, as Halduin was never deacon, he must be
deposed from the priesthood, according to the canons of Nice and Sardica.
Although no doubt can be entertained of the complete
validity and regularity of the election and consecration of the archbishop of
Rheims, there was something sufficiently out of the common in the circumstances
connected with it to make it not improbable that, in those days, when parties
in France were greatly divided, his right might be challenged, on some pretext,
ecclesiastical or political. He, therefore, deemed it of importance to
recognize, in every possible way, the acts of the Council of Soissons, which,
by depriving those whom Ebo had ordained after his deposition, had decided that
the see was then vacant, and had thus removed the only or the chief objection
which could be brought to the ordination of a successor. With this wish Hincmar
sent the acts of the Council to Leo IV, begging that he would ratify them, but
was disappointed, by the pope’s refusal, on the ground that they had not been
sent to him in the usual complimentary way, by the hands of one of the bishops
present at the synod, that no legate from Rome had attended on the
deliberations, that the acts were not subscribed by the emperor, and that the
deposed clergyman had, as he was told, since appealed to the apostolic see. If
it is allowable to make a conjecture on the subject, it seems probable that the
last of these reasons was the main obstacle in the way of Leo’s compliance
with the request of Hincmar. But the first is the only one to which the
archbishop, so far as we know, attempted any answer. His reply, not now sent to
Rome, but written on another occasion, was that the metropolitans in France
have no such power as that which the pope supposes of sending a bishop out of
the kingdom, on a mission to his court or elsewhere, without the especial
consent or order of the king.
A year or two afterwards Hincmar sent a second
messenger to Leo, in the escort of an embassy from the emperor. While on their
journey they received news of the pope’s death, which took place in July,
855, and on arriving at the court of Rome, they found that Benedict III had
already been elected to succeed him. This pontiff received the petition with
greater favor than Leo, and granted, at the same time, the confirmation of the
Council of Soissons, on the understanding that Hincmar had given him a true
account of all the circumstances attending it, and that of the privileges of
the Church of Rheims, of which the archbishop had also requested the
ratification. The latter document contained a clause forbidding any subject of
that Church to appeal to any other tribunal from that of the metropolitan, with
a reservation of the right of Rome; and another, by which Hincmar, if any
accusation or complaint were brought against him, might demand to be heard by
Rome before sentence could be passed.
Whether any proceedings connected with this subject
intervened between the refusal of Leo to ratify the Council, and his death,
seems doubtful. Pope Nicholas long afterwards declared that Leo, not content
with his rejection of the request, had summoned Hincmar and the deposed
clergymen to a new Council, to be held in the presence of his legate, the
bishop of Spoletum, for the purpose of examining the cause afresh, and under
the condition that Wulfad and his companions, if again deposed, might a second
time appeal to Rome. Hincmar, however, according to the pope, neglected to obey
the summons, but the archbishop, on the contrary, denied that any such order
had been received from Leo, or that any such Council had been held; and the
circumstance that Nicholas omits mentioning the place where it was held, goes
far towards making this assertion the more probable of the two.
For the space of nearly eight years after Benedict’s
confirmation of the Synod of Soissons, and the privileges of the Church of
Rheims, the latter were, for the first time, called in question by pope
Nicholas, who, though he himself ratified both of these acts of his
predecessor, explained the privileges of Hincmar’s see as depending on his
perfect obedience to that of St. Peter, and, with characteristic vehemence of
expression, pronounces a sentence of eternal damnation upon all who should
presume to oppose that decree, while they who observed it received an
unconditional promise of eternal life. There was the more reason for insisting
on obedience to the papal authority at this time, as these declarations of
Nicholas were made during the dispute concerning Rothad’s deposition, and
were contained in the letter sent to Hincmar by Odo, bishop of Beauvais, on his
return, in the year 863, from Rome.
His success in re-establishing the bishop of Soissons
appears to have had little effect in appeasing the pope’s feelings towards
Hincmar. Perhaps this very success made him more ready to engage in another
contest for exalting the power of his see. Accordingly, in 866, he wrote to the
archbishop that on examining the acts of the Council of Soissons, which, by
Divine revelation, he had discovered in the archives of Rome, he found that the
deprivation of Ebo’s clergy had been irregular. He therefore requested
Hincmar himself, with the archbishops of Lyons, Vienne, and Rouen, and the
other bishops of France, to assemble at Soissons, in the month of August, to
summon Wulfad and the others before them, and if they found it possible,
according to the laws of the Church, to restore them to the rank of which they
had been deprived; if, however, they found any difficulty in making their
decision, or if appeal was made to Rome, he begged that both parties would send
their deputies to plead the cause before him immediately after the termination
of the Council. He obviated, by anticipation, any objection that might be
made to this procedure, on the ground that the decision which was to be
re-examined had occurred so many years before, by explaining that the usual
limit of twelve months, beyond which an appeal was considered illegal, was not
canonically applicable to Rome, and that even if it were so, the appeal had, in
fact, been made to pope Leo, soon after the act of deprivation. Nor could
Hincmar plead that the confirmation of the synod of 853, both by Benedict and
by Nicholas himself, forbade, under an anathema, any resumption of the
question, because there was, in both, a reservation of the rights of Rome. The
choice, however, was permitted him of restoring the clergymen at once, without
waiting for the deliberations of the Council.
It is not improbable that the pope, in the acts of the
Council then miraculously discovered in the Roman archives, not only saw a good
opening for the advancement of another claim which, like his former undertaking,
would be likely to terminate in the aggrandizement of Rome, but also perceived
that no more formidable weapon could be used against Hincmar than the
resuscitation of a question which so intimately affected the validity of his
own consecration. The first suggestion of the matter, and his inducement to
reperuse the proceedings of the Council, were, perhaps, furnished by the
request of king Charles, or some one of his friends. Wulfad had been for some
time in the king’s service, and had gained his favor and esteem by his
learning, and, probably, by other good qualities, so that Charles looked upon
him as the fittest person to succeed to the metropolitan see of Bourges, now
vacant by the death of archbishop Rodolf. Shortly previous his son Charles,
king of Aquitaine, had met with an accident, before mentioned, which weakened
his intellect, and rendered it necessary for him to have a confidential guide
and counselor in managing the government of that province. For this office
Wulfad was chosen, and in his position as archbishop of Bourges, would be
conveniently situated for giving the prince the full advantage of his counsel
and assistance. Well aware, however, of the delay which might probably
intervene before the fulfillment of his wishes, if a Council must first be
held, and if the pope and the archbishop of Rheims were at issue on the
decisions to which it might come, the king, on the arrival of the letter from
Nicholas, besought Hincmar to accept the alternative proposed to him, of at
once restoring Wulfad and his companions. On his assuring Charles that such a
course would be altogether in violation of ecclesiastical law, since a synod of
several provinces had decided on the deprivation, the king next had recourse to
Nicholas, praying him to send a special order for the ordination of his new
nominee to the see of Bourges, instead of having that Church vacant, contrary
to ecclesiastical rule and custom, or, if he could not comply with that
request, at all events to sanction his entering at once upon a provisional
administration of the affairs and revenues of the province. The letter
addresses the pontiff in the humblest and most flattering style, and assures
him that to his care he committed all things, even his wife and children, and
the whole of his kingdom. This application had no better success than the
preceding, for Nicholas replied, that he could not move further in the cause
until the synod which had been summoned had published its decision.
The bishops met on the appointed day in August; seven
archbishops presided, and among the twenty-eight suffragans present Rothad, who
had been restored the year before, took his place. To assist them in their
deliberations, Hincmar presented four letters, or memoirs : the first informed
them that Wulfad and his companions had not been deprived by him and the
bishops of Rheims, but by a Council of five provinces, to whom they appealed,
and that on this latter occasion he himself had not even joined in the decision.
Pope Benedict, and, after him the present pontiff, had confirmed the
deposition, under a strong anathema against all who should attempt to question
it. The original letters of the popes were delivered in proof of this
assertion. Now, however, continued Hincmar, pope Nicholas had ordered the
decision to be revised, and he, who bore no grudge against the clergymen in
question, willingly obeyed. If the province of Rheims alone had deprived them,
its consent would have been sufficient for their restoration, but, under the
circumstances, a synod of the same provinces as those of which the former
Council had consisted, or a still more numerous one, was required to pass such
an act. He concluded by remarking that all the Roman pontiffs, of the highest
reputation, had spoken strongly of the guilt of breaking through canons which
had once passed, and that supported, as these especial decrees were, by the
anathema of the apostolic see, he durst not attempt, by restoring them on his
own authority, so glaring a violation of ecclesiastical law.
As Wulfad had assured many persons in secret that Ebo
had not been regularly deposed, and again, that he had been canonically
restored, Hincmar devoted a second letter to the information of the bishops
assembled at Soissons, on these subjects; for, with the exception of Rothad,
none of those who had been concerned in these events were now living. He was
deposed, as was proved by documents presented to the synod, on his own
confession, by the decree of forty-three bishops; afterwards, without any
regular restoration, he usurped the same episcopal ministry, and, among other
acts, ordained Wulfad and his companions; he then went to Rome, and was ordered
by pope Sergius to remain in lay communion, and during the rest of his life never
again sought to be restored to the see of Rheims. No deed of restoration could
be produced from any bishops of his own or of any other province, nor was any
lay authority capable of such an act. It was true that he had afterwards acted
as a bishop in the province of Metz, but it was obvious that such a line of
conduct could never be accepted in proof of his right to the episcopal
character. In evidence of his own canonical ordination, Hincmar exhibited all
the documents necessary to prove it, and when his letter had been publicly
read, several bishops present rose to confirm the contents. Hincmar of Laon,
his nephew, handed in the acts of the Council of Soissons, in 853; the bishop
of Tournay those of a Council of Bourges, under the late metropolitan Rodulf,
confirmatory of the former; the bishop of ChĂ¢lons the letters of pope
Benedict, and Odo of Beauvais those of pope Nicholas, to the same effect
In a third memoir, Hincmar expressed his willingness
to consent to the restoration of the deposed clergyÂmen, if the pope and the
Council thought fit, out of indulgence, to reinstate them in their former
positions, or even to promote any one of them to a still higher station in the
Church. Notwithstanding this, in a fourth letter, which was not read in public,
because, as the fathers were resolved that it should not affect their decision,
it might only form a needless cause of offence and ill-will, he charged Wulfad
with several acts which might well have interfered with their resolutions in
his favor, had not the power of king Charles and the pope together made it a
matter of prudence to overlook them. It appears that Wulfad, though only
deacon, had intruded himself into the see of Langres, when vacant some time
before, in direct violation of the canons which prevented a clergyman from
leaving the diocese in which he had received the tonsure and been ordained, and
that he had laid violent hands on the revenues of that see, appropriating them
to his own private use and that of his family or friends; and again, that on
being admitted to communion, after the sentence of excommunication passed upon
him by the former Council of Soissons, he had taken a most solemn oath, in the
presence of the king and of several bishops, never to aspire, thenceforward, to
any ecclesiastical office whatever. These facts, as Hincmar said, he only
stated that the Council might have full information of all the circumstances
connected with the question before them, not from any ill-will towards Wulfad,
or with any purpose of interfering to prevent his restoration.
The decision of the Council was rightly anticipated by
Hincmar. Out of deference to the king and to the pope, they decided on the
restoration of Wulfad, and on permitting his election to the see of Bourges. As
if conscious that the resolution required some apology, Herard, archbishop of
Tours, protested in the name of the Council, that the present decision was not
to be regarded as invalidating the decree passed thirteen years before, by a
similar assembly, and in the same place, but simply as an indulgence granted
out of compassion to the persons who had been then justly sentenced. The same
ground was taken, in a synodal letter, written by the Council to pope Nicholas,
in which the example of the clergy ordained by Meletius was adduced in
justification of what had now been done. They also excused Hincmar for his
refusal to reinstate Wulfad on his own authority, giving it as their opinion,
that such a proceeding would have been an uncanonical and a presumptuous act.
While on the subject of this Council we may notice
that king Charles sent a message to the assembled bishops, begging them to
confer upon his wife Hermentrude an episcopal benediction, recognizing her as
queen of France. They had been married twenty-four years, and she had had
several children, but these had either died in childhood, or had been visited
with illness and various distressing accidents, which persuaded their parents
that the Divine blessing was for some reason withheld from their union. For this
they sought a remedy, from the prayers and benediction of the bishops of the
Council of Soissons; and queen Hermentrude was accordingly crowned by Hincmar,
with special prayers, adapted to the circumstances, in the Church of St.
Medard.
The synodal letter to the pope was sent by Egilo,
archbishop of Sens, and Actard, bishop of Nantes, the latter of whom had been
driven from his see by the violence of the Bretons and Normans. Actard was
recommended to the protection and favor of the pope, who was requested, at the
same time, to write to the duke of Brittany, urging him, on pain of
ecclesiastical censure, to return to his allegiance to the king of France, to
recognize again the archbishop of Tours as his metropolitan, and to
re-establish in their sees two surviving bishops of those who had been deposed
twenty years before.
King Charles and Hincmar both wrote letters to the
pope at the same time, and the latter referred Nicholas to the archbishop of
Sens for a fuller account of the readiness which he had shown in obeying his
commands, and the absence of all ill-will in his feelings now or before towards
Wulfad and his companions. A longer epistle he addressed to Egilo himself,
begging him, instead of taking to Rome the original documents produced at the
late Council, to give the pope an account, by word of mouth, of the various
circumstances which were proved by their means. The points on which he was to
lay most stress were the regularity of Ebo’s deposition, and that of his own
election and ordination. He urged him also, if he could find an opportunity, to
let Nicholas know that the practice, introduced by him on this and some other
occasions, of rescinding the decrees of former Councils and popes, had produced
a general contempt of episcopal authority, so that people cared very little for
the censures or even for the excommunications of the Church; and that there was
a general belief in the insecurity of all ecclesiastical proceedings. He begged
Egilo to take the precaution of reading over the pope’s answer to this and
the other letters, before they were put into the hands of the transcribers, as
there was reason to suspect that documents had been sometimes falsified by
them. Egilo was likewise exhorted to procure a copy of all the papal acts since
the accession of pope Sergius, among which Ebo’s condemnation would be found,
and none of which were to be obtained in France.
King Charles, although he had requested the pope, in
his letter conveyed by Egilo, to permit, without delay, the appointment of Wulfad
to the see of Bourges, was too impatient for the fulfillment of his wishes to
wait for the answer from Nicholas; or it is possible that he may have desired,
at the same time, to show his conviction that a general Council, like that of
Soissons, had full power of itself to decree the restoration. He sent his son
Carlomann, to whom he had given the abbacy of St. Medard, to induct the new
metropolitan into his see; and in the month of September, very shortly after
the termination of the Council, he was consecrated by Aldo, bishop of Limoges,
suffragan of Bourges, and other bishops of the province. It was remarked by
those who had been most opposed to this act that Aldo was seized with fever and
died almost immediately after the ceremony, which was regarded as an evidence
that it was displeasing in the sight of God. The king's anxiety to furnish his
son Charles with a faithful guide and councilor was fruitless, for the death of
that prince was contemporaneous with or followed immediately after Wulfed’s
consecration. His elder brother Louis succeeded him as king of Aquitaine;
and it is not impossible that his peaceable government of his kingdom may have
been owing to the wise counsels of the new archbishop.
It might be supposed that Nicholas would have been satisfied
with the proceedings of the Council of Soissons, and the obedience to his
commands which the bishops assembled there had manifested and expressed. But
notwithstanding their submission, the tone adopted by the synod was too
independent for this arbitrary pontiff, who could be content, as it seemed,
with nothing short of the annihilation of all power, except his own. He was
displeased that any respect should have been expressed for the former Council
of AD 853, when he had once declared his disapproval of it; he was even
dissatisfied that, by too perfect an obedience to his orders, the bishops had
afforded no opportunity to Wulfad of again appealing to the apostolic see, and
of actually bringing the final decision to the foot of his throne; and he was
disappointed that the enquiry into the canonical deposition of Ebo had not
terminated in something which might have been used as a handle for invalidating
the ordination of his successor. These feelings are evident, in the angry and
querulous tone of his answers to the letters delivered by Egilo and Actard. Of
these, one was addressed to Wulfad and his companions, congratulating them on
their restoration and praying them to entertain no ill-feeling against Hincmar
or others, for the opposition which they had experienced; a second to king
Charles, and two others at greater length to the bishops of the Council of
Soissons, and to the archbishop of Rheims himself. He told the bishops
that on a further examination of the acts of the Council of AD 853, he had discovered
that Hincmar had been guilty of several misrepresentations; as for example, in
describing the deposed clergymen as having been anxious for the discussion of
their cause, by that synod, whereas the introduction of the subject had its
origin from Hincmar himself; and, again, in forging the subscription of Wulfad
to the petition for redress, whereas it was notorious that that person was
prevented by sickness from attending at the Council; also in unjustly
compelling them to promise, as a condition of return to communion, that they
would never thenceforward aspire to any ecclesiastical office. Again, the
boasted confirmation of the Council by Rome, was either false or had been
placed in so unfair a light by Hincmar as to appear under altogether a different
character, the conditions and limitations under which pope Benedict had granted
it having been suppressed. Moreover, the bishop of Spoletum had been sent by
Leo, as his legate, to hold a new Council, and the disobedience manifested at
that time by the archbishop, in refusing to give his attendance, was now
greatly heightened by his denial of these very circumstances. In reference to
the late Council, while expressing his gratification that no hindrance had been
placed in the way of restoring Wulfad and the others, he complained that the
original documents had not been forwarded to Rome, and deferred sending a
confirmation of their decision until this deficiency had been supplied.
Meanwhile, the restoration of the clergy was to be looked upon simply as provisional,
and Hincmar was to be allowed a year, for the purpose of collecting evidence,
in proof of the regularity of their deposition. If he omitted to employ the
interval in the way pointed out, the pope would find it his duty, at the end of
that time, to prove the irregularity not only of their deposition but of that
of Ebo, who had ordained them; a point, continued the pope, which was perfectly
clear to himself and to everyone else, except to Hincmar. The elevation of
Wulfad to the see of Bourges, without waiting for the papal confirmation, and
that at a time when they were professing their obedience and submission, was
deserving of severe censure.
The epistle to the archbishop of Rheims contained, in
great part, the same words used in that to the bishops. Although Hincmar had
apologized for not sending a legate of his own, in addition to the messengers
dispatched by the Council, Nicholas chose to consider the omission as another
insult to his dignity; and even expressed a doubt whether the letter delivered
to him, in Hincmar’s name, by Egilo, had really been written by him, because
he had neglected to seal it with his official seal. An additional charge was
made, that he had used the pallium, granted by pope Leo, on ordinary occasions,
instead of reserving it, in token of respect towards Rome, for the great
festivals of the Church.
These letters bear date Dec. 866, and were put into
the hands of king Charles, at Samonci, a palace in the neighborhood of Laon, in
the following May. Hincmar, at the king’s command, conveyed the eight deposed
clergymen of Rheims (for to that number they were now reduced from the
fourteen, who were living in 853,) to the same place, where they were joined by
Wulfad, from Bourges, and by Rothad, and the younger Hincmar. The letter of the
pope was read in the presence of all; and as the act of restoration had not yet
been definitely passed, Charles directed that another Council should be held,
in the ensuing October, at Troyes, for the purpose of effecting this, and of
putting a termination to the whole affair. Previous to the assembling of the
bishops, in the month of July, Hincmar, who was then on the point of setting
out in the suite of the king, on an expedition against the duke of Brittany,
wrote a reply to Nicholas, without availing himself of the year which had been
granted him for collecting his evidence and preparing his arguments. The letter
was sent by some of his clergy, disguised as pilgrims, to Rome, for so great,
at this time, was the hostility of king Lothaire and the emperor against the
archbishop, that, without some precaution of the kind, no messenger of his
would have been permitted to pass in safety to Rome.
The tone adopted in this epistle is one of great
humility, though joined with firmness of determination in defence of his
character and privileges; and referred to a similar event many years before,
when Pope Sergius and Leo were greatly irritated against him, by the false
accusation of the emperor Lothaire, and disposed, in consequence, to take up
the cause of Ebo, to his injury, but as soon as he obtained a hearing he fully
cleared himself in the eyes of those pontiffs. He went through the case of
Ebo’s deposition, showing that this had taken place on his own voluntary
confession, and that its validity was in no way affected by the question
whether that confession were true or false. In case of the resignation of a
bishop, it was ordered, by the African Council and the decrees of pope Damasus,
that a new bishop should be elected in his place, and that the former should be
incapable of episcopal jurisdiction as long as his successor lived. He reminded
Nicholas, as he had done on a former occasion, that the metropolitans of France
possessed no liberty of leaving the country or of sending their suffragans on a
journey without the king’s command, which was a sufficient reason for his
having commissioned no legate to appear for him at Rome. He assured the pope
that he was ready to cast himself at his feet and implore pardon for all his
offences, and that he readily acknowledged that his many sins fully merited the
displeasure which was entertained towards him. Yet his conscience acquitted him
of the crimes which were laid to his charge, of pride, of disobedience, and
contempt towards the holy see, of harshness, or of falsifying documents. His
anxiety for the renewal, time after time, of the privileges of Rheims granted
by the pope, arose from the peculiar situation of his province and diocese,
which lay partly in Lothaire’s kingdom, partly in France. In such case it was
necessary to have some one power whom the inhabitants of both might respect, to
keep any degree of obedience among the members of his Church, or to give
security to ecclesiastical property in the eyes of the rough nobles, who cared
little for justice or for the censure of their bishop. In answer to the charge
concerning the pallium, he explained that so far from using it too frequently,
he only wore it on Christmas and Easter day, because the multiplicity of his
engagements and occupations seldom left him at liberty to officiate in his
Cathedral on the other festivals; he cared little, indeed, whether or not he
used it, because, although it might add authority to his office, in the eyes of
men, it could not increase the merit of his services in those of God. As
Nicholas, in his late correspondence, had declared his unwillingness to raise
the clergy who had been ordained by Ebo to any higher grade in the Church, he
begged to know whether he had the pope's definite prohibition to permit such a
promotion, should either of them, at any future time, be chosen bishop.
This letter was sent without delay, that Nicholas
might have his defence before the meeting of the council of Troyes; for in that
synod the subject of his own election and consecration might probably again be
discussed, and now that the pope had declared, with so much plainness, his own
judgment on the irregularity of Ebo’s deposition, there was reason to fear
that some of the bishops assembled might take a similar view, and perhaps determine
the decision of the Council to his disadvantage. This dread was probably not a
little increased by the anger of king Charles, who had hitherto been, in all
matters of difficulty and dispute, his friend and partisan, but who displayed,
at this time, great coldness and displeasure towards him, conduct ill merited
by his uninterrupted fidelity for so many years, and which was deeply felt by
the archbishop as a heavy aggravation to the disquiet and sorrow caused by the
persevering attacks of pope Nicholas. His conscientious refusal to consent to
the elevation of Wulfad to the see of Bourges until after the decision of the
Council of Soissons and of the pope in his favor, and the influence of
Lothaire, doubtless assisted in producing the estrangement and injustice in the
king, though we are not informed whether any more private cause of displeasure
may have existed.
The anticipations of Hincmar were confirmed by the
actual proceedings of the Council of Troyes, which met on the appointed day.
The German bishops were invited to attend, and in the letter of invitation the
reasons for assembling the Council are stated to be—the plunder of Churches
and Church property; the disobedience and insult with which Bishops were
generally treated; and an universal oppression of the people. The prelates who
were present were, however, confined to the kingdoms of Charles and Lothaire.
Wulfad took his place, as archbishop of Bourges, by the side of Hincmar and the
four other metropolitans who presided.
With a view of paying court to king Charles or to the
pope, some persons present made a strenuous attack upon the validity of Ebo’s
deposition and the ordination of his successor. They reckoned upon the late
submission exhibited by the archbishop to the papal orders, and upon the
implicit obedience and humility that had characterized all his conduct towards
the king. Hincmar, however, defended himself with so much power of argument and
with so clear an exposure and refutation of the quibbles that were brought
against him, that the Council not only overruled the re-opening of these
questions, but prepared for the pope a full account of all the circumstances,
to the utmost advantage of the accused, and besought Nicholas in no way to
alter what had been already settled so many years before, adding the request
that he would decree that henceforward no bishop should be deposed without the
previous consent of the holy see. It is probable that Hincmar himself had
little share in appending the latter clause to the synodal epistle; for one of
the most important encroachments of the false decretals received from this
petition the positive support of a Council of six provinces of France. But his
own defence left him no leisure to enforce his scruples on a subject which had
already been practically determined, by his own submission and that of the rest
of France, in reinstating Rothad in the see of Soissons. He, therefore,
permitted the insertion of the clause, without a protest, and joined also with
the rest in begging Nicholas to send the pallium to the new archbishop of
Bourges.
These letters were carefully sealed, to avoid a
repetition of the pope’s censure for their neglect of this precaution in the
former instance. Actard was again chosen as bearer; but before commencing his
journey to Rome, he went, according to previous appointment, to king Charles,
who, suspecting the influence of Hincmar at the late Council, broke the seal of
the letter, and finding its tenor too favorable to the archbishop of Rheims,
destroyed it, and substituted another in its place. This letter resembled the
former in giving a detailed account of the proceedings with regard to Ebo, but
represented them in a light favorable to him, and disadvantageous both to the
conduct of Hincmar and to the validity of his election. It contained, at some
length, a narrative of some of the events of Ebo’s early history, and of the
circumstances connected with his first elevation to the see of Rheims, as well
as of his subsequent deposition, and restoration by the emperor Lothaire. Of
these particulars nothing need now be repeated in addition to what has already
been said upon the subject, except that Ebo, although he joined in dethroning
and excommunicating the emperor Louis, in the second rebellion of his sons, had
been faithful to him in the first revolt, and that, according to the king’s
account, all the other metropolitans of France and all the suffragans of Rheims
recognized him as canonically restored by the new emperor, and unhesitatingly
joined in communion with him, while those suffragans who had received episcopal
consecration during his absence from the province, accepted from his hands the
ring and staff of office on his return. The king ventured to cast no reflection
on the ordination of Hincmar; but it is evident that if his view of Ebo’s
restoration were received as authentic, the invalidity of the former would
follow as a necessary consequence. He concluded by recommending the bearer of
his letter to the pope’s favorable notice, begging that, as he had no chance
of recovering the see of Nantes, he might have his permission to occupy some
other bishopric, whenever a vacancy should occur.
Actard carried, at the same time, a letter from
Hincmar to Anastasius, the librarian, complaining, it would seem, of the same
falsification by the Roman copyists, which he had before noticed in his epistle
to archbishop Egilo; he apologized also for not sending presents to the pope,
to Arsenius, or to Anastasius himself, a proof of the means usually adopted at
this time for keeping up a good understanding with the court of Rome.
Meanwhile, during the session of the Council of
Troyes, or immediately after the departure of Actard, the archbishop received
from the pope an answer to his last letter, favorably contrasted, in style and
address, to the censorious and angry tone of his former correspondence.
Nicholas now expressed himself satisfied with the obedience and submission of
Hincmar, and, as a testimony of the esteem with which he regarded him,
commissioned him, and through him the other bishops of France, to examine and
refute several charges which had lately been brought by Photius and the Church
of Constantinople against the orthodoxy of Rome, and of western Christendom.
Before noticing further the details of the charge, it will be well to bring to
a conclusion the correspondence between France and the pope on the subjects
discussed by the Synod of Troyes.
The date of the pope’s letter is the 23rd o£
October, 867. On the 13th of the next month he died, and Actard, on arriving at
Rome, learned that Adrian now occupied the apostolic chair. He had intended, as
we are told by the letter of king Charles, of which he was the bearer, to
remain some time in Rome, with the view of meeting the emissaries, who were
shortly expected in that city, from the duke of Brittany and the bishops who
had renounced their allegiance to the metropolitan of Tours. Whether his
determination was changed by the death of Nicholas, or whether he wished to
avail himself at once of letters from Adrian in his favor to the king and to
archbishop Herard, we are not told. He returned, however, with these and
other letters, bearing date February, 868; one of them was addressed to the
bishops present at the late Councils of Soissons and Troyes, informing them the
writer had granted the pallium to Actard, an unusual mark of esteem when
bestowed on a suffragan bishop, in token of the sufferings and persecutions
endured by him in the cause of the Church; and in the epistles to the king he
begged that the affairs of Ebo’s deposition might, for the future, be buried
in silence, because as Rothad alone of all the bishops engaged in that and
other events connected with him was now alive, it was impossible to arrive at
any certain conclusion as to the truth or falsehood of the reports on both
sides. To Hincmar he wrote in terms of great friendship and respect, mentioning
the high testimony which Actard, Anastasius, and Arsenius all concurred in
bearing to his learning and character, and begged him to use all his influence,
both with king Charles and with king Lothaire, to bring the latter to a better
state of feeling toward queen Thietburga.
Adrian’s pacific advice was followed by the king and
bishops of France; Hincmar himself had no wish to continue a dispute in which
he could gain no advantage from a conclusion the most favorable to himself, and
it is probable that Charles soon returned to that friendly intercourse with him
to which the late misunderstandings about Wulfad and Lothaire had caused a
temporary interruption. The discussion, like that concerning Rothad, had ended
in a victory gained by Rome. The defeat, however, which Hincmar and the bishops
of France sustained, was neither so signal nor so important as the former; for
although Wulfad and his companions were restored, Nicholas obtained neither of
his two grand objects, of which one was to invalidate altogether the decrees of
the Council of Soissons of 853, (thus establishing his right to set aside a
general Council,) and the other, to punish the firmness or the contumacy of
Hincmar, by proving the uncanonical character of his election. The former
result was avoided by the decision of the bishops, who met at Soissons in 866,
that the restoration demanded by the pope, on the part of the deposed clergy,
should be granted only as a matter of indulgence. His second object the pope
may be supposed, from the mild tone of his last letter, to have relinquished,
or if his character renders it likely that he would have continued the attempt,
had not death put a stop to all his schemes for the aggrandizement of Rome, it
is certain, from the firmness of the bishops of Troyes, which was in striking
contrast to the subserviency exhibited in Rothad’s case, that he must have
been defeated. Perhaps the only definite advantage gained by Rome from this
struggle, was the admission by the Council of Troyes that no bishop could be
legally deposed until the express consent of the pope had been, in the first
place, signified.
The charges of heresy brought by the Greek Church
against the western creed, to which the notice of Hincmar and the other French
bishops was called, in the last letter of pope Nicholas, were connected with
the conversion of the Bulgarians. This nation, lying on the frontiers of both
the eastern and western empires, carried on for many years an irregular war
with Constantinople. In one of the campaigns the sister of Rogoris, king or
chief of the Bulgarians, was taken captive, and during her residence at
Constantinople was instructed by the empress Theodora in the Christian faith.
She was afterwards, about the year 845, restored to her country, in exchange
for a monk who, while a prisoner among the Bulgarians, had produced an
impression favorable to Christianity on the mind of king Rogoris. This was
strengthened by his sister on her return, and the conversion thus begun was
completed some years afterwards, on occasion of a famine which devastated the
country, and which was removed in answer to prayers addressed by the king to
the God of the Christians. He applied to the court of Constantinople, and a
bishop was sent, at whose hands he received the sacrament of baptism, and the
name of Michael, after that of the emperor. The act was displeasing to the
nobles of his court or army, who raised an insurrection against him; but the
newly baptized king, with a handful of faithful followers, boldly marched
against the rebel multitude, who, seized with a sudden panic, which was
reckoned miraculous both by king Michael and by his adversaries, laid down
their arms. After the punishment of the ringleaders, a large number of the rest
followed the example of their prince and were baptized. The bishop, as is
probable, then returned to Constantinople, and the year following, in 866, the
king of Bulgaria sent to Louis of Germany, begging that he would send another
bishop and some clergy to instruct them still further in the points of
Christian belief and practice, and to extend the knowledge of the faith in his
dominions. The ambassadors sent for this purpose went on to Rome, with offerings
to the shrine of St. Peter, and with a similar request for further instruction
in their newly-adopted faith. Nicholas lost no time in complying with the
prayer, and dispatched several bishops, one of whom was Formosus, bishop of
Porto, with answers to the various questions which they had proposed to the
holy see, with copies of the Holy Scriptures and with other books. In their
company legates were sent with letters to Photius and the emperor of
Constantinople, whither the journey through Bulgaria, especially in the escort
of the ambassadors from that country, was reckoned more secure than the sea
voyage, for the hostility which existed between the papal see and the eastern
Church rendered the latter mode of travelling somewhat dangerous. The legates were,
however, arrested on the frontiers between Bulgaria and the imperial dominions,
and compelled to retrace their steps to Rome. But Formosus and his companions
were received with every mark of zeal and reverence, and set about their task
of preaching and baptizing with vigor and energy, so that when, in the
following year, a bishop and some of the clergy sent by Louis of Germany,
arrived in the country, they found the ground already preoccupied by the
missionaries from Rome, and, as there was no need of their services, returned
to their own homes. So successful were they in their labors, and so fully did
they persuade their converts not only of the truth of the Christian religion,
but of the supremacy of the Roman see, that king Michael drove out of his dominions
all the clergy and teachers except those who belonged to the suite of Formosus,
or who were willing to acknowledge the sovereignty of his Church. These were
probably missionaries from various parts of the eastern empire, and the report
which they were likely to carry to Constantinople of the influence gained by
Rome in Bulgaria, was not such as to allay the feeling of enmity entertained by
the emperor and patriarch towards the pope. Meanwhile the Bulgarian prince sent
to Nicholas, begging that he would appoint Formosus metropolitan of his
country, a request with which he refused literally to comply, on the ground
that he could not remove that prelate from his present diocese. He ordered,
however, two others, Paul and Grunwald, to remain in Bulgaria as bishops of
that region, and instructed the king to choose from all the Roman or Italian
clergy in his realms the person who seemed most fit to fill the station of
metropolitan, with the understanding that he would then consecrate him to that
office. Formosus, with another bishop named Dominic, were ordered to proceed to
Constantinople to put an end, if possible, to the schism in that Church.
The power of Photius seemed, at this time, greater
than it had ever been, although he was, in reality, standing on the edge of a
precipice, without consciousness of his danger. A short time before the Caesar
Bardas, an able though unprincipled man, had been murdered by the weak and
debauched emperor Michael, and in him Photius lost one who was his most
powerful friend, although he entered not into all the fraudulent and ambitious
schemes which are attributed to the patriarch. Basil the Macedonian, a man of
low birth, though said to be descended from the Arsacid dynasty of Parthia, was
then taken into favor by Michael, (who was altogether incapable of conducting
the government himself), and shortly afterwards raised to a partnership in the
imperial throne. Photius paid his court alternately to both the emperors, and
during the lifetime of Michael seemed each day to increase in popularity and
influence. The condemnation pronounced against him by pope Nicholas withdrew,
for a time, many from his communion, but by various artifices he attached the
great majority of the Church of Constantinople to his party, and visited with persecution
all who refused to acknowledge him.
On hearing of the success of the papal missionaries in
Bulgaria, and of the rejection by the king and people of that country of the
eastern clergy, and of various points in the ritual of the eastern Church, Photius
determined to revenge himself on what he regarded as an unjust usurpation, and
summoned a Council of all the bishops of the patriarchate. To this assembly he
gave the name of an Ecumenical Synod, and persons came forward charging
Nicholas with many criminal acts and violations of the canons of the Church.
The patriarch himself appeared in the character of his advocate, but the
charges were, in the opinion of the Council, so well proved, that the pope was
condemned, deposed, and excommunicated. The acts of the Council bore the
subscription of more than a thousand names, of which, however, a very large
majority are said to have been mere forgeries. They were sent into Italy, to
Louis and to his queen Ingelberga, to whom the titles of emperor and empress
were given by Photius and the Council, although, hitherto, it had been usual to
restrict this appellation to the sovereign of the east. Ingelberga was
earnestly exhorted, in a letter from the patriarch, to persuade her husband to
drive Nicholas from Rome, now that he had been canonically deposed by the
decision of an Ecumenical Council.
Photius continued his attack upon the pope, by
addressing a circular epistle to the patriarch of Alexandria, and to all the
Churches in the east, in which, after recounting the successful conversion of
the Bulgarians by the missionaries of Constantinople, he asserted that men had
issued from the darkness of the west, and corrupted with their superstitions
and errors the purity of their faith. The following are the errors specified:
fasting on the sabbath; permission to eat cheese and other food composed of
milk, during the first week of Lent; the Manichean heresy of refusing the
ministrations of married priests, which had resulted, as was affirmed, in many
immoral practices; the custom of repeating the unction of the holy Chrism, if
previously administered by a priest, on the ground that bishops alone are
capable of that office; and, above all, the impious addition to the creed,
received by all the Councils, which represented the Third Person in the holy
Trinity as proceeding from the Son as well as from the Father. Against the
last-mentioned doctrine he argued at some length, asserting that no one who
held it deserved the name of Christian, that it introduced two principles into
the unity of Divine nature, and that it confounded the peculiar attributes of
the three Persons in the Godhead. The letter also mentioned that the Russian
nation, hitherto so notorious for their savage character, had lately yielded to
the labors of eastern missionaries, and had received a bishop.
The same epistle was sent by the emperor to the
bishops Formosus and Dominic, who were now on the point of leaving Bulgaria, to
enter upon their mission, as papal legates, at the court of Constantinople.
They refused to receive or recognize them save on condition of their
acknowledging Photius as ecumenical patriarch and anathematizing the errors
enumerated in the circular letter.
These charges and pretensions were brought to a sudden
termination by the death of Michael. This weak and vicious emperor soon
repented of having raised Basil to a share in his throne, on discovering that
that prince not only refused to take part in his debaucheries and buffooneries,
but even ventured to endeavor, by expostulation, to dissuade himself from
conduct so unworthy of his dignity. To rid himself of advice so distasteful, he
made an attempt upon the life of Basil, during a hunting excursion, but Basil
escaped, and revenged himself by bribing the guards of Michael to slay their
master, when in a fit of drunkenness. This event took place in September, 869,
and was followed immediately by the banishment of Photius from Constantinople
and the recall of Ignatius to the patriarchal throne.
The charges contained in the letter of Photius and of
the so-called Ecumenical Council, to the patriarchs of the east and the king of
Bulgaria, were those which pope Nicholas, shortly before his death, sent to
Hincmar and the other French bishops for refutation. To these the pope added
one or two other objections, usual among the Greeks, against the Roman
faith—as that the western Church was in the habit of sacrificing a lamb on
the Easter festival; that the clergy among them were permitted to shave their
beards; and that deacons were ordained bishops without passing through the
intermediate order of the priesthood. He mentioned also the claim advanced by
Photius to be universal patriarch, on the ground that the primacy and
privileges of Rome had passed to Constantinople at the time when the emperors
changed their residence from one city to the other.
Hincmar read the pope’s letter to the king, and lost
no time in sending it round to his brother metropolitans, begging that the
subject might be examined in each province. Among his own suffragans he
selected Odo, bishop of Beauvais, as the fittest person to reply to the Greek
objections, and corrected his treatise with his own pen, but the essays of
Eneas, bishop of Paris, and Ratramn, monk of Corbey, are the only ones now
extant on the subject. The former consists almost solely of quotations from
ecclesiastical writers. On the subject of abstinence the bishop remarks, that
custom varies in different regions; that in Egypt and Palestine it is usual to
fast nine weeks before Easter, and that while, in many parts of Italy, no food
is eaten during Lent and on other fast days, except fruits and herbs, the
Germans abstain not on those occasions from milk, cheese, eggs, and beer. He
refers also to the pretended donation by Constantine to the pope, and is,
according to Fleury, the earliest author by whom that fable is noticed.
Ratramn’s treatise, which, as might be expected from
the author’s learning, is more worthy of notice than that of bishop Aeneas,
is mainly taken up with the subject of the double procession; the scriptural
argument is well managed and convincing, and the proof from the Latin fathers
sufficiently complete; but although St. Athanasius, St. Gregory Nazianzen, and
Didymus of Alexandria, are also quoted, the citations are sometimes from
spurious works, and it is plain that Ratramn, with all his learning, was but
imperfectly acquainted with this class of writers, who would have been alleged
with greater force than the Latin fathers in a treatise directed against the
Greeks. With regard to the duration of the Lent fast, and the question whether
Saturday was to be regarded as a feast day, or a day of abstinence, he takes
the rational ground of maintaining the liberty possessed by each Church of
regulating such matters for itself, insisting only on the necessity of
observing forty fast days, whether with the interval of the Sundays only, or of
the Sabbaths also, before Easter. Friday, he remarks, is always reckoned a fast
in England, and in the Irish monasteries they fast all the year round except
Sundays and other festivals. Shaving the beard or the head he notices as a
matter altogether indifferent, and, though regarding the celibacy of the clergy
as more important, places it simply on the foundation of a pious expediency,
which, by freeing them from secular cares, permitted a more complete devotion
to the sacred ministry. He defends the unction of the holy Chrism by the
practice of the apostles, and a decretal of the first Innocent, and contents
himself with denying some of the other charges. Fleury remarks, however, in
reference to the sacrifice of the lamb at Easter, that this practice, though
condemned by all persons of sense and learning, is said by Walafrid Strabo, an
author who died somewhat less than twenty years before, to have existed in some
places, and that the Roman missal still contains a prayer of benediction
pronounced over a lamb at Easter by the pope. It is perhaps not wonderful that
the Greek objectors, with some foundation, should have represented the usage as
one recognized by the western Church. Ratramn defends the primacy of Rome by
quotations from Socrates, who remarks, on the Arian Council of Antioch, that
the consent of the pope was necessary for an universal synod, from the canons
of Sardica, from the presence at Nice of the papal legates, and from St.
Leo’s influence in substituting the Council of Chalcedon for that of Ephesus.
With less force of argument he maintains that the dignity of patriarch, with
the second rank in the Church, had been given to the bishop of Constantinople
simply as a title of honor, without involving any right of jurisdiction.
The overthrow of
Photius and restoration of Ignatius rendered these answers to the Greek
objections of less value or necessity. Ignatius, as well as the emperor Basil,
was ready to acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, and could have no wish to
continue the charges against the pope and the western Church. A Council was
called by Adrian, at Rome, in condemnation of the pretended synod which, under
the influence of Photius, had deposed his predecessor Nicholas; and this was
followed, on the arrival of the legates whom the pope had sent instead of
Formosus and Dominic, by the assembly which is usually known as the eighth
Ecumenical Council, at Constantinople. It was held in October, 869, and
terminated in the trial and condemnation of Photius for the various crimes of
which he was said to have been guilty, and, on his refusing submission, in his
banishment and excommunication. The union between the east and west seemed
firmly re-established, but within two years the Church of Bulgaria, which had
been the occasion of so much dispute, was regained by Constantinople from the
Roman obedience, and a Greek archbishop settled in the province. On the death
of Ignatius, which took place in the year 879, Photius returned to
Constantinople, and having already gained the favor of the emperor Basil by his
flatteries, was permitted to resume in peace the patriarchal dignity. John, who
filled at that time the chair of St. Peter, received his legates with courtesy,
and recognized him as true patriarch, ordering that all the Councils held under
Adrian, in his condemnation, whether at Rome or Constantinople, should be
thenceforth null and void. Instead of these another Council, also entitled the
eighth Ecumenical, was held in the latter city, under Photius, at which the
pope’s legates assisted. John, in a letter appended to the acts of this
synod, renounced the addition to the Nicene Creed, asserting that it had not
been received by the Roman Church, and scrupled not to speak of the doctrine
which it represented as a blasphemy. After this it is probable that the
treatises on the subject, by Ratramn and others, came into the hands of the
patriarch, who, in the year 885, in a letter addressed to the archbishop of
Aquitaine, set himself to answer the arguments then employed, and to defend the
eastern creed. He was afterwards forced by the successor and son of Basil, Leo
the Philosopher, to leave the patriarchate for the second time, and lived
nearly twenty years afterwards, till the early part of the tenth century,
partly at Athens, but during the last years of his life in Constantinople.
CHAP. VI.
FROM THE DEATH
OF KING LOUIS TO THAT OF CHARLES THE BALD.
The death of Lothaire, king of Lotharingia, or
Lorraine, took place at Placentia on the 8th of August, 869. The kings of Germany
and France had bound themselves, by a solemn promise to the late emperor, to
maintain the rights of their nephews, and, in case of the death of either one,
to guarantee the inheritance of his territory to his surviving brothers. In
accordance with this agreement, on the death of Charles, king of Provence, the
country over which he reigned had been divided between the emperor Louis and
Lothaire. By the same treaty, made nearly twenty years before, the two kings
were under a similar obligation to their only remaining nephew, the emperor
Louis, who was now legal successor to the crown of Lorraine, and whose
dominions, by the decease of his two brothers, were coextensive with those
possessed by his father. But Charles the Bald had already, even before his nephew's
death, shown symptoms of an ambitious wish to add to his own realm a territory
which seemed by position naturally to form a portion of it, and the king of
Germany’s absence at the time, in a campaign against the Wends, on a distant
frontier of Germany, rather than his respect for his nephew’s rights, withheld
him from putting forward a claim to the vacant throne. The emperor also was
engaged, in southern Italy, against the Saracens, and could not leave his camp
and army for even so important a business as that of taking possession of his
new inheritance. He contented himself with begging the pope to undertake his
cause, and to prevent, if possible, usurpation on the part of Charles, and
treason on that of his own subjects. Adrian, therefore, early in September,
wrote to the nobles of Lorraine, exhorting them to be faithful to the emperor,
their legitimate sovereign, and menacing them with excommunication if they
yielded to the threats or promises of an usurper. Similar language was
addressed to the nobles, lay and ecclesiastical, of France, reminding them of
the emperor's claims upon their gratitude for his efforts against the infidels,
and of the solemnity of the promises which had been made in his behalf; he
assured them also that the holy see was prepared to defend his rights against
anyone who might attempt to violate them. A separate epistle was sent to
Hincmar, on whom the pope bestowed the office, on this occasion, of his
delegate.
The dissuasions arrived too late to be of any service.
Charles, who was at Senlis, on hearing of his nephew’s decease, hastened to his
palace of Attigny, on the frontiers of Lorraine, and was met there by the
nobles of that kingdom, many of whom encouraged him to march at once to Metz,
and take possession of the throne, while others wished him to delay for a time,
until he could determine, in an interview with Louis of Germany, which of the
two sovereigns had the highest right to the crown. Neither party, as it
seems, thought of the emperor, who had seldom left Italy, and was, probably,
personally unknown to all his new subjects. Charles attended to the advice most
favorable to his own inclinations, and arrived at Metz, accompanied by Hincmar
and a large party of French bishops and noblemen, on the very day on which Adrian
sent off from Rome the letters forbidding the usurpation. Adventius, bishop of
Metz, and others, with the leading men of the kingdom, were in waiting there to
tender their allegiance, and on Friday, the 9th of September, he was conducted
to the Cathedral of St. Stephen's for the ceremony of consecration.
Adventius opened the proceedings by an address, in
which he described the sorrow felt by all for the unfortunate fate of their
late sovereign, and the constant fasting and prayer by which they had since
sought to gain a successor who would respect their rights, and to obtain
unanimity in their choice. The presence of Charles and of the rest of the
assembly was to be regarded, according to the bishops, as a propitious answer
to their supplications, and the prince himself was to be looked upon as set
over the realm by Divine appointment. Yet, before the coronation, he begged the
new sovereign to declare his views of the mutual duties of a good king and
faithful subjects.
The king, in reply, declared that he considered the
welcome of the bishops and the acclamations of all the people as a proof that
the hand of God had placed him on the throne; and assured them of his
determination to respect in all points the rights of religion and the Church,
to honor all the bishops and others as their rank demanded, and to deliver
justice faithfully in accordance with law, civil and ecclesiastical; and
concluded with declaring his full trust and expectation that they would render
him in return all due obedience and succor.
Hincmar then, at the instance of the suffragan bishops
of Treves, explained that the sister Churches of that diocese and of Rheims had
ever been regarded as so closely united in equality and love, that they formed
in fact but a single province, and met together in Council, and in the
presidency of that one of the metropolitans who enjoyed the seniority of
consecration. This mutual agreement between the two sees imposed upon him the
duty of taking a prominent share in the present proceedings, especially as the
province of Tours was now vacant by the late death and by the deposition of
archbishop Teutgard. He appeared, therefore, not as metropolitan of Rheims, but
as the representative of the bishops of Treves. To this explanation the bishops
of Metz, Verdun, Toul and Tongers, suffragans of that province, signified their
assent. He continued, as an introduction to the ceremony of coronation, to
state that Clovis, the ancestor of Charles, who was converted by St. Remigius
and baptized at Rheims, was consecrated king by holy oil which came down from
heaven for the purpose; that the late emperor Louis the Pious was also crowned
by pope Stephen at Rheims; and on his restoration to the throne, after the
successful rebellion of his subjects, was crowned by the bishops a second time
before the altar of St. Stephen's at Metz, the Church in which they were then
assembled. Hincmar himself was present, as he informed them, on the occasion.
He now begged to know whether all present agreed to the coronation of this
newly appointed sovereign. An unanimous acclamation signified their consent,
and the Te Deum was sung as a solemn
seal of the agreement.
When each of the bishops present had, in turn, offered
up a prayer for the welfare of the new king, Hincmar pronounced a solemn benediction,
during which he anointed Charles on the forehead, the ears, and the head, with
the holy oil; another benediction followed, while the bishops placed the crown
upon his head, and put into his hand the palm and scepter, and the ceremony was
concluded by the service of the mass.
The king of Germany, who shortly afterwards received a
letter from the pope, praising him for his moderation, in making no attempt
upon his nephew's inheritance, no sooner heard of the coronation of his
brother, than he prepared to support, by arms, his own claim to a share of the
kingdom. He made a hasty peace with the Wends, and marched rapidly towards the
west; but a sudden illness seized him at Ratisbon, and for some months delayed
his progress. Large presents were made to the Churches and monasteries of
Germany, to gain prayers for his recovery at so important a crisis; and at
length he was again in a situation to menace with invasion the new dominions of
his brother. Charles, who had paid little attention to his threats or
overtures, as long as there was a prospect of his not recovering from his
sickness, at Ratisbon, thought it prudent to avert by negotiation the evils of
a civil war. The brothers met on the Meuse, in August, AD 870, and their
nephew's kingdom was divided between them; Dauphiny, the greater part of
Burgundy, and the territories of Lyons, Liege, and Brabant, fell to the king of
France; while Alsace, with the modern province of Lorraine, and the left bank
of the Rhine, were added to the dominions of Louis.
Meanwhile the letters sent by the pope, to king
Charles, to the archbishop of Rheims, and to the prelates and nobles of France
and Lorraine, met with little attention, and as it was impossible to return a
satisfactory reply, were suffered to pass in silence. A second epistle to the
king met with the same neglect; and at length a third message was sent, from
Adrian and the emperor in concert, by the hands of several bishops and Count
Bernard a vassal of the empire. They were ordered to proceed in the first place
to the king of Germany, to dissuade him from the expedition against Lorraine,
to which the fame of his preparations for war had already attracted attention
in Italy. They found the king in his new capital of Aix-la-Chapelle. The deed
which they came to denounce, was already done; remonstrances would have been
useless, nor had they authority to make them; and Louis quickly sent them oh to
his brother, to whom they were also furnished with letters, full of the
severest denunciations.
These epistles were delivered to Charles, at the
monastery of St. Denys, in the month of October. Their subject was not only the
late usurpation of Lorraine, and the neglect with which he had treated the
pope's commands, but the imprisonment with which, some months before, he had
punished his son Carloman.
This prince, as we have already seen, had received the
clerical tonsure, and had been ordained deacon, and his father had bestowed
upon him several abbacies. It is probable, however, that he had little taste
from the first for his sacred profession; and a year or two before Charles had
so far indulged him as to permit his joining Solomon of Brittany, at the head
of a troop of soldiers furnished by the abbey of St. Medard, in one or more
campaigns against the Normans : afterwards he renounced his vows, and
assembling a multitude of disbanded soldiers, who, in the disordered condition
of France, were easily allured by hopes of plunder, and ready to follow any
adventurer, he pillaged the country with a ferocity of which even the Norman
invasions had furnished no example. To this conduct, which can only be ascribed
to madness, he added the crimes of forsaking his religion, and of conspiring
against his father's life or crown. For these acts he was subjected by the king
to trial before a numerous Council of ten provinces, assembled at Attigny in
May, 870, and, by their decision, was deprived of his abbacies, and confined in
prison at Senlis; but, at the suggestion of Hincmar of Laon, the nephew and
namesake of the archbishop of Rheims, who was now engaged, as will be seen
afterwards, in a quarrel with his uncle and with the king, he sent a message to
the pope complaining of his father's treatment, and imploring the aid of
apostolic authority. This request was accompanied with similar charges from his
friend the bishop of Laon, and Adrian, already disposed to believe any
complaint against Charles or the archbishop, warmly took up his cause, and, in
addition to his reproaches on the subject of Lorraine, expressed himself
in the strongest terms in reprobation of the king's conduct to his son.
Charles committed the task of replying, on the former
question, to Hincmar, whom he conceived to be equally concerned with himself,
as letters of a similar character had also been received by him from
Adrian. That he was altogether free from blame in the punishment of
Carloman is not to be doubted, but probably the consciousness of his injustice
towards the emperor, made him more apprehensive of bringing down upon himself,
still further, the displeasure of the apostolic see. He dispatched
ambassadors to the court of Rome with rich presents, to appease the wrath of
Adrian, two crowns of gold and precious stones, and an altar-cloth composed of
the royal vestment of cloth of gold. He also sent for his son from his
prison at Senlis, and kept him for a time at his own court; but soon after the
departure of the papal messengers, whom he had entertained at Rheims, the young
prince made his escape by night from Lyons, whither he had accompanied his
father, and, returning to Belgica, reassembled his troops, and repeated his
ravages with the same savage cruelty as before. The bishops whose dioceses
and Churches he plundered and destroyed were forced to take active measures for
their defence. Hincmar, after vainly endeavoring to bring him to a better
mind, and after four times addressing a solemn warning to all his followers,
wrote to Remigius, archbishop of Lyons, with the request that he would join him
in excommunicating all the accomplices in his crimes. The sentence was
accordingly passed, and subscribed by all the suffragans of both provinces,
with the exception of Hincmar of Laon, but, at the king’s request, was not
extended to Carloman himself, who was reserved for judgment by the bishops of
Sens, to which diocese he belonged, in virtue of his ordination by the bishop
of Meaux. Adrian still continued to plead his cause; he charged the king with a
ferocity surpassing that of brutes for his persecution of his son, and
threatened the nobles of France with eternal damnation if they gave any
assistance to their sovereign in opposing him. The pope was probably
unacquainted with the real circumstances, or rather, out of enmity to Charles
and Hincmar, chose to trust the misrepresentations of the bishop of Laon and of
Carloman, rather than the true account with which he was furnished from other
quarters. The judgment of Sens proceeded against the prince and deacon, and
deprived him of his ecclesiastical character, but the decision, so far from
interfering with the atrocities of which he had continued guilty, rendered him
more dangerous, for many who before had had no excuse for joining him, were
disposed to take a more open and decided part with him on the removal of the
disabilities which hitherto had made it impossible for him to succeed to the
throne. His brother, Charles of Aquitaine, was already dead, as well as another
brother, Lothaire, who had, like himself, been devoted to the clerical
profession, and had died in 866, in possession of the abbacy of St. Germain, in
Auxerre, and other dignities. Louis alone, now king of Aquitaine, stood between
him and the crown of France, and affairs threatened to assume a similar aspect
to that which they had borne more than thirty years before, when the emperor
Louis was at open war with his sons. Charles was forced a third time to
bring him to trial, no longer before the bishops of his province, but before
the secular judges of the realm. He was condemned to death, but the extreme
sentence was changed for loss of eyesight, to afford him time to repent of his
crime. He was confined in the monastery of Corbey, but was afterwards rescued
from thence by some of his former adherents, who carried him to the court of
his uncle, king of Germany. Louis received him with kindness and compassion,
and appointed him abbot of Esternach, and in that monastery he died shortly
afterwards.
This termination to the rebellion of Carloman occurred
in the year 873. To return to the letters on the subject of Charles the Bald’s
usurpation of Lorraine, put into his hands by the pope’s legates in October,
870. In these he charged the king with perjury, with insult towards Rome, and,
as an aggravation of his guilt, with his choosing for his attempt the time when
the real owner of the throne was engaged in war with the enemies of
Christianity. He ended by threatening to use against him the power given him by
his office, if he hardened himself in his disobedience. Still stronger were the
expressions used towards the bishops and nobles of France, who were accused of
having prepared for their sovereign and themselves the pains of hell fire, by
abstaining from hindering him in his usurpation. The pope also declared that
unless they returned at once to the path of justice, and obedience to himself,
he would come into France, and himself inflict upon them the punishment that
they had so long deserved.
Hincmar on this, as on other occasions, was honored
with a separate letter, filled with, if possible, still heavier reproaches and
complaints. Adrian expressed his sorrow at discovering that neither the love of
God nor the fear of eternal punishment, could rouse the archbishop and his
brother prelates to a consciousness of their duty, and described them as mere
hirelings, who fled at the approach of the wolf, and left their flocks to
perish. He declared that he regarded Hincmar not only as a partaker in his
master's guilt, but as the main author of it, and warned him that the
lightnings of the apostolic throne were ready to be launched against all who
had consented to the crime. If the king delayed immediate restitution, he
commanded him to break off all communion with him, and, according to the
apostle's command, not even to give him God speed, on pain of being himself
separated from communion with Rome. He also repeated what he had said in his
other letter, that he would himself hasten to France to give fuller effect to
his menaces.
Hincmar’s reply was such as might have been expected.
Even Nicholas had used less vehemence of reproach, had presumed less
offensively on the prerogative of St. Peter's chair, and had interposed in
questions in which he had less obviously no concern, than Adrian, who, at the
commencement of his rule, had given signs of a far milder and less exacting
temper. It was not now simply an attack upon himself or upon the privileges of
his see which roused the archbishop, but an invasion of the rights and a bitter
censure on the character of his sovereign. His reply was resolute, yet
expressed in terms of respect and of personal humility. He apologized for the
contempt of which the pope had thought him guilty, in having sent no previous
answer, by saying that Adrian had simply imposed upon him the performance of a
certain task, without any further request for a reply. However he had in fact
sent an answer, by word of mouth, by the bishops Paul and Leo, the messengers
from Rome. He explained that he had obeyed the commands which were sent him, as
far as was in his power, and that when the bishops of France met, by the king’s
command, at Attigny, he had read the papal letter in their presence, together
with an accompanying paper, addressed to king Louis and to the bishops of the
three kingdoms, the purport of which was that if any one invaded the emperor's
newly acquired territory, he was at once to be excommunicated, and that any
bishop who refused to carry out the command was to be deprived. Hincmar himself
had been appointed to see that all this was done; but when the letters arrived
and had been read, the two kings had completed their negotiations for the division
of the vacant realm, and were proceeding to carry them into effect. It was
obvious to all that if the matter were then delayed, seditions and disturbances
of every kind would follow, like those which disturbed France on the death of
Louis the Pious, when each person thought himself at liberty to choose his own
king. Thus there were two dangers upon which Hincmar was called upon to decide,
the risk of involving his country in ruin, or that of disobedience to the
pope's command; he dared not act in so difficult a matter. Again, the pope had
expressed an assurance that Hincmar was well aware of the oath violated by
Charles in his invasion of Lorraine; in reply to which he suggested, that
whatever he might suspect or know from other sources, the king had never
informed him of this oath or treaty; and that he deemed it beyond a bishop's
province to believe ill of his sovereign when there was no positive proof of
his guilt. This opinion he confirmed by quotations from St. Austin, Gelasius,
and others. The pope had taken for granted that he had given Charles no advice
about assuming the throne of Lorraine, and had therefore charged him with
having a share in the usurpation; in reply to which he reminded him that in
Holy Scripture we read, that the Lord went down to Sodom to see whether these
things were so, before passing judgment, which must be a lesson to all men to
abstain from hasty condemnations. However, he would find from the message
delivered to the legates, that his opinion, in this instance, was wrongly
formed. Adrian had also spoken of Hincmar as superior in rank and estimation to
all the rest of the French bishops, whereas all metropolitans were equal in
dignity, and in merit and wisdom he was the least of all. In answer to the
command to separate himself from communion with the king, and not to bid him
God speed, he remarked that such things had never been done to any king, even
though he were a heretic; that although numerous wars had taken place between
brothers, and even between fathers and children, among the former kings of
France, no similar order had ever been issued by the pope; that when the late
king Lothaire was guilty even of notorious adultery, his predecessor, Nicholas,
had not taken this extreme course; and that the worst kings and emperors,
Constantius the Arian, Julian the Apostate, Maximin the Tyrant, had always
received respect from the bishops of the Church. Even if Hincmar ventured to
obey the pope, and separate from his sovereign, the rest of the bishops, before
whom he had laid the menaces of the pope, declared they would not follow his
example, but would, on their part, separate from his communion. But, moreover,
the king denied the charge of perjury and usurpation so lavishly bestowed upon
him by the pope, and, when accused of such crimes, might surely claim an
impartial trial, such as was the right of the meanest individual, before he was
pronounced guilty. It was remarked, he continued, by all in France, that
history generally, and especially that of the ancestors of the present king,
proved that the conquest of crowns and kingdoms was carried on by arms, and not
by papal or episcopal excommunications; and on his exhorting all parties to
obey the pope, and to reverence the great authority which he possessed, he was
requested, in reply, to beg the pope to attend to his own concerns, to the
Church, and not to the state; and if he considered prayers the only lawful
weapons, to content himself with them in defending himself against the heathen,
instead of calling for succor from the temporal princes of the empire. It was
also the universal opinion that it became not a bishop to consign to the same
portion with the devil, a prince who still professed the Christian religion,
for invading a kingdom; that if a bishop excommunicates without reason, he
thereby loses the power of excommunication; and that while the pope speaks so
much of the necessity of peace, he endangers it by exciting
quarrels among princes, and would persuade men that the way to reach the
kingdom of heaven is to disobey the king, whom heaven has appointed over them
upon earth.
These assertions and opinions Hincmar represented as
current in France, with respect to the late letters from the pope. For himself,
he added, that he could not see how it was possible for him to excommunicate a
king of whose dominions his own province and diocese formed a part, and quoted
St. Austin, to prove that such a course is not to be adopted except towards
notorious sinners, who have been condemned by the sentence of the Church.
Therefore he hoped that for this refusal it would not be necessary for Adrian
to cut him off from communion, especially as he had already so far opposed the
enterprise of the king and his nobles as to have received from them a warning,
that if he persisted he might chant the service alone at his own altar, without
power, or property, or dependents. He explained that when the episcopal power
was bestowed on St. Peter alone, that apostle represented all the bishops of
the Church, and that, consequently, the privilege of St. Peter's chair can
never be broken as long as bishops duly exercise their office. If he were to
separate himself from the king he must also desert his Church, because the king
and his court often made Rheims their residence. Nor could he refuse to do as
his predecessors had done in the case of the ancestors of the king, by
furnishing him with aid, in his need, from the resources of his bishopric.
However, it was not his business then to exculpate his king; Charles was able
to speak for himself. The charge of Adrian, he argued, led to a violation
of the Scriptural command, to give tribute to whom tribute was due, as might be
seen from St. Austin's explanation; and concluded by expressing a hope that the
pope would take the counsel conveyed in his letter in the same spirit as that
in which St. Peter received the advice, not of St. Paul only, but of the
brethren who found fault with him on the subject of circumcision.
Adrian probably thought it useless to carry the
controversy further, and, whatever his feelings may have been towards Hincmar,
must have speedily forgiven the king, because we find that, in the following
year, he wrote to him a private letter, in which he promised to bestow upon him
the imperial crown, in the event of his outliving his nephew Louis. Meanwhile
that prince had at length succeeded in reducing the town of Bari, the last
strong-hold of the Saracens in Italy. The sultan, or Saracen governor of the
city, was taken prisoner, and the victory was regarded as a great achievement,
although the conquest of a single town by the emperor of the west, with the
assistance of the Greeks and the Lombards of Beneventum, after so protracted a
siege, seems scarcely to merit so high a praise. That it implied no great power
in the emperor is clear, from an event which occurred shortly afterwards. Louis
had been summoned by Adalgisus, duke of Beneventum, who was more immediately
concerned than himself in the expulsion of the Saracens from Italy, to aid him
in the enterprise. Notwithstanding this, he persuaded the Greeks to attack him,
in the hope of freeing the south of Italy from the imperial yoke. Louis quieted
the rebellion, and, apparently, without suspecting the faith of Adalgisus,
disbanded his troops, and trusted himself in his palace of Beneventum. The
duke, whose anger is said to have been roused by the pride of Ingelburga,
seized upon the person of his lord, and kept him in confinement for upwards of
a month. By the interposition of the bishop of Beneventum, he was at length
released, on taking an oath never to seek vengeance for the unworthy treatment
which he had received, or to attempt the reduction of the province. The
treachery of Adalgisus, as Louis probably thought, might be fairly met by a
similar return. Accordingly, on his way to Ravenna, he begged Adrian to meet
him and absolve him from his vow; and the next year, AD 872, he passed through
Rome, and prevailed on the senate to declare the duke of Beneventum an enemy to
the state. From thence he advanced against him, in the hope of a speedy
conquest, but Adalgisus defended himself, by the help of the Greeks, with great
obstinacy, and the war was not brought to a conclusion till the following year.
Meanwhile, when the news of his nephew's confinement
at Beneventum reached the ears of Charles, he imagined the time had come for
the fulfillment of Adrian’s promise, and for adding to his dominions a wider
inheritance and a higher title than those gained by the late partition of
Lorraine. He hastened forward to Besançon, on his way towards Italy, while
Louis of Germany, who probably counted on the same aggrandizement on the ground
of his seniority, was equally expeditious in advancing to the German frontier.
Both retired as quietly as they had come, on hearing
of the emperor’s release, and, in the course of the following year, agreed upon
an interview with Ingelburga, who, in her husband's name, had fair ground of
complaint against his two uncles. The king of Germany met her at Trent, and,
moved by her expostulations, or by compunction at his own injustice,
relinquished the portion of Lorraine which had fallen to his share. Charles
regarded his brother's act as a reflection upon himself, and broke off his
engagement to meet the empress.
In the autumn of the year 871, a Council was held at
Douzi, in the diocese of Rheims, under eight archbishops, Hincmar, Wulfad, and
others, in the presence of king Charles. The object for which it was assembled
was the trial of Hincmar, bishop of Laon, accused of several offences against
the king, as well as against his uncle and metropolitan. This question will
form the subject of another chapter. It is only mentioned here for the sake of
reference to Actard, bishop of Nantes, who was appointed to carry the acts of
the Council to pope Adrian. This prelate, it will be remembered, was
recommended by the pope to the good offices of king Charles and the archbishop
of Rheims, who were requested to give him promotion in the Church, in lieu of
his see of Nantes, from which he had been expelled by the Bretons, and which
had been ravaged by the Normans. He was an intimate friend of Hincmar, who had
permitted him to perform episcopal functions in a vacant Church of the province
of Rheims. Since the recommendation of the pope he had been chosen to fill the
archiepiscopal see of Tours, and the fathers of Douzi, in sending him with the
acts of their synod to Rome, gave their consent to his consecration or
appointment by the pope to that dignity. Hincmar, on this occasion, wrote to
Adrian on the subject of his nephew, but referred, in the beginning of his
letter, to Actard, probably by command of the king rather than because he
himself approved of his promotion. He explained that he had been unable to
elevate him to the rank of bishop in the province of Rheims, although
permitting him to exercise episcopal acts during the vacancy of one of his
dioceses, because the Church of Nantes, to which he really belonged, was at a
great distance from Rheims, and a bishop could not canonically belong to two
provinces at the same time. Nantes, however, formed part of the province of
Tours, and therefore there was less irregularity in Actard succeeding to that
see, especially as he had been baptized, and had received the clerical tonsure,
and all the ecclesiastical orders under the episcopal, in the Church of Tours.
Under these circumstances Hincmar consented, in obedience to the wish of the
pope and the king, to recognize his translation, and to agree to his ordination
as archbishop by the pope, on the condition, however, that, after his death,
his successor should be elected according to the canons, by the clergy and
people of the diocese, and regularly ordained by the bishops of the province.
Actard accordingly, who had already received the
pallium from Adrian, went to Tours. It appears, however, that he not only
enjoyed that archbishopric but also kept his former diocese of Nantes, and the
friendship which Hincmar had entertained towards him could not withhold him
from passing a severe censure upon conduct so irregular. This occurs in a
letter afterwards written to a bishop, whose name is not mentioned, on the
subject. In this he explained that one bishop was ordained for each city, and
that it had been decreed by the Church that it should be unlawful to change
from one see to another. An exception, however, was always permitted in cases
of necessity, when ordered by a synod, and with the consent of the apostolic
see. In such cases it must be plainly proved that the translation has taken
place solely for the advancement of the true faith, and in no degree for the
sake of temporal advantage. Thus St. Peter left the see of Antioch for that of
Rome, and St. Boniface, who had been bishop of Cologne, was made afterwards
bishop of Metz. Besides this general decision against translation, it was
especially ordered by St. Gregory and by the Council of Sardica, that whenever
a bishop was driven from his see by persecution, he was to be received with
hospitality and respect in other dioceses, but not permitted to exercise
episcopal jurisdiction. Actard’s case fell under this rule. He was driven out
by Salomon, then restored by king Charles, then a second time deprived of his
see by the Normans; after that, permitted to preside for a time over another
diocese, and finally installed as metropolitan of Tours, on the petition of the
clergy and people of that see, though without the approbation or consent of the
bishops of the province.
This might be allowable on two conditions, one, if the
diocese of Nantes was reduced, by the ravages of the heathen, to such a state of
destitution that he could not, by any possibility, reside there; and the other,
if no equally fit person could be found in the Church of Tours to succeed to
the government of that province. Without entering into the latter supposition,
Hincmar denied the impossibility of residing as a bishop at Nantes. A count and
some other nobles, with some clergy and many laymen, still dwelt there,
notwithstanding the devastation which had fallen upon the town, nor could a
bishop, who had no wife and children to increase his expense, find any
difficulty in living even among the heathen, especially as Actard possessed
lands and abbacies, bestowed upon him by the liberality of the king. He had
advanced, as an argument for his further promotion, the insufficiency of the revenues
of Nantes to support the dignity of a bishop, although granting that the clergy
belonging to the diocese were sufficient for the needs of the people, which was
a proof, according to Hincmar, that his own wealth and ease, rather than the
advantage of the Church, was the motive on which he had been acting. How much
better would it have been to retain his place, like the patriarch of Jerusalem
or the bishop of Cordova, in the midst of infidels, in the hope of converting
some to Christianity. As to his retaining one see at the same time with
another, it was no more justifiable than it would be for a man to make the
infirmity of one wife an excuse for marrying a second.
Sound as were the views put forward by the archbishop,
Adrian seemed to have little sympathy with them. In his answer to the bishops
at Douzi, he informed them that he had appointed Actard, at their desire,
metropolitan and cardinal of the diocese of Tours, and that he had also
permitted him to retain possession of that of Nantes, nor could anyone, during
his lifetime, be chosen to either of these Churches. The translation from one
see to another he supported by a decretal letter of pope Anterius, who lived in
the early part of the third century. He granted, however, the request made by Hincmar,
that, after the death of Actard, his successor at Tours might be chosen and
ordained in the regular way, and if the see of Nantes should have recovered, at
that time, from its present state of depression, it might again receive a
bishop of its own. In a letter sent, at the same time, to the king, he remarked
that all monasteries should be under episcopal control, and that the neglect of
this custom had led to the ruin of many, among others, that of St. Medard, at
Tours, which he recommended to the care of Charles.
Actard was again sent to Rome, after delivering his
letters to the bishops and the king, with answers from both, containing a firm
opposition to the papal orders on the subject of Hincmar, of Laon. These will
be noticed afterwards. The reply conveyed to Charles a second time by the new
archbishop of Tours, was the last extant letter of Adrian, and written in a
very different style from those addressed by him either to Hincmar or the king.
He told Charles that he had been assured by Actard that he was the greatest
lover and protector of the Church, and that there was no monastery or bishop in
his realm which he had not enriched by valuable gifts. It was in this epistle
that he promised him what we have already mentioned, that if he survived his
nephew Louis he would bestow upon him the imperial crown, for that all the
clergy, people, and nobility of Rome, eagerly desired to have him for their
emperor.
Nearly at the same time with his writing this letter,
in which he seemed tacitly to acknowledge the claim of Charles to the kingdom
of Lorraine, by adopting, for the first time since his assumption of that
throne, a tone so mild and conciliatory, Adrian crowned the emperor as king of
the same disputed realm. The ceremony was performed on Whit-Sunday, when Louis
was passing through Rome on his expedition against the duke of Beneventum.
Whatever may have been the pope's sincerity in the change of his language
towards Charles, it is plain that he could not conscientiously refuse to bestow
this public mark of recognition upon the prince whose claims to Lorraine he had
defended with so much energy at first. Louis indeed demanded and received it as
a right. He never forgot, as it would appear, throughout his reign, that the
pope was his subject, nor did either Adrian or his predecessor adopt towards
him the same high tone of superiority which they were in the habit of using
towards the other princes o£ his family. On the one side the power of the
emperor was too near at hand to be treated with disrespect, and, on the other,
the papal pretensions, when viewed from a nearer point of aspect, lost much of
that exaggerated influence with which they were invested by those who saw them
only at a distance. A power that is unseen, while its effects are felt, is regarded
with more respect and awe than that with whose nature and mode of operation we
are familiar.
Adrian lived but a short time beyond the events now
recorded. His death took place in November, 872, and, in the ensuing month,
John, the eighth pontiff of that name, who held the office of archdeacon in the
Church of Rome, was elected to succeed him. John was connected in friendship
with the duke of Beneventum, and the emperor, who had little success in his war
with that prince, was contented to beg his mediation between Adalgisus and
himself. The pope accordingly had an interview with the two rivals, at Capua,
and put an end to the war.
Adrian had succeeded to the chair of St. Peter with a
high reputation, and the earliest acts of his pontificate had been marked with
a mildness which was favorably contrasted with the severity of his predecessor;
yet in his dealings with the king and with the Church of France, he yielded in
no degree to Nicholas in assumption of sovereign authority, and in an
inflexible adherence to his own views, which were hastily adopted, and which
were, in the majority of instances, plainly on the wrong side. This will appear
more obviously in the narrative of the quarrel between Hincmar and his nephew.
Meanwhile, it has already been sufficiently evident, in his interference in
behalf of Carloman, and perhaps in his determination with respect to Actard;
and, although there can be no doubt that Charles the Bald acted unjustly in
taking possession of Lorraine, it is equally clear that the pope's conduct in
that affair had no precedent in former examples of papal interference, and that
it was opposed to all scriptural and ecclesiastical principles. A
deficiency in the power of weighing evidence, and a too great readiness to
believe that those who had before opposed him must always be in the wrong, may
be accepted as a sufficient account of his perseverance or obstinacy in
upholding the cause of prince Carloman and the younger Hincmar. In attempting
to understand how a man of high character and piety could act in other cases in
the way in which Adrian acted, or could exercise, in all which he did, so
haughty an intolerance, and an ambition so unbounded, we seem forced to suppose
that each pope, on his election, formed, as a rule of conduct, and set before
him as a point of highest duty, the resolution not only to diminish in no
degree the authority to which the pontificate had reached, by the efforts of
his predecessor, but to take some step in advance towards extending it. If we
were permitted to suppose a traditional belief in the Church of Rome, since the
time of Charlemagne, that the pope was in such sense the vicegerent of Christ
and head of the Church, as to possess the whole delegated power of our Lord
over the temporal and spiritual kingdom of the earth, and that it was the main
duty and office of each pontiff, on succeeding to the throne of St. Peter, to
make such advances as the times permitted toward this perfection of monarchical
sovereignty, it would be a clue to explain much that is perplexing in the
conduct of men whom otherwise we are called upon to respect. It is certain that
of all the popes of the times which have been under our notice, this seems the
chief, or almost the only object. All their letters, whatever the subject with
which they commenced, or the immediate object of writing them, recur to
this claim of superior power over the Church, or over the world, or over both.
If any other metropolitan bishop, or if any secular prince had so constantly
and exclusively put forward his own claims, or those of his diocese or kingdom,
to the obedience of all whom he addressed, such an advocacy of his pretensions,
however well founded in themselves, would have been regarded as a proof of
either great insincerity or an intolerable ambition and self-conceit. Unless
such a line of action had been looked upon by Leo and Benedict, by Nicholas and
Adrian, as the true means of advancing the kingdom of Christ, and as the very
object for which they were raised to the apostolic throne, that good taste or
good feeling, to take the lowest view, which characterizes most men of honesty
and religion, of pious motives and otherwise of exalted character, would
necessarily have withheld them from a course which could not but provoke
opposition and contempt from all towards whom it was adopted, even though it
might often be successful.
The friendly feeling caused by the king of Germany's
tardy act of justice, in restoring to his nephew his portion of Lorraine, was
encouraged by an interview between the two princes, at Verona, in the year 874.
Meanwhile, in France, Charles the Bald had distinguished himself by an unusual
act of energy, in taking the city of Angers, a stronghold of the Normans, who,
although their ravages were less frequent than they had been some years before,
had established themselves in this and other towns, as permanent conquerors of
the country. With the assistance of Salomon, Charles compelled large numbers of
these barbarians to leave his dominions, under an oath that they would never
return; permitting only such as consented to conform to the Christian religion
to settle in France. This was the last military exploit of Salomon; he died in
the year 874, with the glory of having shaken off the Carolingian yoke, for
both Charles and the court of Rome had lately acknowledged his independence. It
is said that he also succeeded in effecting the independence of the Church of
Brittany; but although it was practically severed from the province of Tours,
to which it had originally belonged, the determination lately made, with regard
to Actard, by the pope and the bishops of France, seems to prove that the
claims of the bishop of Dol to the title of metropolitan had not, up to that
time, been generally recognized. Salomon, who had gained the crown of Brittany
by treason and usurpation, lost it in the same way; two of his generals headed
a revolt of his subjects, and forced him to retire for safety into a monastery,
at Brest. He was persuaded to leave his sanctuary, on receiving a pledge that
no Breton should injure or insult him, but the oath was evaded by delivering
him into the hands of a Frank, who tore out his eyes, with so much violence as
to put an end to his life. The rebel generals quarreled for the crown among
themselves, and the civil war so enfeebled the infant kingdom that it was
reduced again, for a time, to the position of a dependent province. A year or
two afterwards Alan, count of Vannes, seized upon the whole territory, and
assumed the title of king of Brittany; (to which history has added the surname
of Great, without, however, informing us by what exploits or by what character
he merited the name). Under him and his successor, Brittany continued for
upwards of thirty years, until Rollo the Norman annexed it to his new kingdom.
The attention of king Charles, after his expulsion of
the Normans from western France, was engaged with the spiritual state of
Aquitaine, in which great complaints were made of the usurpation and plunder of
Church property, and of other abuses, especially of the prevalence of marriages
within the limits prohibited by the Church. At the time of the first conversion
of the Anglo-Saxons, St. Gregory, to lay as light a burden as possible on the
infant Church, had given his sanction to the contraction of marriages between
cousins of various degree; of this indulgence the people of Aquitaine had taken
advantage, forgetting that the same pontiff, at the time of granting it, had
informed the new converts of St. Austin that, when more fully established in
the faith, they were to abstain from alliances within the seventh degree of
consanguinity. To settle these questions, the bishops of several provinces
assembled at Douzi, forming the second Council of that name, under king
Charles, in June, 874. They addressed a synodal letter, drawn up in all
probability by Hincmar, to the bishops of Aquitaine. The attention of the
Council was directed also to the trial of a nun, who, assisted by a monk or
priest, had been guilty of many artifices for the purpose of supplanting the
abbess of her convent, and succeeding to her place. After a long
examination of many witnesses, the priest was deprived and banished, and the
nun, after being scourged in presence of the sisters of her convent, was
ordered to be kept from communion for seven years, and to pass the rest of her
life in confinement and mortification.
Among the letters and synodal decrees of Hincmar we
find some statutes passed by him at a diocesan meeting, in the month following
that of the Council of Douzi. These are worthy of mention, for the view which
they afford of some of the Church practises of the time. He takes notice of
some parish priests, who, in addition to their cures, had accepted canonries in
the monastery of Montfaucon, and received prebends, by which was meant a portion
distributed to each canon for his subsistence, as well as the tithe and other
revenue of their parishes. He shows that this practice was illegal, being
virtually forbidden by those laws of the Church which ordered that no clergyman
should leave one Church for another, or possess two benefices at the same time.
The canons, as we learn from what is said here, lived under the same
restrictions, in many respects, as ordinary monks; for example, Hincmar speaks
of the impossibility of their leaving the cloister by night, if called upon
suddenly to baptize a sick infant, or to administer the communion to a dying
person. He also insists on regularity in restricting the due portion of the
tithe to the use of the matriculars, as they were called, or of the poor whose
names were inscribed on a roll kept for the purpose in each parish. It was a
matter of importance, and often of interest, especially in times when property
was so insecure, to gain a place upon the parish list, and it is likely that
the abuse of which the archbishop complains, of receiving payments in money, or
in labor, for entering the names of applicants, was not uncommon among clergymen.
He here denounces it, under the penalty of immediate deprivation, and adds that
no priest guilty of the act will himself, when deprived, receive any portion of
the Church alms. He strictly forbids the presence of women in the houses of
clergymen, except at fixed hours, for the performance of certain domestic
offices, and threatens to visit a violation of this precaution with the same
punishment. Another prohibition was directed against the purchase of property
and erection of houses, with money derived from the ecclesiastical revenues,
and the custom of leaving the possessions thus gained to relations or friends,
instead of to the Church, as the law directed. The whole revenue derived from
an ecclesiastical benefice was, as is clear from this rule, to be expended upon
the wants of the parish, or in the exercises of hospitality, with the exception
of the portion actually required for the necessities of the clergyman himself.
The simoniacal practice of making presents to patrons for the appointment to
vacant benefices, is also strongly censured.
Some other capitles are also extant, which may be
conveniently mentioned now, delivered by Hincmar, two or three years
afterwards, to two priests, on their appointment to the office of archdeacon in
the diocese of Rheims. From the prohibitions contained in these, we may perhaps
conclude that the practices censured were not uncommon in other dioceses. He
charges them to cause no unnecessary expense to the parochial clergymen in
several parts of the diocese where they visited, as their visits were for the
purpose of giving instruction both to clergy and people, and of making inquiries
as to their conduct, and not for their own pleasure or convenience, and forbids
their demanding any fee for the visitation, or for the holy chrism which they
distributed to the different parishes, although they were permitted to accept
voluntary offerings on these occasions. A greater authority belonged to the
office of archdeacon in those days than in more modern times, as is plain from
the next charge, namely, that they were not to divide parishes at the
solicitation of any individual, nor to reduce Churches, which have always
possessed a separate clergyman of their own, to the state of dependent
chapelries. They are commanded to hand in to the archbishop an account of all
Churches and chapels in their districts; to permit no person to have a private
or domestic chapel, without his permission; and to deliver a statement of all
such chapels of the kind as have been established since the time of Ebo. A
particular account is required of the conduct and learning of all candidates
presented for ordination. The acceptance of any present for hastening or
delaying the reconciliation of penitents is strictly forbidden. The appointment
of rural deans is to be left to Hincmar himself, if he is within convenient
distance, if not, they are to be established provisionally by the archdeacons.
On the last day of August, 875, the emperor Louis
died, after a reign of about twenty years. He appears to have been a prince of
some energy and talent, and the warfare in which he had been engaged, since the
commencement of his reign, with the foes of the empire and of Christianity,
although conducted with less genius, and attended with less success than became
one who wore the crown of Charlemagne, seems to place him in a higher station
than that occupied by most of the other princes of his family. With him ceased
the eldest branch of the descendants of Louis the Pious, for he left behind him
one daughter only, who was incapacitated by the Frankish law from succeeding
her father, and his brothers, Lothaire and Charles, had died without legitimate
offspring. One of his two uncles, the king of Germany, or the king of France,
was heir to the vacant throne; Louis had the higher right, as the elder born,
but his dominions lay at a greater distance from Italy, and his subjects had
less in common with the Italians, in character, customs, or language, than the
French, while, as a still more formidable obstacle for his success, pope Adrian
had promised Charles that he should succeed his nephew, and pope John was
equally ready to support the king of France. Against such advantage the right
of primogeniture, never very strictly observed in the Carolingian line, had
little chance of prevailing. The Italian nobles assembled at Pavia, soon after
the emperor's death, in the presence of his widow Ingelburga, and arrived at
the strange determination of offering the crown to both kings at once, whether
because, from a real indifference, they were unable to make their choice, or
because they favored Charles, while the empress supported his brother's claim, or
because, by provoking the rivalry of the two sovereigns, they expected to free
themselves from the yoke of either.
Charles the Bald had already made some progress in his
way towards Italy, relying on his interest at the court of Rome, when the
invitation from the diet of Pavia met him, and strengthened his confidence. As
he marched through France and Switzerland, taking the route of mount St.
Bernard into Italy, large numbers of his subjects from every province swelled
his train. The multitude of his followers was probably the cause of his safe
arrival at Rome, for on his way his march was impeded by his two nephews,
Charles, afterwards emperor, and Carloman, sons of the king of Germany, who had
been successively dispatched by their father for the purpose of opposing the
king of France, and of receiving, in his name, the proffered crown of Italy.
For some reason which can only be conjectured, both the nephews were induced by
Charles to retrace their steps, bribed, as some say, by his presents, or, according
to other accounts, deceived by his false promises into an agreement that
nothing should at present be settled in the matter in which both parties were
interested. The king of France then pursued his way to Rome, which he entered a
few days before Christmas, and on that festival was publicly crowned by pope
John. The pope passed the highest eulogium on his character, and in the name of
the bishops and other clergy of the holy Roman Church, of the senate and people
of the city, bestowed upon him the title of emperor and crown of Charlemagne,
as if it had been a mere fief of Rome. As the Italian nobles at Pavia had
elected him without reference to the pope, the pope crowned him with an equal
assumption of independent right. “We have elected him, approved of him, exalted
him, to the scepter of the Roman empire”, were the words used by the pontiff to
the new sovereign, who readily submitted to receive, as a gift, the dignity
which otherwise he might have felt it difficult to gain. If to have acquired
this crown at last was a great triumph to king Charles, and the satisfaction of
his highest ambition, it was a still prouder triumph and a far more substantial
addition of power to the see of Rome to have thus bestowed the most exalted
dignity in western Christendom without a protest from him to whom the gift was
granted. The three preceding emperors had, indeed, been crowned by the pope,
and it is possible that, in performing the ceremony, each pontiff had wished it
to be understood that the real title was in some way, or in a certain aspect,
given with the crown. It is, however, beyond all doubt, that neither Louis the
Pious, Lothaire, nor the lately deceased emperor, and still less, perhaps,
Charlemagne himself, regarded the ceremony as conveying any right to dominion,
or in any other light than as significative of the sanction of the Church,
conferring the Divine blessing upon his appointment. From this act, more than,
perhaps, from any other that can be selected from history, must be dated the
papal interference, if it is not rather to be called supremacy, in the imperial
elections, equally exercised under the dynasties of Franks, Italians, or German
emperors. Yet while it is clear to all that the assumption now made by pope
John was a mere act of usurpation, it is equally true that, in this instance,
far more than the empty name was bestowed upon Charles when he received the
crown. His predecessors were emperors, by right of conquest or by birth, before
the hands of the pope were raised to place the diadem on their brow. But the
real title of Charles the Bald to succeed them rested on this gift, as the diet
of Pavia had equally sanctioned the election of his brother.
From Rome the new emperor hastened to attend a new
diet of the kingdom of Lombardy, at Pavia, where a considerable number of
bishops and nobles were assembled to meet him, under the presidency of Anspert,
archbishop of Milan, and Boso, brother of Richilde, the wife of Charles, whom
he had married on the death of queen Ermentrude, a few years before. The
Lombard nobles exercised an old right, which had been in abeyance since the
conquest of Charlemagne, and instead of simply accepting Charles as their king,
in virtue of hereditary claim, declared that they elected him as their
protector and sovereign lord. Boso was then rewarded with the title of duke of
Lombardy, and viceroy of the emperor; and Charles himself lost no time in
hastening back to France, where his presence was required by an invasion of the
king of Germany.
Louis, on the return of his two sons from their
unsuccessful march against their uncle, passed the Rhine, and marched to
Attigny, where he passed the Christmas of 875, hoping to divert his brother
from prosecuting his ambitious schemes. On hearing of his approach, the bishops
and nobles of that part of France in the direction of which he was advancing,
applied to Hincmar for advice, remembering that on a similar occasion,
seventeen years before, he had been the chief means of disappointing the
success of the same invader. Now, as before, Louis had made many promises of
protecting the rights of the Church, which seem to have been of late but little
regarded by Charles, and these may have induced many among the bishops to lend
a favorable ear his proposals. Hincmar, however, exhorted them to give no
sanction whatever to the enterprise of the king of Germany, for no fault of a
king could be excuse for his subjects, rebellion. He gave a sketch of the
former invasion, after which Charles had expressed his displeasure with the
clergy of France for not making a more decided opposition to his brother. But
his anger was unreasonable, because he had himself been the first to desert
them. And now Charles, he maintained, was equally to be blamed for leaving
his kingdom open to attack. There were difficulties on either side, and one
prince or the other would probably inflict punishment upon them for the censure
which it was the duty of the bishops to pronounce on both. Yet he urged them on
no account to leave their dioceses for safety, instancing the narrative of St.
Peter, who, when leaving Rome to avoid martyrdom, was met by Christ, who told
him that he came thither to be crucified a second time. St. Nicasius also, a
bishop of Rheims, suffered death from the Vandals, rather than desert his city.
He begged them to pray earnestly that no blood should be shed, to send no
messenger to gain the favor of Louis, to be seduced by no bribes that he might
offer, yet not to venture upon separating him from the communion of the Church.
In support of this advice he quoted St. Austin, who said that no one could be
kept from communion, even for his own good, except after a voluntary confession
of crime, or the passing of a sentence, secular or ecclesiastical. Although
Charles was charged with so great faithlessness and fickleness that none could
trust him, with disgracing his friends and oppressing the Church, Hincmar
expressed a hope that he might still reform his conduct on his return from
Italy. He exhorted them to send a warning to Louis to respect his oaths of
friendship towards his brother, and advance no farther. If this had no effect
upon him, it would, at all events, preserve their own reputation from stain and
censure. But, beyond this, they were not called upon to offer resistance, but
were to receive the conqueror peaceably, as St. Basil and his clergy received
Julian the Apostate. If Louis demanded payment of tribute from the Church
lands, such as the kings were wont to receive, it must be rendered without
complaint. They could all, he concluded, look forward with hope and rejoicing
to the return of their rightful king, and maintain their devotion to him in his
absence, without openly quarrelling with the king of Germany,
On the news of his brother's return towards France,
the king of Germany, who had received too little support from the French nation
to give him any hope of final success, retired with his son into his own
dominions. The emperor entered France in triumph, and, not content with the
recognition of his new dignity by the Romans and the Lombards, gave notice for
the assemblage of a larger diet or Council, at Pontyon, between the towns of
Langres and Châlons. Fifty bishops, under seven metropolitans, met at the appointed
time, in the month of June, AD 876. Charles, robed in his imperial vestments,
entered the Church, attended by two Italian bishops, legates of the pope, one
of whom, after the usual chant with which synods commenced their session, was
ordered by the emperor to pronounce the customary prayer, and to open the
proceedings. Accordingly, he read a papal letter, establishing Ansegisus,
archbishop of Sens, under the name of primate of the Gauls and of Germany,
vicar apostolic in those countries, with the authority to summon Councils and
to take the direction of all other ecclesiastical matters. Charles required all
the bishops present to signify their obedience to this decree, without even
permitting them to re-peruse the letters from Rome, in which it was contained.
They replied that they would obey the orders of the pope, with reservation of
the rights of metropolitans, and so far as was in accordance with the canons of
the Church, and with such decrees of the holy see as were conformable to them.
The answer was far from satisfying the emperor, the legates, or the
newly-appointed primate, who required an unconditional submission. Frotair
archbishop of Bordeaux, was the only metropolitan who signified his consent,
and this readiness was attributed to his wish to exchange his present province,
which had been much overrun with Norman invasion, for that of Bourges,—a
translation which was uncanonical, but which might not unreasonably be hoped,
if supported by the favor of Rome. Charles was greatly irritated at their
firmness; he put the pope’s letter into the hands of Ansegisus, and ordering a
seat to be placed near his own and those of the legates, above the places
occupied by other metropolitans senior to himself, desired him to take
possession of it, in virtue of his superiority in ecclesiastical rank. Hincmar
then rose and opposed the execution of the command, protesting, in the presence
of all the Council, that the whole matter was a direct violation of the canons
of the Church; but Charles rudely set aside the archbishop, and placed the new
primate in his chair, in the midst of the silent displeasure of all the synod,
So ended the first session of the Council. On the
following day the emperor's election by the diet of Pavia, and all that had
been determined in that assembly, was confirmed by the bishops and nobles of
his Cisalpine dominions of France, Burgundy, Aquitaine, Septemania, Neustria,
and Provence. The fourth session was taken up in the audience of ambassadors
from the king of Germany, Gilbert, archbishop of Cologne, and others, who were
sent to demand, in their master's name, a portion of his late nephew's kingdom.
This request, which, as may be supposed, received but little favor, was
followed by letters from the pope, read in public by one of his legates,
addressed to the bishops and to the counts of Germany, and containing the
severest censures upon Louis for his late invasion of France, and upon his
subjects for not attempting to dissuade him from the enterprise.
In the sixth session the bishops of France were again
at issue with the pope; they were required by the emperor, or the legates, to
confirm or to declare their approval of the condemnation of Formosus, bishop of
Porto, as well as of some officers of the Roman Church, accused of conspiracy
against the pope and the emperor, of plundering the Lateran palace, and other
crimes. Formosus, who, as will be remembered, was sent by pope Nicholas on the
mission to Bulgaria, was charged with having acquired so great influence over
the king of that country, as to have exacted from him a promise never to
recognize, as metropolitan of Bulgaria, any other bishop than himself; also
with conspiring against the newly-elected emperor, Charles. All the accused
were deprived, and then excommunicated by the pope, but they had left Rome, and
the Council of Pontyon was now required to pass a similar sentence upon them.
It appears probable that the real crime of Formosus, if not of the other
excommunicated persons, was a refusal to concur with John in the election of
Charles the Bald. However this may have been, the bishops of France declined to
sanction the papal sentence, and when required, in the seventh session, to
account before the legates for their refusal, gave reasons so convincing and
indisputable, that their opponents were reduced to silence. They were also
pressed, at the same time, to reconsider their former answers with regard to
the primacy of Ansegisus, but the reply, though expressed in a different form,
gave no further promise of submission. They said that they would obey the pope,
according to rule, as their predecessors had obeyed John. However, as the
emperor was not then present, the legates expressed themselves more satisfied
with the answer. In the same session a petition from Frotair, to be allowed to
take possession of the see of Bourges, as long as Bordeaux was exposed to the
heathen incursions, was read by the legates, who begged the bishops to support
it with their sanction. All refused; but the petition was, notwithstanding,
presented to the pope, and Frotair was shortly afterwards translated to
Bourges, vacant by the death of Wulfad.
At the eighth and last session of the Council, on the
morning of the 16th of July, Charles the Bald presented himself, no longer in
the Frankish garb which had always been worn by his ancestors, and till then by
himself, but in the costume of the emperors of Constantinople. This consisted
of a long flowing gown, with a veil of silk over his head, surmounted by a
crown. A more unconditional consent to the appointment of Ansegisus was again
demanded from the Council, with no greater success than before, and
thenceforward, although the archbishop of Sens retained the title of primate of
France and Germany, it was a mere nominal distinction, carrying with it no substantial
power or jurisdiction. Odo, of Beauvais, was also called upon to read certain
articles, drawn up by Ansegisus and himself, which the annalist of St. Bertin,
who was either Hincmar, or someone who wrote under his supervision, describes
as dictated without the participation of the Council, as self-contradictory,
and as equally devoid of utility, authority, or reason. They contained an
account of the election and coronation of Charles at Rome, and of messages said
to have been sent by Odo to king Louis and others, exhorting them to a
peaceable acknowledgment of the emperor, and declared the full consent of the
Council of Pontyon to the vicariate and primacy of Ansegisus, to the
condemnation of Formosus and the other persons accused by the pope, and to that
which was likewise pronounced against Louis of Germany and all his accomplices,
unless they speedily repented of their disobedience exhibited towards the papal
message and the invasion of the emperor's dominions. On the termination of this
business, the empress Richilde was presented to the council with a crown upon
her head, and the synod was dissolved, after the prayers were pronounced by one
of the legates, amid the acclamations of all present, in honor of the pope, the
emperor, and his queen.
At the breaking up of the assembly, Charles, irritated
at the opposition that he had experienced from Hincmar, or perhaps disapproving
of the terms of censure in which his conduct had been mentioned, in the letter
addressed by the archbishop to the suffragans and nobles of his province, on
the occasion of the late invasion by Louis, compelled him to repeat to him the
oath of allegiance and fidelity. We cannot learn precisely whether the other
bishops assembled at Pontyon were required to perform the same ceremony.
Hincmar certainly regarded the demand as a bitter and most unmerited insult,
after thirty-six years of uninterrupted devotion to the service and welfare of
Charles, in addition to eight years during which he enjoyed the confidence of
his father.
Apprehensive, as it is probable, that the appointment
of archbishop of Sens, as papal vicar and primate of France and Germany, would
be further insisted upon by the pope, and that the bishops, when unsupported by
his presence and arguments, might, at some future time, relax their opposition
to the encroachment, Hincmar published a letter to the prelates of France upon
the right of metropolitans. He explained to them that the patriarchate of Rome,
like the others, had under it many metropolitan sees, whose rights and
independency it was bound to preserve with all possible care. The pope usually
sent the pallium to all these, in token of his love and solicitude for them.
These metropolitans were ordained by the bishops of their province, without the
interference of other primates; among the primates of the Gallican Church, it
was an acknowledged custom that the senior in ordination should take the
precedence. In the times of Theodosius and Honorius all the seven provinces of
Gaul met at Arles, which thus obtained a species of priority over the rest.
Afterwards, in the reign of Clovis, Rheims possessed the same, in consequence
of the employment of St. Remigius to reduce the whole Church of France to
order, although, even then, the nominal precedence of Aries was still reserved.
Vigilius, archbishop of the latter see, was appointed to the performance of the
same office by king Childebert, and when Milo usurped the sees of Rheims and
Treves, in the days of Charles Martel, St. Boniface was ordered to undertake a
similar task. Several provinces were, at that time, placed under the primacy of
Metz. In this way one archbishop at one time, and another at another, gained
precedence over his brother metropolitans, yet without encroaching on the
general principle of their independency or equality. With regard to his own
province of Rheims, Hincmar notices the confirmation of its independency on all
other metropolitan dioceses by pope Benedict, after Ebo’s attempt to recover
possession of the see. Recurring, then, to the subject of the delegacy or
vicariate of Ansegisus, he asserted that no papal delegate had been appointed
in France for ninety years after the time of St. Boniface. Sergius then
bestowed the office on Drogo, bishop of Metz, whose high family seemed to
qualify him for the distinction. The bishops, however, unanimously refused to
acknowledge him, and he wisely abstained from pressing upon them an unwelcome
appointment. The fact was, that the office possessed only a temporary
character. In cases of necessity the pope was authorized to appoint someone for
the purpose of putting down simony or other irregularities, or for the
conversion of infidels, and when the purpose was effected the Churches
returned, as a matter of course, to their ancient rights. He quoted also St. Gregory's
rebuke to the patriarch John, for assuming the title of universal bishop, which
implied the equality of all primates, and therefore condemned the establishment
of any one as delegate with an authority above that of all the other
metropolitans.
The messages of rejection and of censure returned by
the Council of Pontyon to the king of Germany, roused the indignation of that
prince and his sons, who resolved on seeking satisfaction in arms. The emperor
bent all his, energies upon the task of resisting his brother or his nephews,
for the growing age and infirmity of Louis compelled him to entrust his three
sons with the management of the war. Yet there were calls upon Charles from two
other quarters at the same time, which might have been obeyed with more justice
and glory than the prosecution of the contest with his own relations. On one
side he received a pressing entreaty from pope John to hasten to the defence of
Rome, which was threatened with ruin by the Saracens. These infidels, according
to the pope's letter, had reduced to desolation all the country, up to the very
city walls, and the people, crowded to excess within the gates of Rome, were
suffering under an inexpressible poverty and distress. John soon learnt how
mistaken he had been in selecting Charles for the imperial throne, and in the
unbounded praises which he had heaped upon him at his coronation. The emperor
paid no attention to the summons, nor indeed could it be expected that he would
feel much for the danger of Rome, when a much nearer calamity, similar in kind,
was equally neglected. This was an invasion of Normans, led for the first time,
as it is supposed, by the famous Rollo, who, in a hundred vessels, then first
termed barks, ascended the Seine, and gained an easy possession of Rouen, (as
Franco, the archbishop, found opposition useless,) thence extending their
ravages on both sides of the river, in the direction of Paris. The message of
the pope, and the invasion of Rollo, were nearly contemporaneous, in the month
of September, 876; but the French monarch thought only of the war with king
Louis, and his eagerness was increased, instead of being allayed, by his
brother’s decease, which occurred on the twenty-eighth of August, at Frankfort.
He had reigned thirty-six years from his father's death, during which time he
had displayed considerable ability, and was spoken of with praise for his
justice and moderation, and, as far as we can learn, took a real interest in
the cause of religion and the Church. His invasions of France, especially that
of the year 858, as well as his haste in seizing upon a portion of the kingdom
of Lorraine, after his nephew's death, are stains upon his character, whatever
palliation may be sought for each of these actions in the conduct of Charles
the Bald. Louis, like other contemporary sovereigns, was frequently censured by
the bishops or Councils of his kingdom, for encroaching on ecclesiastical
privileges, and conferring upon laymen the property of the Church. In a point
where none were free from blame, it is perhaps more fair to judge of one prince
by a comparison with others of the same time and in a similar position, than by
any strict and absolute rule, and with the advantage of such a mode of judgment
the king of Germany may claim merit, rather than incur blame, in his character
of defender of the Church. His dominions were divided between his three sons;
Carloman received Bavaria, with Bohemia, and some other provinces; Louis,
distinguished from his father by the appellation of Louis of Saxony, inherited that
portion of Germany, with the addition of Thuringia, Franconia, Friesland, and
part of Lotharingia; and Charles, the youngest, known in history by the title
of the Fat, became king of Allemania, or proper Germany,
Previously to the death of Louis, Germany appeared to
hold the position of the offensive party, and the preparations of Charles the
Bald had been mainly for the purpose of defending his newly-acquired title and
dominions. The decease of his brother reversed the aspect of affairs, and not
only gave him the hope of securing possession of all the country which Louis
held on the left bank of the Rhine, but perhaps opened to his ambition the
prospect of adding to the crowns of Italy and France the remaining countries
which owned the sway of Louis the Pious and of Charlemagne. Of the new
sovereigns, Louis of Saxony, with a considerable army, was nearest to the
French frontier. Relinquishing all former claims, he sent a peaceable message
to his uncle, with offers of friendship, and begged, in return, for his
protection and alliance. Charles replied only by hastily collecting his forces,
to the number, as is said, of fifty thousand men, and putting them in march in
the direction of Andernach, to which town his nephew had advanced. Louis, as a
solemn proof of the justice of his cause, and for the sake of inspiring his new
subjects with confidence, if not of inspiring fear or conviction in the mind of
the emperor, or of his followers, selected thirty men, and submitted them to
the triple ordeal of hot iron, and of hot and cold water. All escaped, as it is
said, unharmed; but the success put no obstacle to the emperor’s progress,
although he granted a short truce, more for the object, as it would seem, of
surprising the Germans, than for any mutual advantage. In the night of the
seventh of October he put his army in motion, and advanced, by a cross path,
towards his nephew's camp. Gilbert, however, archbishop of Cologne, had found
means of discovering the intention of Charles, and of disclosing it to Louis,
and when the advanced guard of the emperor's army reached the hostile lines,
expecting to achieve an unresisted conquest, they were met by troops drawn up
in perfect order, and waiting their approach. Disordered already by the
darkness of the night, and by the difficulties of their march, which were
increased by torrents of rain, as well as by the false confidence of success,
they were quickly repulsed, and fell back in confusion on the main body of
their own army; they communicated their own terror to their companions, who
knew not whether the disorderly mass thus pouring upon their lines were friends
or foes. A total rout of the French army was the result; large numbers were
slain, or perished in the flight, among whom were many noblemen, with bishops
and abbots, and so complete was the pillage of the camp, and of the goods,
furniture, and even apparel of those who accompanied it, that the fugitives, as
it is said, had to content themselves with coverings of straw to protect them
from the cold. Charles himself, who had left his empress, on the point of
confinement, at the palace of Heristal, on the Rhine, stopped not in his flight
till he reached Antenay, in the diocese of Rheims, and his wife, who, like
himself, was obliged to flee, was seized with the pains of child-birth, at the
dawn of day, in the midst of a wood, and was with difficulty dragged by an
attendant, with her new-born infant, to her husband’s place of security. Louis,
however, content with the victory, had no intention of pursuing his uncle; he
returned to hold a conference with his brother Charles, at Coblentz, and then
hastened to take possession of his kingdom.
The complaints of the pope, who was sorely pressed by
the Saracens, still continued, and during the remainder of this and the first
half of the succeeding year he urged the emperor, without intermission, to send
relief into Italy. In one letter he said the inhabitants of whole districts
were either slain or reduced to starvation, the towns and villages entirely
desolate, and the bishops, instead of governing their dioceses and preaching to
their people, were reduced to flee in beggary from their homes, which had
become the retreat of wild beasts, although, whether by this term the pope
meant beasts of prey, or employed it as descriptive of the Saracen plunderers,
is doubtful. He complained also that the Christians were, in many districts, as
formidable as the pagans, for that they had either joined them or taken
advantage of the confusion to form themselves into troops of banditti, and live
by plunder. Accordingly, he exhorted Charles to hasten to the aid of his
mother, the Church, from whom he had received not only his kingdom, but the
faith, and who had lately raised him, in preference to his brother, to the
imperial dignity. From another letter, written in February, 677, with the same
object, and accompanied by similar entreaties, addressed to the empress and to
the bishops of France, we learn that the Christians, of whose conduct he
complained so bitterly, were chiefly the Neapolitans, whose duke, Sergius, had
made a treaty with the Mussulmans. Sergius frequently promised the pope to
break off this treaty or friendship with the infidels, but as often delayed
performing the promise, doubtless, because his only hope of safety rested in
its maintenance. But the anger of John was directed mainly against Athanasius,
bishop of Naples, who had consented to the alliance, or had given no proof that
he disapproved of it; the pope informed him that if his people refused to
listen to his dissuasions, he was bound to leave his diocese. Athanasius soon
afterwards recovered the favor of John, by seizing upon Sergius, who was his
brother, tearing out his eyes, and sending him to Rome as prisoner, while he
himself assumed the ducal sovereignty. The pope hesitated not to regard this
conduct as the result of divine inspiration, as much because an ecclesiastical
instead of a secular rule was thus established at Naples, as because Sergius
had supported the cause of the infidels. He found reason, however, afterwards,
to alter his sentiments, and deposed and anathematized Athanasius, but, on his
submission, suffered him to be restored.
The messenger from Rome, bearing the last-mentioned
letter from John, arrived in France soon after Easter. The emperor, who was
then at Compiegne, resolved to yield to the pope’s entreaties, and to take a
journey in person into Italy. Previously to commencing his march, he assembled
the bishops of the province of Rheims, with some others, and presided at the
dedication of a Church that had been built at Compiegne for the reception of
the remains of St. Cyprian and St. Cornelius, the former of which had been
brought into France in the time of Charlemagne. This ceremony was followed by a
diet at Quiercy, at which he appointed his only remaining son Louis, surnamed,
from an impediment in his speech, le
Begue, or the Stammerer, his viceroy during his absence from France. In
this diet, the last that was held by Charles the Bald, a decree was passed, of
considerable importance in the political history of the country. Hitherto the
counts had been appointed by the king: they were magistrates or representatives
of the sovereign in different provinces or counties of his dominions; they
possessed no property in these districts, as did the barons and other
proprietors of the land; and the title, with all its power and privileges, on
the death of one count, was transferred, at the royal option, to any other
courtier. It is true that the influence and interest created by their political
or magisterial connection with certain districts, furnished facilities, of
which they frequently availed themselves, of acquiring territorial possessions
in the same places; and in this way it is probable that the counts had become,
in many instances, signorial lords, like the barons and other owners, lay or
spiritual, of fiefs or benefices. These fiefs or benefices themselves had been
originally granted by Charles Martel and perhaps by the Merovingian kings, in
the same way,— that is, they were not hereditary, but were granted at the
sovereign's will. In the time of Charlemagne, however, they had universally
become hereditary; and the diet of Quiercy, now held, in June, 877, under
Charles the Bald, legalized the hereditary nature of the higher dignity of
count. The king of France was bound henceforth to bestow on the son of a count
his father's dignity, or rather, he succeeded to the rank and title as a matter
of course, without the intervention of the sovereign. The result was that a
number of irresponsible princes were created throughout the country; their
dependence on the king, which, as the course of our history has shown, was
before very precarious, became nearly annihilated; and the feeble princes who
prolonged for another century the dynasty of Charlemagne were in no position to
give reality and substance to a paramount dominion scarcely recognized even in
name and theory. Instead of being chosen by the king, they became themselves
his electors; they made war upon their sovereign or upon one another at their
pleasure; there was no appeal for the poorer or less powerful, from their
oppression, to any higher court, and although what is usually termed the feudal
system was not yet fully established, it was plain that the whole state of
society had become prepared for its institution, as soon as more warlike habits
should have led the way to a general military vassalage, or when chiefs of more
than usual talent or ambition should have fixed and organized what had been
hitherto irregular and accidental.
After the diet, Charles and his empress crossed the
Jura, and hastened to join the pope, who had advanced to meet them as far as
Pavia, and from thence to Vercelli. He received them with great honor; but they
were quickly obliged to retreat, on the news that Carloman, king of Bavaria,
was advancing towards Italy. This prince, since his father's death, had been
employed in repressing an invasion or rebellion of the Wends, and was now
leading his successful army to lay claim, as representative of the eldest
branch of the family of Charlemagne, to the crown of the empire. Terrified at
the news of his approach, the pope, accompanied by his guests, retired to
Tortona, where John crowned Richilde empress. After the ceremony she took her
departure, and hastened across the Alps to Maurienne, at the foot of mount
Cenis, while her husband waited for a time at Tortona, in expectation that
Boso, duke of Lombardy, with other nobles of that country, would join him,
according to appointment, with their troops. Boso, however, thought little of
the allegiance due to his sovereign; he looked upon himself as an independent
prince, and had lately, as an increase of his dignity, poisoned his former
wife, and married Ermengarde, daughter of the late emperor, Louis. He had no
wish to commit himself to either of the contending claimants, and Charles, who
was in no condition to contend with the German army of Carloman, found himself
compelled to follow his wife, while the pope hastened with equal speed to Rome,
carrying with him a magnificent crucifix of gold and jewels, the offering of
the emperor to St. Peter's shrine. The king of Bavaria, who would have found no
resistance in attempting the conquest of Italy and Rome, seized by a causeless
panic, or terrified by a vague rumor that the pope and his uncle were advancing
with a large army to meet him, relinquished the good fortune that was thrown in
his way, and returned to Germany. Charles never reached his kingdom of France;
he was taken ill while traversing mount Cenis, and sent for the empress from
her refuge in Savoy, to join him at a mountain village, called Brios. Here he
died, on the sixth of October, 877, and his physician, a Jew of the name of
Zedekiah, was charged with having caused his death by poison. He was fifty
years of age, of which, since his father’s death, he had reigned thirty-seven.
His body was embalmed, but so rapid was the progress of decomposition that it
was impossible to convey him for burial farther than to a monastery in the
diocese of Lyons. Seven years afterwards his remains were transported to the
cemetery of the French kings, at St. Denys.
The character of Charles the Bald is sufficiently
exhibited in the narrative which has been given of the events and conduct of
his life. He appears to have afforded an early promise of energy and courage,
if not of other virtues, which his after years failed to redeem. He possessed,
among his contemporaries, the reputation of weakness and timidity, and what is
related of his actions proves, with a few exceptions, the truth of the report.
Yet, with this want of firmness and courage, ambition seems to have grown upon
him as he advanced in life, and it is not to be doubted that he indulged the
dream of uniting under his scepter all the territory which owned the sway of
Charlemagne. Towards the attainment of this object he made, as it must be
acknowledged, no inconsiderable progress; yet the various steps of his success
were attributable to any other cause rather than to merit of his own. In the
prosecution of his designs, he was little scrupulous as to the justice of his
claims. The ambition of universal empire might be pardoned in a grandson of
Charlemagne, but it is probable that that emperor would have regarded as
unjustifiable, and unworthy of a great monarch, the means by which Charles
gained possession both of the crown of Lorraine and of that of the empire
itself. With the exception of his taking Richilde as his mistress, after the
death of queen Ermentrude, until decorum permitted him to receive her as his
wife, no stain rests on the character of Charles the Bald, such as those which
disfigured that of his nephew Lothaire. In reverence for the Church, and, with
certain exceptions, in general submission to its authority, he scarcely yielded
to his father, and if we find in the letters of Hincmar, and in other documents
of the time, complaints of his oppressing the Church, and encroaching upon its
rights and property, these are, perhaps, not more frequent than those directed,
by Agobard and others, against similar grievances on the part of Louis the
Pious, of the sincerity of whose devotion to religion no doubt can be
reasonably entertained. To the counsels of Hincmar was owing much in the
conduct of Charles the Bald which is worthy of praise or free from blame; and
it is certain that if these had been more strictly followed, many of the most
censurable actions of his life would have been avoided. That his subjects
retrograded in prosperity and happiness, during his reign, the surest sign, in
general, of a weak or wicked prince, is not to be laid altogether to his
charge; for no talent or energy, short of that of Charlemagne himself, could
have saved France from the incessant devastations of Normans and other
plunderers. If Charles failed from unavoidable circumstances, as much as from
his own defects of character, in promoting his country's good, by encouraging a
military spirit, or by the wisdom of political institutions, he was second to
no sovereign of his own, or any other age, in effecting or attempting this in
two points of view which tend, in an important degree, towards the advancement
of happiness and civilization. These were, his strengthening the influence of
the clergy, and the remarkable patronage which, more than even Charlemagne or
his father and brothers, he extended to philosophy and literature. Finally, we
may conclude, that while Charles the Bald was inferior in genius, whether as a
warrior or as a statesman, to his grandfather, and to his father in the
sincerity of his religious sentiments, or in their practical influence on his
life, he was, in a still more striking degree, superior to the succeeding
sovereigns of the Carolingian dynasty, and his reign may, perhaps, with more
truth, be regarded as the termination of the better class of that family, than
as the commencement of their undoubted and rapid degeneracy.
Before concluding this chapter, it will be right to
notice some letters or treatises of Hincmar, which were written shortly before
the death of Charles. At the emperor’s command, he addressed to pope John, (in
consequence, as is probable, of something that occurred at the Council of
Pontyon), an epistle on the subject of the judgments and appeals of bishops and
presbyters. Certain laws had been laid down by Charlemagne on these points,
which were still, as Hincmar says, generally considered as in force. Within the
last few years, however, since the existence of an ill-feeling between Charles
and the late emperor, Louis II, various letters had been received in France,
purporting to be written by the pope, but which the French bishops decided,
from their tenor, could not possibly be genuine, permitting all presbyters who
had been condemned by their bishops, to journey to Rome, without the knowledge
or consent of bishop or metropolitan, and lay their appeals at the foot of the
papal throne. Many clergymen had availed themselves of this permission, and
Hincmar, in remonstrating with pope John on his suffering the continuance of
the practice, discusses the origin of all appeals to Rome, which arose from the
Council of Sardica. By this Council the right was granted to bishops only, and
all that the pope was authorized to do was to require a second trial in the
same place; and if he had reason to think the Council which had passed the
former sentence insufficient, he was empowered either to make selections from
the bishops who composed it to act as judges, or to send a legate of his own to
assist them in their decision. The same restrictions were noticed by St.
Innocent, who wrote to Victricius, bishop of Rouen, on the subject; by
Boniface, in a letter to Hilary, of Narbonne; and by the canons of several
Councils. He insists on the impossibility of deciding such causes at a
distance, and concludes, that if these rules are violated, it is altogether
useless to hold any Councils out of Italy.
Another epistle, or short treatise, on a point of
discipline, was written probably about this time. It is on the subject of
presbyters, accused or suspected of crimes. Such persons, he says, are bound to
take an oath of purgation, on the four gospels, in the presence of three, five,
or seven brother clergymen, or, if the bishop orders it, of more. No person who
has himself been condemned is to be accepted as the accuser of a clergyman,
except in a matter which concerns himself; and no one witness, however high in
dignity or reputation, is admissible. A priest, if convicted, has power of
appeal to his bishop, to his metropolitan, or to a provincial Council; but if,
with the bishop's consent, he has chosen his own judges, no further appeal is
allowed.
In this letter he speaks of Isidore’s collection of
the epistle's of Roman pontiffs, from St. Clement to St. Gregory, and among
them notices a decree of pope Sylvester, that no layman could accuse a
clergyman, no deacon a priest, and so in order; and that no bishop could be
condemned before fewer than seventy-two judges. Of this decretal he remarks,
that no one can doubt its inconsistency and contradiction to all Church laws,
and concludes that the decretals of Sylvester are forged. He repeats also here,
what he had often said elsewhere, that all bishops are equally successors of
St. Peter, and that the authority which he received was bestowed, in him, upon
all bishops.
In another short memoir, written just after the death
of Charles, on the duties of a bishop, among which he reckons the furnishing
his quota of soldiers for war, Hincmar quotes again some of the false decretals
of Anacletus, Urban, and Lucius. The quotations, however, refer to no matter of
importance, or which might not be supported with equal ease from other
quarters.
Among the bishops present at the Council of Pontyon
was Hildebald, who had succeeded Rothad in the see of
Soissons. This prelate, shortly afterwards, was taken
dangerously ill, and sent a general confession of his sins, by letter, to
Hincmar, his metropolitan, for the purpose of receiving
absolution. Hincmar, who was himself disabled, by illness, from visiting
him in person, contented himself with ordering prayers to be put up for his recovery
throughout the diocese of Rheims; but on receiving a second request to the
same effect, he sent back, by the priest who brought the message, consecrated
oil, with an absolution or benediction, such as he conceived it right to send
by letter. He wrote to him at the same time, reminding him that neither
the general confession which he had sent nor the absolution sent back in reply
was sufficient. One particular confession to a priest, he tells him, is
enough, but it should be repeated every day, in private prayer. With
regard to the power or effect of priestly absolution, upon which he suspected,
perhaps, that Hildebald’s view was not altogether clear, he impressed upon him
the fact that it is only an appointed means of conveying to the sinner that
pardon which the blood of Christ alone can really procure. He quotes to
him many passages of comfort from the New Testament, and urges him daily to
receive the holy communion, which is the instrument of uniting us to our Lord.
While on the subject of these treatises of Hincmar, we
may mention his account of the vision of Bernold, written shortly after the
death of Charles the Bald. This man was a well-known person in the diocese of
Rheims; being at the point of death, he confessed, received absolution, the holy
communion, and extreme unction; he then lay as if dead, except that he
still continued to breathe. For four days he remained in this state,
taking no nourishment but a little water; at the end of this time he opened his
eyes, and begged his wife to run with all haste to the priest. On his
approach, before anyone could be aware of it, the sick man called out that he
was coming, and had a chair placed for him at his bed side. After the
customary benediction and prayers, he begged the clergyman to give him his best
attention, that he might perform the task, which had been laid upon himself, in
the event of his being hindered from fulfilling it by death. He then told
him, in the midst of many tears, that he had been carried to the other world,
to a place where he found forty-one bishops, among whom he particularly noticed
Ebo, Leopardel, conjectured by Fleury to be the same as Pardulus, of Laon, and
Eneas, of Paris; they were clothed in rags, which were black, as if burnt
by fire, and at one time shivered with the cold, at another suffered
intolerable heat. Ebo called to him, and begged him, on his return to the
body, to go to those who had been benefitted by himself and his brethren who
were there, during their lifetime, and request their prayers, alms, and sacrifices
in their behalf, and on Bernold’s replying that he knew not where to find these
persons, Ebo gave him a guide, by whom he was conducted to a large palace,
where a number of the followers and friends of the bishops were assembled; he
delivered his message, and on his return found Ebo and his companions with
cheerful countenances, clothed in white robes, with stole and sandals, but
without the cope usually worn by bishops. They told Bernold that they owed the
change to his good offices, and that they had a kind keeper now, no other than
St. Ambrose, instead of the cruel one whom he had seen before.
From thence he went to a dark place, beyond which was
visible another filled with a beautiful light, and shedding the most delicious
odours. In the former, lying in the midst of mud, and in a mass of the
filthiest corruption, lay the late emperor, Charles, so devoured by worms that
the bones and nerves of his body alone remained. Charles called him by name,
and bade him go to Hincmar, report what he had seen, and inform him that he was
in that miserable condition as a punishment for so frequently neglecting the
good advice offered by the archbishop and his other faithful counselors. He
said that he had always trusted and relied on him, and hoped that he would
prevail on his other subjects to join in efforts for delivering him from that
state of wretchedness. Bernold, on questioning him as to the place of which he
caught so ravishing a prospect beyond the darkness, learnt that it was the
abode of rest for the saints, and, on entering it, such transporting beauty met
his eyes as no human language could describe. Crowds of persons were enjoying
that delightful scene, clothed in white, and seats of dazzling brilliance were
ready for their use, with others for whom, as yet, there were no occupants. He
afterwards, in his vision, saw a Church, in which Hincmar stood at the altar
with his clergy, prepared to perform mass. To him he delivered the message
entrusted to him by the king, and, on returning, found Charles removed from his
former dark habitation to the place of light and joy, perfectly healed, and
robed in his royal vestments. He afterwards saw bishop Jesse fastened to a
rack, near which was a pit filled with pitch-like water, with flames and smoke.
Out of this appeared devils with heaps or bundles of human souls, which they
carried from the pit and dipped in water cold as ice. This was repeated, as
Jesse told him, every day, because they had no friends to take up their cause.
Bernold interceded for Jesse, as he had done for the rest, with some persons
whom he met, and, on his return, found that their good offices had been of
equal benefit to him. Count Othar was the next person whom he saw, covered with
hair, and begrimed with dirt; he attempted at first to hide himself from
Bernold, who called to him by name, but afterwards entrusted him with a similar
message to that received from the former sufferers, accusing the demon who was
his keeper with having been the prompter of all his sins during his lifetime,
and with having advised him now to hide himself from the eyes of Bernold. He
was afterwards addressed by two men, one of a noble aspect, and the other
resembling a boor or clown; the former told him that he should return to the
body and live fourteen years longer, urging him, at the same time, to make a
good use of the period thus granted him, while the other attempted, but in
vain, to oppose his return.
The sick man, on
finishing his story, received the holy communion, and, after he had taken food,
quickly recovered his health and strength. The vision was reported to Hincmar
by the priest to whom it had been confessed, a man, as he assures us, of
integrity and good sense. He had no doubt, therefore, of the truth of the
story, and mentions, as if in confirmation of it, that he had read similar
accounts in the works of St. Gregory, in Bede's Anglo-Saxon history, in the
writings of St. Boniface, and more lately in a relation of a vision which
occurred to a monk in the reign of Louis the Pious. The vision of St. Eucherius,
of Orleans, on the subject of Charles Mattel's punishment, held out as a
warning to Louis, king of Germany, by Hincmar and the other bishops at the time
of his French invasion, may be compared with this. It proves how widely spread,
at this time, was the notion of some kind of purgatory after death, and of the
efficiency of prayers, alms-deeds, and the eucharistic sacrifice, in benefiting
the condition of those detained there. Hincmar concludes by a practical
exhortation to his readers to live in fear and watchfulness during their life
here, and by requesting them to pray for king Charles and other deceased
persons.
CHAP. VII.
DISPUTES OF THE
YOUNGER HINCMAR AND POPE ADRIAN WITH KING CHARLES AND THE ARCH-BISHOP OF
RHEIMS.
It is necessary to go back some years from the point
to which our history has arrived, to relate the origin and progress of the
various disputes which arose from the insubordination of Hincmar, bishop of
Laon, towards his uncle and king Charles. These began eight or ten years before
the king’s death, and cannot be said to have terminated till the Council of
Troyes, in the year 878. The younger Hincmar was educated by his uncle, and, at
the earliest age permitted by the custom of the Church, was promoted by his
interest, on the death of his friend Pardulus, to the see of Laon. This was
probably in the year 858. The good offices of the archbishop also introduced
him to the notice of the king, in whose favor he quickly made considerable
progress. Charles gave him an office of some emolument at court, and an abbey
in a distant province. His uncle disapproved of his accepting employments which
took him from the duties of his diocese, especially as the bishop of Laon made
a practice of frequently visiting his abbey, and of remaining there for
considerable periods, without troubling himself to obtain the permission of his
metropolitan; a conduct in violation of ecclesiastical law, and which Hincmar,
strict at all times in enforcing discipline, was not likely to regard with less
displeasure when pursued by one who was bound by ties of relationship and
gratitude to be more than usually submissive to his will. But in many other
respects the bishop treated his uncle with neglect; he was frequently censured,
but disregarded all remonstrance and expostulation, and even disobeyed the
positive orders of his archbishop; for example, when specially summoned to
attend the consecration of a bishop of Cambray, he refused to go or to send a
delegate to excuse or to represent him. Nor were the clergy and people of his
own diocese better satisfied with him; and at last king Charles himself found
cause for equal displeasure.
It was a common custom for a bishop to give, in way of
loan, lands or other properties of the diocese to laymen, especially if
recommended by the king; and these possessions were handed down by father to
son, in the same manner as property of their own. Thus a family gained a
certain right of tenure in estates, which were, at the same time, property of
the Church, and under the direction of the bishop. Such a benefice had been
bestowed by Hincmar of Laon or his predecessor upon a certain Luido, a vassal
of the king, and by him had been left, in the usual way, to his son. Without
reason, as it appears, the bishop deprived him of the property; and on a visit
made by Charles to the neighborhood, in the summer of 868, the aggrieved tenant
brought his complaint before him, and begged for restitution. The king
remonstrated with Hincmar on the subject; but received a reply so disrespectful
that he was greatly amazed, and broke out into the most vehement reproaches. He
appointed a time and place for his appearance before some noblemen, who were to
decide the cause. But when the day arrived, Hincmar neither presented himself
nor sent any one to appear for him, satisfying himself with the plea that he
could not submit himself to a secular tribunal without prejudice to the Church.
The king punished his contumacy by depriving him not only of his abbey and of
the office which he held at court, but of the revenues of his diocese.
These proceedings of Charles appeared an encroachment
on the rights and independence of the Church; and the archbishop of Rheims
accordingly, though disapproving of his nephew's conduct, interfered in his
behalf. He wrote a letter to Charles, declaring that he had acted unjustly,
both in requiring the bishop of Laon to appear before a lay tribunal, and in seizing
upon the revenues of the see. Such acts were condemned by Charlemagne, as well
as by the earlier Christian emperors; and the present king was bound, in an
especial manner, to uphold the privileges of the Church, as he had taken an
oath to do so at various times, as the Councils of Beauvais and Quiercy. Canons
are adduced from Antioch, Gangra, and Chalcedon, forbidding any one to seize
upon Church property, and to these Hincmar adds the decretals of popes Urban,
Lucius, and Stephen. In proof of the right of a bishop to be judged by a
spiritual tribunal, a custom recognized by civil as well as by ecclesiastical
law, he quotes the words of Gelasius, who, in laying down the existence of a
double power, the regal and the sacerdotal, maintains the superior importance
of the latter, inasmuch as priests will have to give account for kings as well
as for others at the last judgment. Every class of men, he continues, enjoys
the privilege of being judged according to its own laws, and it is unreasonable
that bishops alone should be an exception.
In August, 868, within a month or two of these events,
the Synod of Pistres, on the Seine, was assembled under the king, and both the
Hincmars were present. The bishop of Laon laid his cause before the Council,
pleading the violation of ecclesiastical law, of which the king had been guilty
in commanding him to appear before the judges, and in taking possession of his
revenues, and promised to answer any charges that might be brought against him
at a regular synod of the province of Rheims. Soon afterwards, however, either
during the continuance of the Council, or on its dissolution, he repented of
this promise, and appealed to Rome. In answer to the bishop's plea, king
Charles informed the Council that his predecessors, in all cases similar to the
present, in which a bishop had deprived one of their vassals of a benefice, had
been in the habit of subjecting him to a secular judgment in the royal palace.
The archbishop of Rheims, however, lost no time in overthrowing the king’s argument,
by representing the custom to which he had alluded as originating in a mistaken
view, and by showing that it had been expressly annulled by the capitulars. He
afterwards prevailed on his nephew to make an apology to the king, who was
pacified at length, and restored the property of Laon, on the condition that
legally appointed judges, or, if necessary, a provincial Council, should
afterwards pronounce on the conduct of the bishop.
It was not long before the younger Hincmar incurred
the displeasure of Charles a second time, for a similar reason. He had made
over to the king another estate in his diocese, which was bestowed upon count
Norman. Hincmar wished to get this property into his hands again, but the count
refused to relinquish it, and when the judges appointed to settle former
matters of dispute took cognizance of this business likewise, and in ordering
the restoration of the Church property to Hincmar, expressly excepted the estate
of Pouilly, held by Norman; he sent one of his clergy with a letter to the pope
complaining of the usurpation, and expressing, at the same time, an earnest
desire to pay his respects in person at the apostolic throne. Adrian wrote to
Charles and to the archbishop of Rheims, informing him of the bishop’s wish to
visit Rome, and begging them to forward the journey, and to take the diocese of
Laon into their charge during his absence, and, at the same time, desired the
archbishop to threaten count Norman with excommunication unless he restored at
once the property of the Church of Laon, of which he was in possession, as well
as all others who might interfere with the revenues of the diocese. The
archbishop thought it unnecessary to pay any attention to these commands,
knowing well that his nephew had misrepresented the matter to the pope, but
Charles, on receiving Adrian’s letter, which arrived while he was at his palace
at Quiercy, in December, was beyond measure irritated at Hincmar's secret
correspondence with Rome, and at having been slanderously described as an
usurper of the property of the Church. His displeasure was soon increased by
the complaints of Norman, whose house the bishop of Laon attacked, during his
absence, with a large party of armed retainers, and, after seizing upon every
article which it contained, turned out his wife, who was weakened by the recent
pains of childbirth. He sent for the author of the outrage, who had been in
attendance on the court, in discharge, as is probable, of the office which he
held there; but the bishop, without waiting to gain his master's permission,
had left Quiercy, and retired to Laon. Soon afterwards, at the beginning of the
following year, AD 869, he entered into a correspondence with king Lothaire,
who was at this time on no very cordial terms with his uncle, the king of
France, on the subject of leaving the dominions of the latter, and receiving,
in exchange, a bishopric or some other dignity in Lorraine. To enquire into
this matter, or to prevent any general defection, Charles sent an order for the
vassals of the Church of Laon to appear before him at Compiegne. The command
was obeyed by some, but others were prevented by the bishop from waiting on the
king. Two bishops of the province, Odo of Beauvais, and Gilbert of
Châlons, were next dispatched to lead the refractory prelate to the royal
presence; and some nobles with troops were ordered to support them, in case of
resistance offered by the bishop’s retainers. Hincmar, on hearing of their
approach, called together the clergy of his diocese to the Cathedral of Notre
Dame, at Laon, and while they stood round him, holding the cross and the
gospels in their hands, pronounced sentence of excommunication against all who
should enter that holy place or any other portion of his diocese by force,
together with all who aided or countenanced them. The sentence, without naming
the king, plainly included him, and was sufficient of itself to cause great
scandal throughout France. On the arrival of the bishops with their followers,
Hincmar refused to leave the altar where he stood as in a place of refuge, nor
did they choose to incur the responsibility of violating so solemn a sanctuary.
They, therefore, contented themselves with requiring all the vassals of Laon to
renew their oaths of allegiance to king Charles, and returned to Compiegne. No
sooner, however, had they departed, than the bishop of Laon gave a further
proof of his contumacy, if not of actual treason, by compelling them to take
another oath.
To bring the dispute to a termination, the king issued
orders for the assembling of a general Council, at Verbery, on the
twenty-fourth of the following April. Eight metropolitans, and twenty-one
suffragan bishops were present, and Hincmar of Rheims presided. The bishop of
Laon, who had been specially summoned, ventured not again to disobey, but
finding that all present were likely to be unanimous in his condemnation, he
appealed to the pope, and demanded permission from the king to go at once to
Rome. His request was refused, but the appeal had the effect of staying all
further proceedings for the present, and he returned once more to his diocese.
Here he found few of his clergy disposed to pay him obedience or respect, and
proceeded at once to an act which, according to his uncle’s description, had
been, hitherto, unknown in the Church. He laid the whole of his diocese under
an interdict, or general sentence of excommunication, with an express
prohibition on its removal except by himself or by the pope. During its continuance
no clergyman was permitted to perform Divine service, no children could be
baptized, no penitents absolved, no sick could receive the holy communion, and
no dead could be buried. His uncle, in writing to him afterwards on the
subject, speaks of it as a cruelty exceeding that of pagans and persecutors,
causing, as it did, not only the destruction of the body, but the ruin of the
soul, because they are guilty of the soul's death who force men to leave the
world unbaptized or without penitence and communion. The clergy of Laon
ventured neither to obey so strange an order, nor, on their own responsibility,
directly to oppose it; they therefore had recourse to the archbishop of Rheims,
who charged his nephew to revoke the sentence, and, on his persisting in
refusal, after a first and second repetition of the warning, authorized the
clergy to go on in the usual way with the duties of their office, without
regarding their bishops interdict. Meanwhile the younger Hincmar was arrested,
by the king's command, and kept for a short time in confinement at Silvacus, a
place in the vicinity of Laon. The anger of Charles, however, was soon
appeased, and the disobedient bishop was again set at liberty, on taking a new
oath of fidelity to his sovereign.
To satisfy any scruples which the clergy of Laon might
have felt, in acting against the sentence of their diocesan, the archbishop of
Rheims had drawn up for their perusal a collection of laws, bearing on the
circumstances in which they were placed. His nephew, on regaining his freedom,
set himself to overthrow their authority, by making a further compilation of
passages, drawn from the writings of ante-Nicene authors. The object of this
document was to weaken the authority of metropolitan bishops and of provincial
Councils, and it contained, according to the archbishop's description, a number
of views inconsistent with themselves, and opposed to scriptural and canonical
law, and the authority of the holy see. The point on which he mainly insisted
in his collection, was the right of bishops to refer their cause, in the first
instance, before submitting to any other jurisdiction, to the judgment of the
pope. All the clergy of his diocese were compelled to subscribe these extracts.
Soon after this occurred the death of king Lothaire,
and the coronation of Charles as his successor. The bishop of Laon assisted at
the ceremony, and may be supposed, from this circumstance, to have regained the
favor of the king. But, within a few months, new causes of dispute arose
between the two Hincmars. There were two brothers, Nivin and Bertric, the
former of whom, and perhaps the other also, was resident in the diocese of
Rheims. Both of them were men of profligate and disorderly character, and
Nivin, at the end of this year, or early in the year 870, seduced a nun from
her convent. Hincmar, thereupon, excommunicated him, and Nivin, instead of
either attempting to prove his innocence or of seeking pardon for his
transgression, fled with his brother into the diocese of Laon, where the
younger Hincmar not only peaceably received him, but gave him a pension out of
the revenues of his Church. The archbishop wrote a letter of expostulation to
his nephew on the subject, explaining the circumstances of the case, and
remarking that the bestowal of the benefice or pension was quite contrary to
all rule. His nephew, in answer, attempted to justify himself by maintaining
Nivin’s innocence, and declaring that he had been anxious to refute the charge,
but was unable to find the archbishop himself, or any deputy to act for him. He
denied that he had bestowed upon him a benefice in return for any pecuniary
compensation, but represented the gift as conferred out of gratitude for
property long ago made over to the Church of Laon. He accused his uncle of
readily believing such tales, maintained the authority of the false decretals,
and quoted a spurious letter of Damasus, in which it is pretended that no
Council can be assembled except by the pope, and that, without his sanction, no
bishop can be condemned.
Shortly after this correspondence, a second dispute
arose from the following circumstance :—A priest of Laon, named Adulf, was
employed by his bishop to execute a commission, which he neglected, and, when
reproved for it, answered in a sullen and disrespectful manner, and, in token
that he refused all further connection with his diocesan, cast his robe or gown
upon the floor, and hastened from his presence. Hincmar sent a priest after him
to excommunicate him, but Adulf stopped his ears, and went to Rheims to lay his
complaint before the archbishop. Afterwards he repented of his haste and
returned to Laon, with the intention of entering again upon his duties, but was
turned out of his Church, and found the monastery in which he lived closed
against him. He next prevailed upon the elder Hincmar to intercede for his
readmission, and at last the bishop of Laon, in answer to his uncle's entreaty,
permitted him to reside in his diocese, and took off the ban of
excommunication, although, with some inconsistency, refusing to communicate
with him himself.
Contemporaneously with this, was a third difference
between the two prelates, in which the same Adulf was in some way concerned. A
chapel in the diocese of Laon belonged to a benefice in that of Rheims, and the
incumbent was in the custom of nominating a curate to serve it. The present
incumbent, Sigebert, gave the appointment to Senatus, a servant of the Church
of Rheims, and the archbishop accordingly gave him his liberty, and sent him to
his nephew for ordination. He was ordained deacon, and in that capacity served
the chapel for four years. This, as it seems, was an irregularity; but the
bishop, instead of advancing Senatus to the priesthood, suffered it to continue
for a time, and then sent other priests to officiate. He afterwards turned
Senatus away without any reason, and shut up the chapel, with orders to the
inhabitants of the vicinity to attend in future at a parish Church in the
diocese of Laon. The archbishop, on hearing this, attempted to dissuade his nephew
from the proceeding, and urged him either to ordain Senatus, or to appoint
another clergyman to the chapel. He received, in return, an angry answer, in
which the bishop refused to reply to some of his uncle’s questions; denied that
he had ever promised Senatus the chapel; accused Sigebert of unlawfully
thrusting a curate upon another man's parish, which he said was done at the
suggestion of Adulf, and quoted the capitulars of Louis the Pious, to show that
no one who had been born in servitude could be ordained priest. The quotation,
however, seems in truth to have told against him, as the capitular in question
only required that the bondman must receive his freedom before being admitted
to holy orders. From this subject he digressed to his usual introduction of the
appeal to Rome, in support of which he transcribed passages from the spurious
decretals of Victor, Callistus, Lucius, and other popes.
Early in the spring of the year 870, in the midst of
the correspondence on these various matters of dispute, the uncle and nephew
met at the palace of Gondeville, in the diocese of Tola, in attendance on king
Charles. A good many bishops were present, and interchanged friendly
salutation; but the younger Hincmar refused to take notice of his uncle,
or to give him the kiss of peace, the usual token of affection and good-will.
Wenilo of Rouen expostulated with him on this want of courtesy and charity; and
the bishop of Laon, in reply, declared that he could never bring himself to
entertain friendly feelings towards his metropolitan until the latter had
publicly destroyed the paper that had been written by him to the clergy of Laon
on the subject of the interdict. This collection, he said, professed to prove
the injustice of the sentence; whereas the archbishop himself had before acted
in a precisely similar way, having laid an interdict upon a village of Laon, on
some question of tithes, during the continuance of which many infants had died
unbaptized, and many grown persons without the last communion. He assured Wenilo
that he was in possession of documents which proved the truth of the assertion.
The archbishop, on hearing the charge, asserted that it was a mere fabrication,
without a shadow of truth, and begged Wenilo to propose to his nephew to lay
the papers that proved it before the bishops then present, while he himself
would produce at the same time the collection of canons compiled in opposition
to the interdict. The younger Hincmar, who had obviously invented the
accusation on the spur of the moment, was compelled to excuse himself from
complying with so reasonable a suggestion, on the plea of not knowing where at
once to place his hand upon the documents to which he had referred; and
contented himself with delivering to Wenilo, for his uncle, a new and more elaborate
compilation of the papal decretals, with an introduction in verse. In the
course of the following night, Hincmar read this production, and wrote an
answer to it, which he delivered the next morning to his nephew; and when more
at leisure, in the month or two which intervened before the Synod of Attigny in
May, extended the treatise to the form which it now bears, and in which it
occupies more than two hundred folio pages in the second volume of his works.
The main object of the Council of Attigny, which
consisted of the bishops of ten provinces, was to put a stop to the disorderly
conduct of prince Carloman, as well as to discuss with the ambassadors from
king Louis some questions concerning the division of Lorraine. After the
termination of these political debates, the subject of the younger Hincmar was
submitted to the council. The archbishop of Rheims was ordered to relate all
that had passed between them, and produced the essay lately composed by him in
answer to his nephew’s support of the decretal letters. The bishops in general
then brought forward against him the excommunication which he had laid upon his
diocese; the king charged him with violation of his allegiance; and Count
Norman and his wife complained of the injustice received by them at his hands,
and of his still continuing in possession of their property, notwithstanding
the decision previously given for its restoration. Of these charges, that
advanced by the king seemed the most dangerous, and the bishop was conscious
that his insubordination might justly be punished with severity. But Charles,
whatever were his other faults, seldom bore ill-will for any length of time
against those who offended him. He therefore now proposed that the accused
prelate should be freed from the necessity of a formal trial, and
should be permitted simply to sign a promise of obedience henceforward to his
king and to his metropolitan. The bishop of Laon hesitated to comply with the
suggestion, and Charles, as it would appear, consented to allow him time to
think of the proposal.
As he was retiring to his lodging from the synod,
which immediately broke up its session for the day, Frotair of Bourdeaux
followed the discontented bishop, and enquired why he had refused so easy and
reasonable a proposition as that laid before him by the king. Hincmar replied
that he could do nothing unless his uncle gave him a promise in writing to
observe the rights of the Church of Laon. Frotair assured him that he would
willingly consent to give such a promise, and led his companion back into the
hall where the meeting had been held, and where the archbishop of Rheims was
then standing at a window, in conversation with his friend Odo, of Beauvais.
Frotair joined them, and informed them that his brother Hincmar was willing to subscribe
the paper laid before him by Charles, and to live henceforward with his uncle
as a son ought to live with his father, and a suffragan with his metropolitan.
The archbishop expressed a lively joy at the news, and received his nephew with
kindness; while the latter assured him that his opposition had arisen from no
hostility towards himself, but from a fear that the see of Laon might suffer
from the encroachments of any future archbishop of Rheims. Odo was then
requested to draw up the form to be subscribed; and after both the Hincmars had
made such alterations as they thought fit, the elder begged the bishop of
Beauvais to procure a fair copy, to be signed by his nephew, the following day,
in the presence of the council. The latter at first objected to this
arrangement, on the plea of his being ill at the time, with a feverish attack,
for which he had need of returning home, for the purpose of losing blood, but
Aeneas, bishop of Paris, at length persuaded him to consent.
The next day, the sixteenth of June, in the presence
of the king and the synod, the required declaration was made. It was expressed
in the following terms: “I, Hincmar, bishop of Laon, will be henceforward
faithful and obedient to king Charles, my lord, according to my office, as a vassal
ought to be to his lord, and a bishop to his king. I promise to obey the
privileges of Hincmar, metropolitan of Rheims, according to the canons, and the
decrees of the holy see approved by the canons”. This declaration he
subscribed, and handed to the king and to his uncle, both of whom gave him, on
receiving it, the kiss of peace, in token of reconciliation. The next day the
bishop of Laon sent his uncle, by the hand of a friend, a paper, which he
desired him to subscribe, and which doubtless contained the promise to respect
the rights of the Church of Laon, of which he had spoken before to Frotair.
Hincmar, however, took no further notice of the paper, thinking it unbecoming
for an archbishop to subscribe such an engagement with his suffragan.
The only remaining complaints against the younger
Hincmar were those of count Norman. To settle them three bishops were appointed
by his uncle, with the consent of both parties. Among other
things they decided, that the estate formerly possessed by Norman should be
restored to him. The bishop, who, as it would seem, could scarcely have
expected any other judgment, dissatisfied with the decision, departed during
the night from Attigny, without waiting for the termination of the business. A
few days afterwards he wrote to his uncle, reminding him of his former appeal
to Rome, and imploring him to use his interest with the king for permission to
take the journey; his own vows, as he said, and the command of the pope,
compelled him to take this course, and if his wish were not granted he could
pay no further obedience to his uncle's orders. Hincmar abstained from
answering his nephew’s letter, but the king sent to bid him return without
delay, and received in answer a still more urgent petition for leave to wait on
pope Adrian, and an excuse that the fever under which he was suffering
prevented his return to Attigny. Charles expressed his surprise that a fever,
which kept him from travelling a short distance, should allow him to take so
long a journey as to Rome; and sent him back word by the bearer of the letter,
that if, on his return, he could show any good cause for the journey, he would
not hinder it. He took notice, at the same time, of another estate which had
been taken from a certain tenant, of the name of Eligius, much in the same way
as that in which count Norman had been plundered, and ordered him to restore
it. The council, however, broke up without his insisting any further on his
attendance.
The next step in the correspondence was taken by the
younger Hincmar, who sent a still more violent message than before to his
uncle, by Fleddo, who is called a provost of the Church of Laon, offering to
return and be obedient for the future, on receiving a positive promise from
Charles to interfere in no way again with the disposal of the property of his
Church, but declaring that he would otherwise no more obey the king, but would
follow up his appeal to Rome, and lay under excommunication all who laid hands
upon his revenues. In justification of this resolution, he sent, by the same
messenger, a paper purporting to contain an abstract of a decree passed at a
synod at Toussi, in the year 860, in which all persons appropriating Church
revenues, without the bishop’s consent, were threatened with so strict a
sentence of excommunication as to give them no hope of communion in their last
sickness, or of burial after death.
The archbishop, in answer, said that he had spoken to
the king on the subject, and that a part of his property would be at once
restored, but that nothing could be decided as to the remainder until a
judgment should have been delivered on the matter, in place of that which had
been cut short by his sudden flight from Attigny. He then noticed the canon of
Toussi, adduced by his nephew, which he said was altogether new to him and to
other bishops to whom he had shown it, although both they and himself had been
present at the council. Besides this he had compared it with the original acts,
then in his possession, and found no traces of it there; and it was also in
plain opposition to well-known canons of the Church.
The bishop of Laon complained, in reply, that many
estates had been alienated from his Church, that the commissioners appointed to
examine into the question had acted with great partiality, and that even the
estate which had been especially ordered by the king to be restored to him, was
still partially occupied by one of the royal tenants. He expressed also great
surprise at his uncle’s assertion that the bishops who had attended the council
denied any knowledge of the canon in question, because archbishop Harduic, one
of those present, had given it to him, and he had employed two deacons of his
Church to transcribe it, men who were quite incapable of falsifying the
document. The truth seems to have been, respecting this discrepancy, that the
fathers at Toussi had threatened with ecclesiastical censure all plunderers of
Church property, but had not used the strong expressions represented by the
younger Hincmar as contained in their decree. The refusal of the last communion
and of the rites of burial was indeed only employed in most extreme cases. In
the remainder of his letter, which is of considerable length, the bishop makes
an attempt to defend his collection of papal epistles from some of the arguments
adduced by his uncle against their authority.
This was the termination, for a time, of the
correspondence between the archbishop and his nephew. Soon afterwards, the
latter, finding that he could expect nothing from an episcopal judgment, wrote
to the king, and offered to submit the decision of his cause to any lay judges
whom he might appoint. For some reason, which it seems difficult to
understand, unless it were for the sake of opposition to ecclesiastical
influence and authority, they decided in his favor, and compelled Norman, as
well as some other tenants of the Church, to restore his property. He then
returned to court, and continued his official occupation as usual, without
pressing any further the necessity of his visiting Rome. By this submission to
a lay judgment he relinquished the sole point of sympathy which had existed in
the late disputes between his uncle and himself; and the former afterwards
brought heavy reproaches against him, for an act of such treason towards the
privileges of the Church.
It is necessary to interrupt the course of the
narrative, for the sake of giving a brief account of the treatise, consisting
of fifty-five chapters, which the archbishop of Rheims presented at the Council
of Attigny, in reply to his nephew's quotations from the false decretals, and
in consideration of some other questions which had arisen between them.
In the first few chapters he denies and disproves the
charge brought against him by his nephew, of having laid under excommunication
a village in the diocese of Laon, for refusing to pay tithes; he accuses him of
the various faults committed against him as his archbishop, in his acceptance
of an office at court, and of an abbey in another province, without his
permission; of his remaining for long periods out of his diocese; of his
refusal to be present at the ordination of John, bishop of Cambray; and of his
venturing to excommunicate persons who belong to another diocese; and expresses
his astonishment at his nephew's venturing to demand that he should publicly
destroy the document sent to the clergy of Laon, on the subject of die
interdict, agreeable as it was, in all respects, to the gospel, to the canons,
and to the decrees of the apostolic see. He next notices the opposition made by
pope Nicholas to his determinations in the affairs of Rothad and Wulfad, which
his nephew, as it appears, had made the pretext for refusing to attend any
synod to which his uncle might summon him, unless he himself had any reason for
wishing to be present. The archbishop explains that the pope could not fairly
be regarded as having set aside his decisions in these cases, but had rather
used his authority to temper, by clemency, the strict justice of the sentences
which had been passed concerning them.
He next applies himself to an explanation of the
privileges of an archbishop, and of the distinction existing between a simple
bishop and a metropolitan. Metropolitans alone, he says, have the power of
calling a synod in any part of their provinces; and all suffragans are bound to
attend in person or by a deputy on pain of punishment. Anyone who has a charge
against a bishop, must bring it before the metropolitan, who can either appoint
judges himself or permit the accused person to select them. Every bishop must
be consecrated by the metropolitan of his province, and any election without
his consent is invalid by a canon of the Council of Nice; whereas, on the
contrary, the refusal of one or two bishops has no effect in hindering the
election of a brother suffragan, if the metropolitan and the majority of the
bishops are agreed upon it. On the death of a bishop it is the business of the
metropolitan to appoint a receiver for the revenues of the vacant Church, to
order a new election, and if there is any want of unanimity in the electors, to
choose the most worthy candidate, and examine him prior to consecration. A
metropolitan may demand the subscription of all his suffragans to any document
which he thinks fit to put forth, unless containing something contrary to the
faith. His permission is necessary to the sale or alienation by a bishop of the
property of his Church. He has the power of hearing appeals from any clergyman
or layman who has been excommunicated by one of his suffragans, and, without
his will, may restore him in an episcopal assembly. In fine, he has the care of
the whole province, whereas a bishop has only the management of his own
diocese. If two bishops have any dispute neither has the right of choosing
judges from another province, but must leave the choice to the metropolitan. To
his advice recourse must be had in all doubtful questions; nor can any bishop,
under any circumstances whatever, appeal to Rome, without having first sought
this advice. Without his permission no bishop or no messenger commissioned by
him can leave the province. If a bishop has any ground for complaint against
his metropolitan, he is permitted by the Council of Sardica, by the decrees of
St. Innocent, St. Gregory, and other popes, and by the ecclesiastical law of
the empire, to request the apostolic see to appoint judges to decide the cause.
If a bishop commits anything in violation of the laws, his metropolitan is not
required to wait for the meeting of a synod, or for the advice of his
suffragan, but may at once give orders for the abrogation of what has been
done.
In the three following chapters, the seventh, eighth,
and ninth, Hincmar reproves his nephew for his double appeal to Rome, in
opposition to the rules now laid down; for his submitting the decision of
causes in which he was concerned to lay judges and foreign bishops, instead of
to his own metropolitan and fellow suffragans; for his employing the mediation
of archbishops of other provinces in his dealings with himself and with the
king; and for his listening to the persuasions of others, while he refused to
pay attention to himself and his friend Odo, to take off a sentence of
excommunication pronounced against a monk of St. Denys, whom the king had
removed from that abbey to a monastery in the diocese of Laon.
He next notices the argument adduced by his nephew for
the authority of the decretal letters of the elder popes, from the saying of
St. Leo, already mentioned, when quoted by pope Nicholas in his defence of the
same documents, that the decrees of all his predecessors were to be diligently
observed on the subject of Church ordinances and ecclesiastical discipline. He
answers this by drawing a distinction between the promulgation of ordinances
and rules of canonical discipline, and the promulgation of decrees relating to
such subjects; just as in civil matters, it is a very different thing to make
laws and to pass sentences concerning them, when already made. The latter class
was meant by St. Leo, and he referred, in this position, to such ordinances as
had already been decided by the judgment of councils. This view he confirms by
copious quotations, proving that the decrees of councils are represented, both
by the councils themselves and by the letters of popes, to be strictly binding
for all time, and that heavy anathemas are pronounced upon all sentences which
contradict them.
A further argument against the younger Hincmar’s
compilation is drawn from his omission, among his decretals, of many which told
against him, and which confirmed the authority of metropolitans over their
suffragans; as some of St. Clement, Anacletus, Zephyrinus, Stephen, and
Pelagius. The archbishop remarks that his nephew appears to think that his
collection is the only one known, whereas, long before his birth, they had been
often read.
Before continuing his prosecution of this subject,
Hincmar notices the dependence of the Church of Laon on that of Rheims. Before
the first foundation of the former bishopric Rheims was a metropolitan diocese,
with eleven suffragans. St. Remigius raised the castle of Laon to the dignity
of a see, and as his authority descended to his successors, the present
archbishop of Rheims possessed the highest claims on the gratitude and
obedience of the bishop of Laon. He then speaks more generally of the
insubordination of suffragans towards their spiritual superiors, reproving
their ill-feeling from the censures of the popes, and showing that it proceeded
from pride, which has the effect of blinding men to truth. This he confirms by
the examples of heretics, who have been led by such pride to force or falsify
Scripture, or openly to set themselves against the authority of the Church.
The next argument considered by the archbishop is one
which has also been noticed before, drawn from a canon of the Council of
Chalcedon, which ordered that while all other clergymen were to appeal from an
episcopal sentence to a provincial synod, a bishop, who had a complaint against
his metropolitan, was to bring it before the primate of the diocese, or the
bishop of Constantinople. To this he replies that the canon in question is not
accepted by the Roman Church, any more than that canon of the Council of
Constantinople which allots to the bishop of that see the second rank after the
bishop of Rome.
Having occasion to mention the so-called apostolical
canons, Hincmar says that they owe their origin not to the apostles themselves,
but to a tradition of apostolical men, and that though containing much that is
valuable, they contain also much that cannot be accepted. He then goes on to
speak of a collection of canons, laws, and decretals, said to have been sent,
at the latter end of the last century, AD 785, by pope Adrian I to Ingelram,
bishop of Metz. This collection was, in many points, inconsistent with one
formerly sent by the same pope to Charles, and contained extracts from the
false decretals of Isidore, being, in fact, the earliest instance in which the
latter compilation is used or maintained. From Ingelram’s collection the
younger Hincmar had taken many of his quotations, and his uncle describes it as
containing passages of obvious inconsistency, as well as contradictory to the
canons and judgments of the Church, and proves his assertion by examples. At
the same time he convicts his nephew of folly in supposing that he could select
the beginnings and endings, piecemeal, from various letters and documents
contained in it, and put them together into new forms, as if no one except
himself had access to the originals, whereas the whole country is full of
copies both of Ingelram’s collection, and of that made by Isidore, and brought
by Riculf, archbishop of Metz, from Spain.
Pope Gelasius left behind him a catalogue of the books
which were to be received in the Catholic Church, and in this, Hincmar next
observes, speaks in very different terms of the decrees of councils and of the
writings of holy bishops, even of the bishops of Rome themselves. Of the former
he says that they must be kept and received, of the latter that they are to be
honorably accepted. The one possessed a permanent authority, whereas the others
were composed for some temporary object, and ceased to be of weight when the
purpose which called them forth was answered. Though, for their authors' sake,
they should be treated with reverence, they are not binding in the same sense in
which the decrees of councils are. The latter have a right, or force, prior to
examination, and independent of our own opinion as to their necessity or
propriety; whereas the epistles and other writings of popes, as of other
individual bishops, are subject to the apostolical ride, “Prove all things,
hold fast that which is good”. Hincmar compares them to the law of the Old
Testament, of which St. Paul declares that it is holy, and yet which was not
binding after the fuller law of Christianity.
In the few next chapters the bishop of Laon’s refusal
to plead before canonically appointed judges, on the ground of his appeal to
Rome, the illegality of the excommunication laid upon his diocese, without
proof of faults which merited so severe a punishment, as well as the irregular
nature of the sentence, and the consequent right possessed by himself, as
metropolitan, to remove it, are dwelt upon at length. The archbishop returns
also to the power possessed by all metropolitans to act upon the known laws of
the Church, without having recourse, in the first instance, either to a synod
or to the pope; and again notices and illustrates the inconsistency of his
nephew in quoting decretals which appeared to hamper the jurisdiction of
archbishops, while he passed over, without attention, such as enjoined
obedience upon suffragans.
The remainder of the essay, containing the last twenty
chapters, is employed mainly on the subject of the unreasonableness of the
younger Hincmar’s demand that his uncle should burn the collection of canons
sent to the diocese of Laon in justification of his removing the interdict, as
well as of his calling upon his clergy to sign so absurd a document as the
compilation of decretals which he had now been engaged in refuting. He cannot
sufficiently wonder at the folly of his nephew in submitting the composition to
the examination of other bishops, of the king, and of himself, for, as we learn
from an earlier part of the archbishop’s essay, copies had been carefully sent
round to all the provinces of the kingdom. Bearing as it does upon its
front the names of so many holy pontiffs of the apostolic see, he speaks of it
as a cup of poison, whose edge has been rubbed with honey, to tempt the taste,
and compares the act to that of Satan, when he tempted our first parents in
Paradise, with an apple sweet to the palate and fair to the eyes. As Satan
promised an equality with God as the consequence of their
obedience to his counsel, whereas the real effect was a
miserable servitude, so Hincmar seems almost prophetically to imply that those
who expect, by relying on such a collection of false decretals, to obtain an
independence on the power of metropolitans, may rather look for a similar
disappointment. He considers that his nephew, in publishing and presenting
it to the bishops, virtually called upon them to aid him to throw off all
authority except that of Rome, by destroying the distinction existing, by
Divine appointment, between different orders of bishops, and, in conclusion,
comforts himself with the hope that his labor in this answer may not be vain,
although it should fail in persuading his nephew to change his sentiments
and obey him for the future, just as when an Ethiopian visits a public bath the
bathing-master receives his price, although he comes out from the water as
black as he had entered it.
It is worthy of notice that in this treatise Hincmar,
in speaking of the Ecumenical Councils, enumerates six only as possessing a
right to that title, and as binding on the whole Church. Of that which is
usually spoken of as the seventh, he uses the following language :—“The false
universal council, which the Greeks call the seventh, relates to images, which
one party were desirous of destroying, another of worshipping, neither of whom
took the right view of the question. It was held at Constantinople, a little
before our time, without the authority of the holy see, and sent to Rome, and
from thence by the pope sent into France. In consequence of this a general
council was held in France, by order of the pope, in the time of the emperor
Charlemagne, when that false council was rejected and refuted by Scripture and
tradition. A large volume of the refutations was published, and the emperor
sent it by some bishops to Rome, and when I was very young I read it in the
palace”.
The younger Hincmar has obtained considerable
reputation for his collection of the decretal letters, and has been spoken of
as the first systematic collector of these compositions, the first who
attempted to arrange them under their respective authors. It has also been
said, but without ground, that he was the compiler of what is usually termed
Ingelram’s collection. Independently of the falsity of the letters themselves,
it appears from the words used by his uncle in their refutation, that the
younger Hincmar's collection, which is contained in the archbishop's works,
must present them in a garb still more unreal, being formed in great part by
transposition of the beginnings and endings of various epistles.
Throughout the whole of this controversy it cannot but
strike the reader with surprise that the archbishop of Rheims, who was so much
interested, both for his own victory over his nephew and for the advantage and
independence of the Church of France, in overthrowing the authority of the
false decretals, should not have attempted to do so by attacking their
genuineness. That he was assured of the spuriousness of some of them, if not of
all, is clear from remarks elsewhere made by him on an epistle attributed to
pope Sylvester. Well acquainted as he was with the genuine writings of the early
Church, he might, without difficulty, have done this, either from the style and
language in which they are expressed, or from the subjects of which they treat.
It is possible that the consciousness of having himself, on several occasions,
founded arguments upon these letters, though never, as far as is seen in his
extant works, with the same unfairness with which they were used by his nephew,
or before by pope Nicholas, may have deterred him from bringing forward a mode
of argument which, if successful, would have deprived them at once of even that
degree of authority which he was disposed to grant them. At all events, to such
as are concerned in showing that the sovereignty conceded to the pope, in the
time of Hincmar, was of a different nature from that which has been since
established, it is a more powerful argument that he should have opposed the
authority of the decretals, without doubting their genuineness, than that he
should have overthrown them more effectually by proving their forgery.
The enormities practiced by prince Carloman were
stayed but for a short time by the judgment passed upon him at Attigny; he
escaped from his father’s custody at Lyons, and renewed them with greater
ferocity than before. The king at last called upon Hincmar, Remigius, and other
metropolitans, to pronounce the heaviest sentence of the Church against all who
took any part in his excesses. This was accordingly done, and the
excommunication dated from the Lent of the year 871. Hincmar required his
nephew, as well as his other suffragans, to sign the sentence, but whether from
the same feeling of insubordination which had actuated him at former times, or
from sentiments of friendship or sympathy towards Carloman himself, the bishop
of Laon persisted in refusing to comply, although urged by the king and by his
uncle on six different occasions. The reason alleged by him for his refusal, in
a letter to his uncle, was the failure of the latter to grant him the request
formerly sent by the provost of Laon, a request which the archbishop told him
he now heard mentioned for the first time, but which he was willing to grant if
he found that he could do so with propriety. Driven from this ground, he
maintained that it was inconsistent in his uncle to pretend that he needed his
signature, whereas he had not consulted him as to the necessity
or advantage of issuing it. Charles was at last highly provoked at his
disobedience, and the old causes of complaint, which had been allowed to
slumber for a time, revived with more than their former strength at this new
instance of rebellion. He summoned a Council for the month of August, at Douzi,
determined to bring the contumacious prelate to a final trial. Commands were
sent round to the different metropolitans to cite their suffragans to attend, and
Hincmar, in sending the summons to his nephew, informed him that the various
complaints of his conduct, formerly brought under his notice, had been recently
renewed, and entreated him to come well prepared to make a satisfactory
defence. A long memoir was sent back in reply, filled with reproaches against
the archbishop, who was charged with having caused his nephew's imprisonment at
Sylvacus, and with having always borne ill-will against him, because he had
opposed him in the affair of Rothad. The archbishop of Rheims repeated the
summons, urging, as an additional reason for his presence, a letter which he
had just before received from pope Adrian, and which it was needful to read to
all his bishops in council.
The council assembled, in the royal presence, on the
appointed day. The archbishop of Rheims (who presided, as it was held in his
diocese), with Wulfad of Bourges and six others, was present; and among the
suffragans are the names of Walter, of Orleans, known as the author of some
articles of discipline, and Ingelvin, who had within the last year succeeded
Aeneas as bishop of Paris. The proceedings opened with the presentation, by the
king, of a list of complaints against the younger Hincmar, including his breach
of his oaths of fealty, the false accusation sent to the pope, in which he was
represented as a spoiler of Church property, his treasonable correspondence
with Lothaire, and other points. With reference to the appeal to Rome, the king
informed the council that the bishop of Laon had visited him several times
since his flight from Attigny, and had never mentioned the subject. He
concluded by urging all present to use their best endeavors on the bishop of
Laon’s arrival, to persuade him to submit to his uncle, and to put an end to
their differences. The fathers present desired time to deliberate on the
different charges; and meanwhile the archbishop of Rheims brought forward his
own complaints against his nephew. These, like those of Charles, were mainly
the same as had formed the subjects of their former correspondence, for
example, his acceptance of an office at court and of an abbey, his
excommunication of the king, the interdict of his diocese, and others. At the
same time he proved, from several letters written at the time, that he had no share
in the imprisonment of his nephew, and appealed to the king in confirmation of
this circumstance; and took the opportunity to declare his own fidelity to the
Roman see, as an answer to the various charges brought against him on this
point by the bishop of Laon. In this explanation, he entitles the Church of
Rome the mother and mistress of all Churches, and the bishop patriarch of
patriarchs, and primate of primates; but maintains, at the same time, as he had
constantly maintained before, that the power of the keys and other powers
delivered to St. Peter, were, in him, delivered to the rest of the apostles,
and to all bishops, who are their successors. At the conclusion of his charge,
he left it to the decision of the council whether the refusal of the bishop of
Laon to attend were not deserving the punishment of deprivation.
The answer delivered by the bishops to the king's
complaint consisted of passages quoted from Holy Scripture and the canons, in
condemnation of such offences as those of which the younger Hincmar had been
accused. If a provincial council, they said, had been unable of itself to come
to a satisfactory decision on the matters in dispute between the bishop of Laon
and others, they would themselves have furnished him with letters to the pope,
instead of waiting for him to appeal, as he had so often done, to that
tribunal. Meanwhile the accused bishop, although he had arrived at Douzi, still
refused to present himself at the council. At length, after a further citation,
three times repeated, and conveyed in the formal way, by a bishop, priest and
deacon, he made his appearance; and the king, in his presence, read to the
council, a second time, the articles of accusation, and desired him to take
time to consider his defence. Odo also delivered to him a letter from Adrian,
in which he was commanded to be obedient to his uncle, but which complained
likewise of his not having visited Rome, according to his own promise and the
pope’s request.
The time for preparing his defence having expired, he
was again summoned to attend the council, and, as before, paid at first no
attention to the order. At length he came, but on being desired to answer the
charges against him, only replied by reading a paper, which he had brought with
him, on the right of appeal. He was interrupted by the bishops, who explained
that his compliance with their demand would not prejudice his appeal or be any
obstacle to his fulfilling his wish, at some future time, to proceed to Rome,
on obtaining permission of the king. He then excused himself from answering, on
the ground that he had been deprived of his possessions. The fathers ordered
him to name the persons who had deprived him; but although several times
pressed for a reply, he only referred them for information to some clergymen
from the diocese of Laon, who had attended him to the council. At last one of
them, Fagenulf by name, being called upon to give the required testimony,
declared that his bishop was hindered from disposing of his property at his
will, and on the king requiring him to name the authors of this hindrance,
replied, that Charles had seized upon his possessions. Charles addressed
himself to the synod, and positively denied the charge; he explained that after
the summons had been sent to the bishop of Laon to attend the council, news was
brought him that some of his subjects, in the bishop's service, had been guilty
of treason. He had sent accordingly to the count of the district to seize the
guilty persons and bring them into his presence; but Hincmar armed his
retainers, both serfs and freemen, and resisted the attempt. Next he had heard
that he intended to come to Douzi with a large force of soldiers, contrary to
the express command that each bishop summoned to attend should bring with him
no more than ten or twelve followers, exclusive of clergymen and personal
servants, in order not to draw away too many men from the defence of the
country against the Normans. In addition to this, he was likewise informed that
he had sent out of the way, beyond reach of the royal officers, the persons
suspected of treasonable conduct; that he had furnished them with goods
belonging to the Church, to aid them in their flight; and that he was himself
prepared to follow them. To guard against the possibility of these things, Charles
said that he had commissioned certain servants to watch the motions of the
bishop, with orders, however, not to interfere with him if he shewed an
intention of coming peaceably to Douzi. This was the sole proceeding of which
he could complain as having any other than a friendly aspect. As for his goods,
the king had taken particular care that he should have a guard, for the
especial purpose of protecting the property which he brought with him, and he
had, in fact, on arriving at the lodging prepared for his reception, found
everything untouched and safe.
The king supported these assertions by the testimony
of several witnesses of respectability, and the clergy of Laon themselves were
forced to grant this truth. In the course of examination, however, it appeared
that Hincmar had brought with him, as if part of his own private property,
several valuable articles belonging to his Cathedral, and had, on that very
day, given directions to one of the priests who attended him to keep them in a
place of concealment. Among these was a box of onyx stone, richly ornamented
with jewels, some rubies, bestowed by Pardulus, his predecessor in the see,
some title deeds and other papers belonging to the Church, and a highly
decorated cross of gold, presented by the late queen Ermentrude. The bishop
carried the cross at that moment on his person, and when charged with the
intent to appropriate it to his own use, offered to restore it if his
metropolitan commanded him to do so. The archbishop perceived that this was said
with the object of gaining a pretext for accusing him, at some future time, as
he had already accused the king, of depriving him of his property. He,
therefore, only answered by quoting a canon of the Council of Antioch, which
laid down clearly enough the distinction between the private property of a
bishop and that belonging to his Church. The king followed up the reply by
observing that the bishop of Laon was among those prelates who had no
possessions of their own, having been entirely brought up at the expense of his
uncle, and supported, previous to his elevation to the episcopal rank, from the
revenues of the diocese of Rheims. The younger Hincmar attempted to deny this,
and declared that he had been in possession of lands and vassals of his own; but
his uncle proved that this was false, inasmuch as his grandfather and father
had expended all the property of the family, and had left him, without
resources, to his own charitable care. He was, in fine, compelled to deliver up
the cross to the treasurer of his Church.
The bishop of Laon was now again called upon by his
uncle, as president of the Council, to enter upon his defence, but refused to
acknowledge him as judge, pleading his appeal to Rome, and when forced to
withdraw from this ground by the argument that the Council of Sardica only
allowed of appeal after the judgment of a provincial Council, whereas none had,
as yet, been pronounced on either side, advanced, as a further pretext, that
the king had imprisoned him at the express advice of his metropolitan. The
archbishop prayed the king to give his testimony on this point; Charles
answered the Council, calling God to witness the truth of his words, that he
had been prevented solely by consideration for the archbishop from long ago
committing his nephew to the strictest confinement in a prison far from his
diocese. His insolence, he added, had been more than he could tolerate, and he
had with difficulty hindered his servants from dragging the bishop from the
palace and putting him to death. Odo, bishop of Beauvais, and Hildebald, of
Soissons, delivered testimony similar to that of the king, and two counts, with
some clergymen who had been present at the time of his arrest, confirmed the
account, adding, as the reason of the act, his refusal to attend the following
Council, and the prevalent report of his intention to leave his diocese, and
join the king of Lorraine. The Council decided that the archbishop of Rheims
was fully cleared from the calumny, and that his nephew being proved guilty of
slander, by the same evidence, was canonically rendered incapable of bringing
any further charge against him.
Although deprived of every excuse for refusing to
plead in his defence, it was still a matter of great difficulty to induce the
younger Hincmar to reply to the interrogations of the synod. At last, on his
being pressed with the question, whether he had actually taken the oath of
allegiance to the king, which he was accused, in one portion of his charge,
with having violated, he attempted to palliate the offence by asserting that
when he took the oath the volume of the gospels was not at hand to give it
validity; and he terminates, as usual, with pleading his appeal to the pope, as
if that circumstance were an excuse for every breach of law. No further reply could
be extracted from the accused, who filled the Council with noisy and
unreasonable complaints; and the president was compelled to call for the votes
of the synod without wasting any further time in so unprofitable an
examination.
Each of the metropolitans present, in delivering his
opinion, described the bishop of Laon as guilty of one or other of the crimes
brought against him. Harduin, of Besançon, declared him guilty of seditious
conduct, and deserving deposition by the law of the Church, with a saving
clause in favor of the judgment of the apostolic see; Frotair, of Bordeaux,
spoke of his perjury and disobedience to the royal commands; and Wulfad, of
Bourges, of the calumnious charges which he had brought against Charles in his
letters to the pope. The archbishop of Rheims gave his opinion last, and
pronounced the sentence of deposition. The twenty-one prelates who were
present, and eight other ecclesiastics, with the legates or deputies of eight
absent bishops, subscribed the decree. The saving clause in favor of Rome ran
in these words :—“Reserving, in all things, the legal privilege of our lord and
father Adrian, pope of the apostolic and primary see, according to the decree
of the sacred canons of Sardica, and the orders of the pontiffs of the same
apostolic see, Innocent, Boniface, and Leo, derived from the same sacred
canons”.
A synodal letter was sent, as usual, with the acts of
the Council to the pope. The fathers prayed Adrian to confirm their decision,
or, if he considered it necessary to take advantage of the privilege allowed
him by the Council of Sardica, and order a second examination, the bishops of
the neighboring provinces of France were willing to undertake it. Or if again
the pope wished to send judges of his own appointment to assist the Gallican
prelates in their decision, as permitted by the same Council, they were ready
to receive them. They desired, however, that he would not take any steps for
re-establishing the deposed bishop of Laon before the termination of the
discussion, for this would be a direct infringement on the acknowledged right
of Gallican Councils. They cited the decisions of Nice and other synods to show
the necessity of a suffragan bishop’s paying obedience to his metropolitan, and
expressed a hope that Adrian would not weaken the force of these laws, by
refusing his sanction to their decree. They concluded by declaring that if the
pope, contrary to their expectation, opposed the resolution of the Council, and
restored this scorner of all Church law, they would make no attempts, in
future, to enforce against him any ecclesiastical discipline, as it was quite
impossible for them to send messengers to plead their cause at Rome. The
bishop, if reinstated by the pope, might live and act as he pleased, but the
Gallican Church would hold no communion with him.
The date of this letter is September, 871. The elder
Hincmar also wrote to Adrian on the same occasion : he gave an account of his
nephew’s various misdemeanors, and declared that he could not receive him again
as his suffragan, having discovered that all expostulation was spent without
fruit, in the attempt to reform him. He excused himself for not
having complied with an order formerly sent by Adrian, to defend his
nephew in the affair of count Norman, pleading that the account of that cause,
sent to Rome by the bishop of Laon, was altogether false. He regretted that he
had ever ordained him, and would rather, as he asserted, lose an eye, a foot,
or a hand, than continue a life of such useless altercation. He had arrived
now, he continued, at such an age as to render it needful for him to seek
repose, and to employ his thoughts on finishing his course in peace.
The remainder of the letter, with the exception of a
part referring to the translation of Actard, bishop of Nantes, to the see of
Tours, contains the account of some circumstances that had happened, not long
before, in the writer’s diocese, and which had been represented, to Hincmar's
prejudice, to the pope. They are worth relating for the notion which they help
us to form of the state of society at the time. The brother of a clergyman,
named Trising, had married the sister of a gentleman of the name of Liulf. This
lady had a daughter by a former marriage, and some unfavorable reports were
current in the neighborhood in reference to the intercourse of the young lady
with the clergyman who was her half uncle, and who was a frequent visitor at
his brother's house. His character, in some other respects, gave a probability
to the charge. One day Trising and his friend Liulf had been drinking together
at an inn, and, being somewhat intoxicated, had quarreled on their way home;
the subject of their niece was mentioned, and led to violent reproaches and
recriminations. At last Liulf, who carried with him a heavy cudgel, attacked
his companion with it, and struck him to the ground; he fell
over Liulf’s son, who was of the party, and who had a sword hanging at his
neck; Trising drew out the sword, and struck at Liulf, who only saved his life
by raising his arm, and losing several of his fingers by the blow; he fell from
his horse, and the priest, who thought that he had killed him, galloped home.
As soon as Hincmar heard of the matter he sent for Trising, and enquired into
the truth of the story. The clergyman denied most positively that the
slanderous reports spread concerning the niece had any foundation, but
confessed that he had attempted the death of Liulf. The archbishop deprived
him, pending the decision of the next provincial Council; but Trising abstained
from presenting himself for a year and a half at any episcopal meeting held in
the province during that period, and at length his deprivation was confirmed in
his absence, and another priest appointed in his place. On this he took a
journey to Rome, and laid his complaint before Adrian, who furnished him with a
letter to the archbishop, not, however, ordering his restoration, but begging
Hincmar to send a report of the case. He complied with the pope’s request in
the letter written at this time from the Council at Douzi, and showed, from
decrees of synods and of popes, that no clergyman who confessed himself guilty
of homicide could retain his position in the Church. Adrian was doubtless
satisfied with the explanation, and took no further notice of the affair.
The fathers of Douzi, from the tone of their synodal
letter, seem to have looked forward to some objection, on the part of the pope,
to their condemnation of the younger Hincmar. The reply of Adrian, written on
the festival of St. Stephen, was such as might have been expected. He expressed
great displeasure at their deposing a bishop who had appealed to Rome, and
desired them to send him thither without delay, accompanied by a person
authorized to act as his accuser. Meanwhile he forbade them to consecrate a new
bishop in his place.
The bishops addressed in this letter wrote, in reply,
that the message sent to them by the pope, or rather written in his name, had
filled them with so much surprise, that they could not believe, until after a
repeated perusal, that the meaning was really what the words seemed to express.
They could only attribute his having written to them in such a style, to the
supposition, that the pressing occupations attached to the apostolic see had
hindered the writer of the letter from bestowing sufficient care upon its
contents. If this had been done they would have been spared the necessity of
writing to him a second time, to assure him that all the proceedings at the
late Council had been in the strictest accordance with the ordinances of the
Church.
Several circumstances concurred, about this time, to
excite the anger of Adrian towards king Charles. His seizure of Lorraine, his
refusal to listen to the pope’s interference in the affair of Carloman, and now
his deposition of the younger Hincmar; for although that bishop attributed his
punishment on this, and on other occasions, to his uncle's malice, as much as
to the displeasure of the king, Adrian was probably as well aware as the
bishops of France themselves, that he owed it to his disobedience to his
sovereign rather than to the anger of the archbishop. He now reproached him
with the greatest bitterness, assuring him that he would never consent to the
decision of the Council of Douzi until the bishop of Laon had been sent with
his accusers to Rome, to be examined by him in person. He urged him, at the
same time, to express no impatience at the censures which he found it his duty
to use towards him, but to regard them as the chastisement of a loving father,
meant for his eternal good, though unpleasant at the time, and to prove that he
possessed the “charity which suffereth long and endureth all things”.
The answer to the pope’s letter, though written in the
name of Charles, is contained in the works of Hincmar, and is sufficiently
proved by its tone and style to have come from the archbishop’s pen. The king
complained of the injurious expressions which the pope had thought fit to adopt
towards him; he had scrupled not, in his late letters, to speak of him as
perjured and tyrannical, as void of faith, and a spoiler of the Church, and now
he had accused him of an unjustifiable murmuring against his fatherly
correction. To be silent under such reproaches would be to show himself
unworthy, not only of the royal dignity, but of any communion with the
faithful. He gave him to know that whatever might be his human infirmities, he
was a man created in God's image, an anointed king, of royal lineage, a true
believer, and one who had never been convicted, by episcopal judgment, for any
public violation of Church law. In return for the pope's exhortations on the
subject of resignation and humility, he ventured to remind him how far his
present tone and spirit differed from that of his predecessor, St. Peter, when
rebuked by his fellow apostle, St Paul. Adrian had ordered, by the apostolic
authority, that he should send Hincmar of Laon to Rome. We wonder much, replied
the king, where the author of that letter has discovered that it is the duty of
a monarch, who is bound to punish the guilty, and to take vengeance upon
crimes, to send to Rome a culprit condemned according to law, before his
deposition convicted in three Councils of plotting against the public peace,
and, after his sentence, persisting in his disobedience. His answer was, that
the kings of the Franks had never been reckoned, in past time, the vicegerents
of a bishop, but lords of the land. Kings and emperors, as St. Leo and a Roman
synod had declared, appointed as they were by Divine authority, had permitted
the bishops within their realms to regulate the affairs of the Church according
to their own laws, but were not their stewards. If the pope would turn over the
records of his predecessors, he would find that St. Gregory and others adopted
a very different style of writing, not only to the emperors and kings of
France, but to the exarch of Italy. What hell, continued the king with
vehemence, has vomited forth from its dark and hidden cells this universal law,
that a king is to send to Rome before he has authority to condemn a man guilty
of so many crimes? The popes themselves, as he proved by several examples, had
acknowledged that they, in conjunction with all other bishops, were bound by
the royal and imperial degrees. Adrian might, for the future, send as he
pleased his commands and threats of excommunication, but these could have no
authority or value if not in accordance with holy Scripture and the canons of
the Church. The privilege of St. Peter, said St. Leo, subsisted as long as the
pope delivered righteous judgments; from whence, argued Charles, it followed
that in all cases of unfair decision the privilege ceased to have existence. As
to the demand that a person should be sent to Rome as accuser of the younger
Hincmar, in the presence of the pope, if Adrian would but request permission
from the emperor, his nephew, for a passage through his dominions, Charles was
ready, as soon as the departure of the heathen invaders gave an interval of
peace to his dominions, to march himself to Rome, in the character of the
bishop's accuser, followed by so large a number of witnesses as would soon
remove all doubt as to the rightness of his cause. Finally, he besought the
pope never, henceforward, to write to him, or to the bishops of his dominions,
letters such as he had lately written, if he would not impose upon him the
necessity of treating them with contempt, and of dismissing their bearers with
indignity and disgrace. He was willing, at all times, to pay attention and
respect to any message from the apostolic see that was in accordance with the tenor
of Scripture, and the preaching of antiquity, and the decrees of the orthodox ;
but whatever was received of a different character, and whosoever might be the
author of the forgery or compilation, should be refused and denied admission.
Reference has been already made to Adrian’s answer to
the king. It was in this letter, the last of this pope’s extant epistles, that
he promised to make Charles the Bald emperor, in the event of his surviving his
nephew Louis. The tone of the letter is altogether as conciliatory, or even as
flattering, as that of former letters had been the contrary. As he had charged
the king before with perjury, tyranny, robbery of the Church, and other crimes,
he spoke now of his wisdom and piety, his justice and liberality towards all
the Churches and monasteries of France. He apologized for the messages of which
Charles had so vehemently complained, and asserted that they must either have
been drawn from him by surprise, or extorted from him during his sickness, or
composed by forgery in his name. Although still expressing a wish that the
younger Hincmar should be permitted to come to Rome, he acknowledged that lie
appeared to have been justly deposed, and promised to have the trial renewed in
the canonical way, by the appointment of legates to attend a council of bishops
in France. He also promised to interfere in no way with the rights of
metropolitans, yet desired that when a bishop appealed to Rome he might be
allowed to make the journey.
This letter was written in the year 872, and soon
afterwards Adrian died. The struggle between the bishops of France and the
pope, on the subject of the younger Hincmar, unlike the previous contests of
which Rothad and Wulfad had been the occasion, terminated in Adrian's defeat.
He yielded now, as Hincmar of Rheims and the prelates who joined with him had
yielded to the papal orders for the restoration of Rothad and of the clergymen
ordained by archbishop Ebo. He referred his change of views respecting the
character of Charles to information given him by Actard; but it is plain that
the bishop of Nantes could have told him little about the affairs of the
kingdom and Church of France of which he was ignorant before, and certainly no
circumstances then reported for the first time could have changed his opinion
in reference to the right of appeal to Rome, or the respect due to
metropolitans. The tone of the epistle written by Charles, or by Hincmar, at
his command, and that penned with no less firmness by the fathers of Douzi,
produced the effect; and it is possible that if on other occasions the Gallican
bishops had replied to the pretensions of the pope in a similar style, the
result of the disputes between the Church of France and the see of Rome might
have been different.
Hincmar of Laon continued in banishment or
confinement, and pope John, the successor of Adrian, confirmed his deposition.
After a time Hadenulf was appointed and consecrated bishop of the vacant
diocese. The confirmation was delivered to Charles the Bald on the day of his
coronation as emperor, and the date of Hadenulf’s election, by the clergy and
people of Laon, was March, AD 876. No reason is given for the length of time
during which the see was vacant.
While Charles was absent from France, the king of Germany,
as has been already related, invaded his dominions, although joined by a
smaller number of his brother's subjects than he had had reason to expect. King
Louis was supported, either publicly or in private, by many influential men in
France; and the new emperor had ground for suspecting that the deposed bishop
of Laon was taking as active a share in the enterprise as his confinement or
banishment permitted. He, therefore, inflicted on him the same punishment
that his son Carloman had already suffered; he was deprived of his eyesight,
and during the remainder of the life of Charles continued in prison.
In the year 878 pope John, as will be related more at
length in the following chapter, went into France, and held a Council at
Troyes. The archbishop of Rheims, with six other metropolitans, was present;
and among the suffragans was Hadenulf of Laon. The blind bishop sent notice to
the pope that he had a petition or complaint to present to the council, and, on
being admitted to the place of assembly, gave a narrative of his sufferings and
wrongs. He began with the Council of Douzi; thither, he said, that his uncle
had summoned him, to answer certain charges that were brought against him. As
he was making his way with all diligence to the appointed place, he was
attacked by a party of armed men, forcibly separated from the sheep of his
flock, who were following him to the council, plundered of all his goods, and
in that state conducted to Douzi. King Charles was waiting for him there, with
a written document in his hand, in which he charged him with perjury, simply
because he had sent a message to Rome without his permission, and pretended
that he had falsely accused him to the pope. He was quite ready, as he
asserted, to reply to any questions, but, in reference to those advanced by the
king, had remonstrated that, according to the canons, a man who had been
plundered and seized by an armed force cannot be compelled to answer. He also
told the archbishop on that occasion that he was his open enemy, and that all
the persecution which he endured, both from him and from Charles, was in
consequence of his appeal to the holy see. He had likewise quoted the decrees
of pope Julius and pope Felix, authorizing such an appeal. Moreover he had
letters from Adrian urging him to proceed at once to Rome. But all his
arguments were useless; and his uncle pronounced against him the sentence of
deposition, in the midst of the tears and groans of all the other bishops, who
had no feelings of hostility towards him; they signed the sentence with regret,
and added to their signature a clause saving the judgment of the holy see.
Afterwards he was banished and kept in confinement, and sometimes in irons, and
at the end of two years deprived of sight. As soon as he was set at liberty he
had lost no time in presenting himself before the pope, praying for a judgment
according to law.
The falsity of this story is proved by the acts of the
Council of Douzi, which represent Charles as satisfactorily disproving the same
charges then brought against him by the younger Hincmar. The archbishop of
Rheims was directed by John to prepare his answer to the accusations or
complaints of his nephew. The pope, however, had apparently no intention of
renewing a dispute in the prosecution of which the see of Rome had gained
little credit; without waiting for a reply he decided, when the council was
approaching its termination, that the decree of the bishops at Douzi must hold
good, and that Hadenulf should continue to govern the Church of Laon. Hadenulf
himself, an aged man, and one who had little taste for the delights of
authority, especially if liable to be contested by another claimant, petitioned
the pope and council, and king Louis the Stammerer, who was present, for
permission to resign his dignity and to retire into a convent. The request was
refused; but some friends of the younger Hincmar obtained leave for the deposed
prelate to chant a mass,—a concession which they doubtless wished to represent
as virtually setting aside the sentence of deprivation, but which the pope and
king probably regarded solely as an act of kindness, that might perhaps be some
consolation to the unfortunate bishop. They were, however, but little prepared
for the publicity given to the proceedings, and, with the other members of the
council, were surprised at the introduction to their presence of the sightless
Hincmar, clothed in episcopal robes. From thence he was conducted to the
Church, accompanied by the chants of his party, and standing at the altar
bestowed the sacerdotal benediction on the people. Thenceforward he was
permitted a certain annual pension, from the revenues of the diocese of Laon,
for his support. He lived, however, but a short time; and his uncle, after his
death, ordered prayers and masses to be said for his soul.
It was, in all
probability, the same persons who had shown themselves so zealous in the cause
of the younger Hincmar who, at the conclusion of the Council of Troyes, accused
the archbishop of Rheims, before the pope, of not receiving the decretal
letters of Rome. The archbishop wrote a reply to this charge, which is not now
to be found among his works. He maintained in it his acknowledgment and
acceptance of all such decretals as are recognized by the councils of the
Church, and took the opportunity of replying, in the same treatise, to the
unfair charges advanced against him by his nephew, in his narrative delivered
to the synod of the proceedings at the Council of Douzi. It was probably
thought useless to prosecute the question of the decretals further, although it
is plain that Hincmar’s answer was equivalent to a denial of the authority of
the collections of Ingelram, Isidore, or his nephew.
CHAP. VIII.
FROM THE DEATH OF
CHARLES THE BALD TO THE DEPOSITION AND DEATH OF CHARLES THE FAT. DEATH OF
HINCMAR.
FROM THE DEATH OF CHARLES THE BALD TO THE DEPOSITION
AND DEATH OF CHARLES THE FAT. DEATH OF HINCMAR.
The new king of France, Louis the Stammerer, was
thirty-one years of age at the death of his father, Charles the Bald. On the
late emperor's march into Italy he had appointed his son, by an edict of the
diet of Quiercy, his lieutenant or viceroy, during his absence from France; but
looking forward to a new son from his wife Richilde, and feeling, as is
probable, little affection for one who had married in opposition to his wish,
and had broken out in open rebellion to his authority, he had spoken of him and
of his appointment in a manner which proved that he had little intention of
leaving him as successor in his kingdom. His claims, however, were
indisputable, and Hincmar was among the first to salute him by the title of
sovereign; and, though prevented from hastening to join him in person, by his
age and infirmity, sent him a paper of advice for his right behavior in his new
position. He gave him a short sketch of the history of the empire, from
Charlemagne and Louis the Pious, and drew from the narrative the conclusion
that the new king’s main object must be, at the commencement of his reign, to
hinder the quarrels for which the sovereign's death was the usual signal, among
the powerful nobles of the realm. As if anticipating some opposition to his
peaceful succession, he recorded a double declaration of the late emperor in
his favor, first at Rheims, and then afterwards at Quiercy; on both occasions,
he remarked, the nobles of France were unanimous in their agreement to the
nomination. At the latter diet the emperor had charged him to take Boso,
especially, as his adviser; and Hincmar counseled him to send, in obedience to
this command, for that nobleman, as well as for Conrad, count of Paris, for the
two Bernards, of whom one was marquis of Gothia or Septemania, and the other
count of Auvergne, and for the abbots Hugo and Goslin, or, as his name is
usually written, Gauzelin, the latter the late emperor’s chancellor, and the
former a wealthy and powerful nobleman in Neustria. The archbishop was, in
fact, well aware that these feudatories shared between them nearly the whole
power of France, and, perhaps, was acquainted also with the ambitious projects,
long entertained by some of them, for the prosecution of which the unexpected
death of Charles offered a favorable opportunity. He besought him to relieve
the Church from the burdens which had been laid upon it for the last twenty
years, and concluded with advising him earnestly to lead a life of justice and
religion.
The first actions of Louis, before the archbishop’s
advice could reach him, were such as to render it well-nigh ineffectual.
Knowing well how little the mere legitimacy of his claims to the throne was
likely to be respected by the powerful among his subjects, he had bestowed,
with a reckless extravagance, titles and honors, fiefs and benefices, on those
of his nobles who were near him at the time of his father’s death. By such a
course he had infringed on the provisions of the diet of Quiercy, which
guaranteed to a nobleman's son the succession to his father’s titles, and thus
established as a private or family right of property what it had been before in
the power of the sovereign to grant or discontinue at his pleasure. The conduct
of Louis was adopted as a pretext for opposition, on the part of the nobles
mentioned in Hincmar's letter, to the peaceable accession of the king. Boso,
duke of Lombardy, brother of the empress Richilde, had been also created count
of Provence by the late emperor; he was related by marriage to the two
Bernards, of Auvergne and Languedoc; and the whole of southern France, with the
exception of the western corner, may be regarded as owning the dominion of
these three noblemen. At this time they were at the head of a considerable
army, levied at the command of Charles the Bald, to oppose the king of
Bavaria's invasion of Italy, but hitherto detained in France for the purpose of
forwarding their own schemes. The empress Richilde had declared in her
brother’s favor, and the chancellor, Gauzelin, who possessed two of the richest
abbacies of France, those of St. Germain and St. Denys, was uncle to the
marquis of Gothia, and joined the army of the malcontents, which advanced as
far as Adanay, in Champagne. Here they were stopped in their progress by
pacific letters from Hincmar and the king, in which the latter called upon
them, in his father's name, to be his counselors and defenders, and promised a
strict deference to their advice. They decided, therefore, to relinquish their
opposition to Louis. Richilde sent to him his father's will, confirming
his title to the crown, and the royal ornaments which she had brought with her
from her coronation in Italy. A portion of the remainder of the treasure,
collected by her husband for his last expedition, she expended in gaining, by
bribes or presents, the dignity of an abbess; and, in addition to the
irregularity of this proceeding, her conduct in her new position was so little
consistent with the rules of religion and the Church, that Hincmar, and, after
his death, his successor in the see of Rheims, were compelled to address to her
grave but ineffectual censures. Meantime a diet was appointed at Compiegne, and
there, on the eighth of December, AD 877, Louis was crowned by Hincmar, in the
presence of these and other nobles of his realm, on taking an oath to confirm
all the ancient laws of the kingdom, and all the privileges of the Church and
of the nobles; to bury all remembrance of the recent opposition in a general
amnesty; to maintain the discipline of the Church; and to entitle himself king
by the mercy of God and by the election of the people, —a title, the latter
clause of which was inconsistent with the theory of the Carolingian monarchy,
however applicable, in matter of fact, to the real character of the French
succession.
But, although the most immediate obstacle to his
assumption of the crown was removed by the submission of Gauzelin, Boso, and the
two Bernards, Louis had still other opponents scarcely less formidable, and his
sovereignty was, exclusive of their hostility, little more than nominal.
Provence owned Boso as its independent king, in all except name; the duchy of
Aquitaine, the marquisate of Languedoc, the counties of Poitiers and Autun,
and, soon afterwards, that of Bourges, were equally under the sway of one
Bernard, while the count of Auvergne was scarcely less powerful.
The two latter nobles quarreled between themselves
soon after their reconciliation with the king, and the marquis of Languedoc,
revolting again from the royal authority, was stripped of his marquisate by an
edict of the diet of Troyes, held within a short period of the coronation, and
the forfeited territory bestowed upon his rival and namesake. Neustria was
as little under the dominion of king Louis, being divided between the
chancellor, the count of Paris, and the abbot Hugo. Gascony had of late openly
separated from France, and was governed by duke Sancho, of Castille, a prince
summoned by the people for the purpose of being elected their
sovereign. At the same time Brittany acknowledged Alan the Great as its
independent king, and Lorraine, so frequently the object of dispute, was
contested by several princes, either of whom had greater power than the king of
France towards making good his claims, and all were, perhaps, equally with him,
entitled to it by right of birth. The late king, Lothaire, had left a son
by his favorite, Waldrada, named Hugo, who, though illegitimate, according to
the laws of morality and the Church, was regarded by a large party in that
country, who considered the divorce between the king and his former queen as
legal, in the light of their lawful sovereign. During the life of Charles
the Bald no opportunity for asserting his right had seemed to offer itself;
but, on the accession of Louis, and the opposition which he met from the
noblemen of France, Hugo collected a large force, and ravaged the borders of
the Rhine, without any interference on the part of Louis, save from the
constantly repeated but ineffectual remonstrances of Hincmar. But other more
formidable antagonists soon appeared in the persons of the three sons of the
late king of Germany, who at length settled between themselves to make a triple
partition of the territory, and to enter, without dispute, upon their
possession. The king of France made no attempt to defend Lorraine from either
of the parties claiming it, and Hugo was too weak to think of opposing,
successfully, the united forces of the three German princes. Louis the
Stammerer sent a peaceful message to his cousin, Louis of Saxony, and, instead
of contesting, or even resenting the partition, prayed him to forget the
injustice of Charles the Bald, in gaining unfair possession of the empire, and
to form with him a new treaty of peace and friendship.
Meanwhile the death of Charles inspired Carloman, king
of Bavaria, with new hopes of acquiring the crown of the empire. He appears to
have found little difficulty in obtaining his election as king of Lombardy, and
on writing to the pope, to demand the pallium for the new archbishop of
Salzburg, promised to raise the Roman see to higher dignity and power than it
had ever yet enjoyed, on condition of receiving from his hands the desired
honor. John sent back no very decisive answer; and Carloman, while compelled to
return into Germany, left his interests in the hands of Lambert, duke of
Spoleto, who had collected an army, by the late emperor’s command, for the
defence of Rome against the Saracens, but who, on the death of Charles, felt
little inclined to put himself and his troops at the pope's disposal. With no
hope of assistance from any one of the numerous Christian princes who owned him
as head of the Church, John was forced to purchase the safety of his city by
paying to the infidel chiefs the sum of twenty-five thousand marks of silver.
He had recourse also to the emperor Basil, but apparently without success,
although a Greek army was sent at this time into Italy. Meanwhile duke Lambert,
whether in pursuance of the king of Bavaria’s interests, or, as is more
probable, from an ambition of his own, set himself in direct opposition to the
pope, and declared himself the supporter of the rights of bishop Formosus and
others who, as was related before, had been excommunicated and banished from
Rome; he even insulted John by addressing him, in a letter, by the simple title
of your lordship, as if he were a mere lay nobleman, instead of the usual form
of your holiness, to which not the pope only, but all bishops, were entitled.
John found himself destitute of all strength in Italy, and determined to follow
Carloman across the Alps, and seek protection in France or Germany. He was
delayed for a time by the duke of Spoleto, who, in company with Adelbert, duke
or marquis of Tuscany, marched to Rome, and confined the pontiff in the Church
of St. Peter for a month, without permitting the approach of any of his friends
or servants, and almost without food. During this time he compelled the Roman
nobles to take the oaths of allegiance to Carloman, as their sovereign. After
his departure, John conveyed all the treasure belonging to St. Peter’s shrine
to the palace of the Lateran, covered the altar with sackcloth, and ordered the
gates of the Church to be closed, even to the visits of pilgrims, who resorted
thither from distant countries. Then, having excommunicated Lambert and all his
party, (in which, as it appears, he had no intention of including Carloman) and
having dispatched messages to the archbishop of Milan and others, with notice
of a general council to be held in France, for putting a stop to all the evils
of the Church, he took ship, and sailed to Genoa, as all the usual routes by
land were occupied by Lambert’s forces. From Genoa he wrote to Louis the
Stammerer and the three German kings, informing them of his arrival, and
praying them to meet him at Troyes, where he determined that the council should
be assembled, for the convenience of the bishops who were summoned from
Germany. At Arles he was met by count Boso and his wife Ermengarde, daughter of
the emperor Louis. He received the count with the highest marks of distinction
and esteem, and gave him to understand that he would assist him in the
prosecution of his wishes. He bestowed also upon Rostang, archbishop of Arles,
the dignity of apostolic vicar in France, with precedence over other
metropolitans, and the privilege of judging in all difficult causes, with the
special office of preventing his brother metropolitans from performing
ordinations until they had received the pallium from Rome. It is not easy to
conjecture whether, in making this appointment, the pope intended to supersede
a similar dignity before conferred upon Ansegisus, archbishop of Sens, or
whether he regarded the opposition made to that nomination, at the Council of
Pontyon, as virtually setting it aside, and leaving room for the substitution
of a successor.
The Council and diet of Troyes was assembled for the
11th day of August, AD 878. The pope had determined that it should be as
numerously attended as became a general synod in which the head of the Church
was to preside in person; accordingly he wrote letters to twelve metropolitans
of France, and those of Germany, desiring them to bring their suffragans to the
meeting on the day appointed, to meet the four kings and the nobles of the
empire. His expectations may be imagined from the style of the discourse
prepared for the opening of the proceedings, in which he addresses himself to
all the princes and prelates of the earth. Eight archbishops, however,
accompanied by eighteen suffragans, were the whole number of prelates present,
in addition to the pope himself and three Italian bishops who formed part of his
suite. Hincmar was among them, having been honored by a special epistle,
expressed in the highest terms of admiration and esteem. As on other occasions,
he acted during the deliberations of the council as the acknowledged chief
among the French bishops; but little was brought forward or accomplished
save in compliance with the suggestions of the pope. The injurious conduct
of the duke of Spoleto was the first subject noticed. John demanded of all
present to join in the excommunication which he had pronounced against this
enemy of the Church; and Hincmar, in the name of his brother prelates, made a
declaration that, according to the sacred canons, he condemned those whom
the holy see condemned, he received whom she received, he held what she held,
as far as was in conformity with Scripture and the canons of the Church. A
similar sentence was also confirmed against Formosus and his companion
Gregory. Several complaints were, at the same time heard, and decisions
passed, not only on points which concerned the Church, but on matters which
fell under the cognizance of the king or his magistrates rather than of the
pope. Some of these were directed against the practice of translation of a
bishop or priest from one see or parish to another. The person principally concerned
in the charge was Frotair, formerly archbishop of Bordeaux, but now, by the
appointment of pope John himself, archbishop of Bourges. He abstained from
presenting himself at the council until several times summoned, but on arriving
thither defended himself with success. In turn he brought divers charges
against Bernard, marquis of Gothia, who had lately made himself master of
Bourges and the surrounding territory. The marquis was cited to attend, in
company with his viscount find some other nobles, but paid little regard to the
summons. He was accordingly excommunicated; and his former friend and namesake,
the count of Auvergne, was commissioned to deprive him of his dignities, and
permitted to take possession of them for himself.
The canons passed by the Council of Troyes contain
little worthy of remark; they are chiefly on the subject of the respect and
honor due to the Church. The concluding sanction, however, or penalty under
which they are to be enforced is deserving notice, pronouncing as it does not
only deprivation on all the clergy who neglect to observe them, but forfeiture
of property on all laymen guilty of the same offence. Spiritual censures were
usually the only weapons adopted by the Church in enforcing her decrees upon
her lay members, but in the Council of Troyes pope John appears to have acted
not only as the president of the synod, or even as the spiritual head of
Christendom, but as temporal sovereign of France. During the later portion of
the proceedings, Louis the Stammerer, who had been detained for a time by
illness, was present. He seems, however, to have taken little part in the
deliberations or decisions of the council, and to have witnessed without
reluctance, or at any rate without opposition, the assumption by the pope, who
was indeed, if the imperial crown was still to be regarded as hereditary, also
his subject.
Louis, however, was not emperor, nor does it appear
that he claimed or assumed the title, although it was possessed by his father,
and although no other prince during his reign was invested with the imperial
dignity. On the seventh of September, before the termination of the Council of
Troyes, the pope repeated the ceremony of the king’s coronation. Louis perhaps
and the nobles of his kingdom regarded the repetition as no more than the
expression of the pope’s friendship and acknowledgment of his sovereignty, but
there is no doubt that John considered the act as symbolical of the power
possessed by the Roman pontiffs of bestowing the crowns of all Christian kingdoms,
as well as of the empire. The king could not prevail upon him to confer the
same honor on Adelaide, his queen. Some years before his father’s death he had
married a lady of the name of Ansgarde, daughter of count Harduin, who had
encouraged him in his rebellion. At the time of his restoration to his father's
favor Charles insisted that he should divorce his wife, and afterwards gave him
Adelaide in marriage. Ansgarde was still living at the time of die Council of
Troyes, and the pope therefore refused to acknowledge Adelaide as the king’s
lawful wife.
Before the separation of the king and bishops, John,
who was in want of more than the sympathy of the people of France with his
misfortunes, called upon Louis to hasten without delay to the deliverance of Rome,
on peril of drawing down upon himself and his realm the punishment visited upon
those ancient kings who spared the enemies of God. He besought him to return an
immediate answer to the request, that he might seek for aid elsewhere, if the
king's sentiments on the subject were different from his own. No answer was
returned. Louis was neither willing openly to reject the pope’s prayer, and
thus incur the risk of transferring to his cousins in Germany whatever
advantage might be hoped from the pontiff's favor, nor had he either authority
or inclination to send the nobles and troops of France, (needed as they were to
defend his country from the Normans), into a foreign land, and for the safety
of another king’s dominions. He gave, however, a general order to the bishops
to assist the pope; and from the number of their retainers and the military
character and habits of some of the prelates themselves, their support, if they
had obeyed the king, might have been little less effectual than that of Louis
himself or of his counts. But one bishop alone, Agilmard, of Clermont,
accompanied John, on his return into Italy, at the conclusion of the council,
under the escort of count Boso. Thus the Synod of Troyes proved of as little
service to the temporal interests of Rome as it was to the spiritual welfare of
the Church.
The complaint brought before the synod by the younger
Hincmar has been already mentioned. Two other points require notice; one was
the excommunication of Hugo, son of king Lothaire, who still continued his
ravages on the Rhine, notwithstanding an oath of fidelity which he had shortly
before taken to the king of France. He was encouraged and assisted in his
depredations by a brother of count Bernard of Languedoc, who received the same
sentence from the council. The other point was a dispute between Bertulf,
archbishop of Treves, and Wala, bishop of Metz, his suffragan. The pope had,
sometime before, bestowed the pallium on Wala, and his metropolitan being
informed of his wearing, in the celebration of Divine Service, a vestment which
he considered to be peculiar to the archiepiscopal dignity, insisted that his
own permission was necessary for its use. Wala, on the other hand, represented
the gift of the pope as freeing him, in this particular, from the need of
consulting his metropolitan, especially as four of his predecessors in the see
of Metz had received the same privilege. Three of these, Chrodogang, Ingelram,
and Drogo, are names of considerable celebrity. Hincmar was at last chosen to
arbitrate in the question, and persuaded the bishop of Metz to submit to his
superior.
Soon after the pope’s departure from France king Louis
the Stammerer had an interview with Louis of Saxony, to settle the division of
Lorraine. Nothing could be determined without the presence of the other princes
interested in the territory, Carloman of Bavaria, and Charles the Fat, king of
Swabia, or Germany. A second meeting was, therefore, appointed for the
following February between the four sovereigns; but in the few months that intervened
events occurred which effectually prevented the interview. Carloman, who had
suffered from illness for the last two years, was seized with an attack of
paralysis, which deprived him of speech; and his cousin, the king of France, on
his way from Pontyon to Autun, to join count Bernard, of Auvergne, in the war
with the marquis of Languedoc, was taken ill at Troyes, and carried from thence
to Compiegne, where he died, on the 10th of April, AD 879.
By his first wife, Ansgarde, Louis had two sons, Louis
and Carloman; and queen Adelaide, after her husband's death, gave birth to a
posthumous son, known afterwards by the name of Charles the Simple. The late
king, on his death-bed, had been compelled, by the courtiers who surrounded
him, to make his choice between his two children; and he sent, therefore, the
royal ornaments to his eldest son, to signify that he appointed him as his
successor; and Hincmar, as the hereditary counselor of the family, wrote
letters of exhortation to both the young princes, with others to the bishops of
France, urging them to manage the affairs of the kingdom with wisdom and
diligence. But the new king was not permitted to assume, without opposition,
his father’s throne; two parties were formed in France, and each summoned a diet,
to take the affairs of the kingdom into consideration. At the head of one was
the chancellor Gauzelin, who counted on the support of Bernard, of Languedoc,
and of the count of Paris; in their name and in that of numerous other noblemen
he offered the crown of France to Louis, king of Saxony, who had, hut a few
months before, interchanged vows of friendship with his lately deceased cousin.
He readily acceded to the offer, and marched with a German army towards Metz
and Verdun, wasting the country as he went with the most savage depredations.
The other party was under the guidance of Hugo, abbot of St Martin, of Tours,
to whose charge Louis the Stammerer had recommended his children, on his
death-bed. Of considerable power himself, he was still more formidable by his
friendship with Boso of Provence. Their headquarters were fixed at Meaux, from
whence they dispatched a message to the Saxon Louis, with the offer of yielding
the whole right of France to the kingdom of Lorraine, on condition of his
relinquishing his present enterprise. Louis, acquainted with the strength of
Hugo and his allies, and anxious, at the same time, to return to Germany, where
his brother Carloman was supposed to be on the point of death, accepted the
conditions, and recrossed the Rhine. Hugo then conveyed the two young princes,
Louis the Third and Carloman, to the abbey of Ferrières, near Paris, and
determining that both should share their father's throne, had them crowned by
Ansegisus, archbishop of Sens.
Count Boso looked on the death of Louis the Stammerer
as the fit occasion for making himself an independent sovereign in title, as he
had been before in power; and the strong marks of favor with which he had been
lately distinguished by the pope, were an assurance that he should meet with no
opposition in the only quarter from which it might have threatened him. He
accordingly summoned together the bishops of Provence, Dauphiny, Savoy, and
Burgundy, and addressed to them arguments of so much weight, mingled with
promises and threats, that they agreed to recognize him as their king. His
coronation took place at Mantaille, between Vienne and Valence, on the
fifteenth of October, 879. Six archbishops, of Vienne, Lyons, Tarantaise, Aix,
Arles, and Besançon, with seventeen suffragans, joined in the ceremony, and
signed the decree of his election. The purport of the decree was the following
:—“That, since the death of their late king, the people were in need of a
protector, and the bishops and nobles had selected the prince Boso as most capable
of defending them, and most fitted, by the authority which he had possessed
under the emperor Charles and his successor, as well as from the affection of
pope John, who regarded him as a son, to be selected as their sovereign; and
that accordingly they had elected and consecrated him king, notwithstanding his
resistance”. The decree was accompanied by a discourse, filled with
declarations of their zeal for religion and the Church, but containing no
mention of the young princes, who were their rightful sovereigns, and against
whom they were then engaged in an act of open rebellion. The answer of Boso,
who, from his unscrupulous prosecution of his ambitious schemes, and from his
having poisoned his former wife to make room for the emperor’s daughter, had hitherto
appeared in a different character from that of a humble and devoted servant of
the Church, is remarkable for its tone of submission, even in this age of
deference to episcopal authority. “It is the warmth of your charity”, he said,
“which, inspired by Providence, causes you to raise me to this office, to
combat, in my feebleness, in the service of my holy mother, the Church of the
living God. But I know my own condition; I am but a frail earthen vessel,
altogether unworthy of so high a charge. I should therefore have not hesitated
in refusing the offer, had I not been convinced that it is the Divine will
which has given you one heart and one soul in this matter. Assured, then, that
it is my duty to obey priests who are thus inspired, as well as our other
faithful friends, I forbear to struggle, I dare not hesitate to yield to your
commands; and as you have yourselves given me the rules of conduct which are to
guide me in my future government, and instructed me in the sacred laws of
religion, I undertake this great task with confidence”.
The young kings of France, or the abbot Hugo, and the
other nobles who acted with him as their counselors, were ill disposed to
suffer, without resistance, the seizure of so fair a portion of their kingdom
as Burgundy and Provence. But their own power was, of itself, unequal to the
conquest of Boso; their cousin, Louis of Saxony, so far from giving them aid,
was preparing to invade France a second time; and Carloman of Bavaria was
dying. They resolved, therefore, to seek the protection of Charles the Fat,
king of Swabia, and had an interview with that prince at Orbe, as he was on his
way from Germany to demand of the Lombards and the pope the crown, which the
death of his brother Carloman must shortly deprive of an owner. Charles was
unwilling to delay his journey at the time, but promised, on his return, to
assist his cousins in chastising the usurper of Provence; and the two French
kings, in the meantime, during the first months of the year 880, turned their
arms, with success, against the Normans. The threatened invasion of the Saxon
king took place at the same time; no army appeared to hinder his progress, but,
on arriving at Attigny, he found the French people so little inclined to give
him their support, that he resolved on relinquishing the enterprise, and, after
ratifying the former treaty, by which the kingdom of Lorraine had been ceded to
him, and receiving, in addition, the portion of that territory which yet
belonged to France, he returned with his army as before to Germany.
Neustria and Aquitaine alone now remained to the kings
of France, and these provinces were so wasted by Norman invasions that they
contained hardly a single town or monastery which had not suffered more or less
from their depredations. The brothers, however, determined to divide between
them the remainder of their inheritance, and, at a diet at Amiens, in the month
of March, it was agreed that Louis the Third should be, henceforth, king of
Neustria, and Carloman of Aquitaine. After each of the sovereigns had put his
own dominions into as secure a position as his resources permitted, they again
joined their forces, and directed their march towards Burgundy, and were met by
their cousin, Charles, on his return from Lombardy. He had been unsuccessful,
for the present, in his attempt to gain that kingdom, as his brother Carloman
had till the spring of 880; but letters from John gave him hope of acquiring,
at no distant period, the higher dignity of emperor. Meanwhile he united with
his cousins in attacking the new king of Provence. Boso made no attempt to
defend himself in the field; the town of Matisco, or Macon, quickly yielded to
the allied forces, and, on their advance to besiege Vienne, he fled from the
country, leaving his wife and daughter in the city. While engaged in the siege,
Charles received an invitation from the pope, which hastened his return to
Rome; and his cousins, unable, without his help, to carry their conquest
further, were forced to content themselves with the advantages already gained,
and with the virtual relinquishment of his kingdom by the flight of Boso.
Charles the Fat arrived in Rome at the latter end of
the year, and was crowned, emperor by the pope, on Christmas-day. The imperial
scepter was understood to include that of Lombardy, with which, until the
election of the last king, it had been always joined since the days of
Charlemagne. Carloman had indeed left no legitimate son to succeed him in the
latter kingdom, and Arnulf, his natural son, could advance no claim which would
interfere with his uncle’s right. Louis of Saxony, however, who had no children
of his own now living, took his nephew under his protection, and bestowed upon
him the province of Carinthia; some years afterwards he became king of Germany,
and emperor.
From the time of his elevation to the imperial throne
Charles appears to have occupied a station, as head of the Carolingian family,
which had not been acknowledged in any emperor since the reign of Louis the
Pious. His cousins of France were not unwilling to look up to him as their
superior, and to act under his orders; at his bidding, they held a conference
with the bastard Hugo, who, after coming to an agreement with the king of
Saxony to accept certain fiefs, in lieu of his claims upon Lorraine, violated
the compact, and was pursuing his former system of plunder; and shortly
afterwards, as his lieutenants, rather than as independent sovereigns, they
engaged in a campaign against him, as a disturber of the peace of the empire.
To Charles, in the same character as head of his family, Hincmar addressed an
earnest letter of exhortation, to prove himself a faithful guardian to his
young cousins; and it was, perhaps, in virtue of this request, that his
superiority was so openly assumed, and so peaceably acknowledged, within the
realm of France. Louis the Third, however, gave considerable proof of military
courage; he appears to have made a more systematic opposition to the Normans
than had been usual during the last thirty years, and in August, AD 881, the annalists
of the time record an important victory gained over these invaders, in which as
many as nine thousand of their horsemen were left dead upon the field. The
Norman army, driven from France, had still strength sufficient, after so great
a loss, to carry their devastations into the neighboring territory of Louis the
Saxon. Here they met with little opposition; Cambray, Treves, and
Aix-la-Chapelle, were pillaged in succession, and the royal chapel of the
last-mentioned town they converted into a stable for their horses. They
continued their march along the banks of the Rhine to Cologne and Bonn. Nor did
the monks and others, who fled before them, find any place of refuge and safety
until they had reached the walls of Metz.
The fidelity of Louis the Third towards his cousin,
the emperor, met with a severe trial shortly after the coronation of Charles,
at Rome. The king of Saxony died at Frankfort early in the year 882, and a
large party of German noblemen waited upon the young king of France,
whose energy against the common foe appeared in a favorable contrast to their
late sovereign's pusillanimity, with the offer of the vacant
crown. Charles the Fat, however, was, beyond all dispute, his brother's
rightful heir, and his dominion now included, in addition to Italy and
Lorraine, the whole territory possessed by his father, the king of
Germany. Motives alike of prudence and of gratitude forbade Louis to
accept the offer of the German nobles; yet he sent one of his counts, with
a considerable body of troops, to accompany them on their return, nominally for
the purpose of making head against the Normans, who remained in large force
upon the Rhine, and in other parts of Germany, but perhaps commissioned also to
discover whether the people of Saxony were united in their desire to elect him
as their king. At the same time he set out on a march towards Tours,
whither he had summoned the duke and nobles of Brittany to meet him, in order
to conclude with Hastings, the Norman chief in Aquitaine, some treaty which
might restore peace to his dominions. As he was passing through an estate,
the royal cavalcade was met by the daughter of the Frankish nobleman who owned
it. Struck by the young lady's beauty, Louis stopped his horse, and called her
to his side, but the maiden was terrified at the king’s address, and took
flight towards her father’s castle, which stood at no great distance; Louis
spurred his horse in pursuit, but, in attempting to follow her through the open
gateway, struck his head against the arch, was thrown from his charger, and was
conveyed, in a wounded state, to the monastery of St. Denys. There he died on
the fifth of August, 882, at the age of nineteen, after a reign of a little
more than three years from his father's death, during which time he had given
promise of more spirit and energy than had been usually displayed of late by
the princes of his family.
It is necessary to go back to the year preceding the
events of the last paragraph, to relate some circumstances in which Hincmar was
engaged, in the two concluding years of his life, and which form the subject of
some of his latest extant letters or treatises. At the age of seventy-five
years, and weighed down with bodily infirmity, from unremitted care and toil,
and from the austerities of his daily life greater than might have otherwise
accompanied even so advanced an age, he presided at a Council of several
provinces, at Fismes, a town of his own diocese, in April, AD 881. The canons
passed on this occasion had reference, for the most part, to the monastic
establishments for both sexes, and ordered that the royal commissioners and the
bishop of the diocese should join in the regular inspection of all conventual
houses, and should prepare statements to be laid before the king of all
particulars connected with their management. The canon was introduced by the
quotation of a passage from St. Gelasius, which finds frequent place in
Hincmar's various works, on the distinction of the royal and sacerdotal powers.
The fathers, or, probably, the archbishop of Rheims, who drew up the acts of
the Council, exhorted their young king, Louis, to great circumspection of
conduct, reminding him of the precarious position which he occupied, as king;
in which it was doubtless their intention to allude to a large party of malcontents,
who still objected to the reign of Louis, on the alleged ground of his
illegitimacy. They proposed to him the example of Charlemagne, who always kept
in his presence three of the wisest of his counselors, and who had at hand, on
all occasions, tablets, in which he noted down every scheme which occurred to
him, by night as well as by day, for the benefit of the Church, or of his
kingdom. We learn, from the same documents, that similar crimes and
irregularities to those of which so frequent complaint was made during the
reign of Charles the Bald, such as the forcible abduction of women, and the
pillage of Churches and monasteries, were perpetrated to a lamentable extent
throughout France,—a state of circumstances at which we need not wonder, if the
various political parties, and the discontent of a large proportion of the
noblemen, who were the only magistrates with authority or power to enforce the
law, are taken into consideration.
In the early part of this year the decease of Odo,
bishop of Beauvais, took place. The clergy and people of the diocese elected to
succeed him a person of the name of Rodulf, who, on being presented for
confirmation to the bishops appointed to hold a court for that purpose, was
rejected on the ground of incompetency. A second, of the name of Anoratus, met
with no better fate; and the Council of Fismes, which assembled immediately
after the latter act of rejection, determined that the usual electors had
forfeited their right of choice, by fixing on two incompetent persons, and that
this devolved, in consequence, on the bishops of the province. They therefore
sent some of their number as a deputation to the king, with a written petition
that he would permit them to exercise their privilege of choosing a bishop for
the vacant see, and that he would, on their presenting to him the object of
their choice, confirm him in his dignity. They supported their request by a
precedent, which had occurred in this very diocese. The clergy and people of
Beauvais had before chosen to be their bishop a person who was rejected for
ignorance and immorality, and Odo had then been elected by the bishops of the
province; and, on being sent by them to the emperor, Louis, had received
confirmation and an order for consecration from him. The young king was
persuaded to reject the petition, and to nominate a person of the name of
Odacer, and a message was sent to the Council signifying the royal choice, and
requesting Hincmar and the bishops to elect him. It was discovered, on
examination, that Odacer was unfit, in some way, for the office, and the
election was refused, although we may gather from the sequel that even had he
been otherwise eligible, the Synod of Fismes would have declined complying with
the king’s command, on the ground of interference with episcopal election. The
courtiers of Louis expressed much indignation at the refusal, and scrupled not
to say that the king’s permission to elect was to be regarded as equivalent to
a command to choose the person appointed by himself, as well as that all the
temporalities belonging to dioceses within his realm were in his power, and
might be bestowed according to his pleasure. Louis himself wrote in more
respectful terms to the archbishop, praying him to consent to the election and
consecration of Odacer, and promising, as a compensation, to confer the royal
favor on Hincmar’s friends; he implied, however, a doubt which was displeasing
and injurious to the archbishop, by expressing a hope that he would exhibit the
same fidelity towards himself which he had always shown to his predecessors. He
assured him that he was ready to follow his counsels, in civil as well as
ecclesiastical affairs.
Hincmar replied, in a letter of considerable length.
He exposed the inconsistency of the view maintained at court, that the bishops,
on receiving permission to elect, were bound to choose the person proposed by
the king; and showed that not only the canons of Nice and the laws of the
Church generally insisted on the necessity of the metropolitans free consent to
the choice of a bishop, but that the capitulars of Charlemagne and Louis the
Pious ordered that the election should be by the clergy and people of the
vacant diocese, that it should be conducted without favor or reward, and that
the sole qualifications required should be a virtuous life, and the gift of
wisdom. It was plain, from every ordinance on the subject, that the royal
assent alone was recognized, and not the royal election. Both of the opinions
which had been so boldly laid down by the court on this subject and on the
king's right to dispose, at his will, of ecclesiastical property, Hincmar
attributed to the suggestion of Satan. In opposition to such opinions he
reminded the king of the promise made at his coronation, and presented to God
on the altar, in the presence of the bishops, and exhorted him to have it read
in the audience of his counselors. In that promise he had used the expression
“let us unite, me as king, and you as priests of God, worthily to fulfill our
ministry, in Divine as in human things”. For himself he expressed a hope that
he should always remain faithful to the king; he said that he had labored much
in promoting his accession, and besought him not to return evil for good, by
forcing him, after having spent thirty-six years in his episcopal office in
honor, to bring disgrace upon himself at last, by a violation of the laws of
the Church. If Odacer attempted to possess himself by force of the Church of
Beauvais, Hincmar declared that he would lay upon him a sentence which would
prevent him from exercising, in future, any spiritual function whatever in the
diocese of Rheims. In reply to the king's offer to promote the archbishop’s
friends, he informed him that he had none to recommend, save the poor, whom he
begged him, for the sake of his own salvation, to take under his protection.
The letter concluded with a repetition of his request for the free exercise of
the privilege of election.
Louis answered in a tone of harshness and reproach. He
said that he could regard Hincmar’s refusal to consent to Odacer’s consecration
in no other light than as a rejection of his kingly rights, and a determined
resistance to his will. If he had experienced such treatment from an equal he
would have employed his power, as king, in revenge for the insult; but as it
came from a subject he should meet it with contempt. He threatened, however,
that he would summon the bishops of his own realm and those of his brother and
cousins, to come to a decision in conformity with the royal dignity, and if
that court should be unsuccessful, he would employ other means for effecting
his purpose.
The threats contained in this letter drew from the
archbishop a bold and vigorous protest. The king had reproached him with
conduct very different from that of a father towards a beloved son, in refusing
his request, to which Hincmar replies by quoting the words of St. James, “Ye
ask and receive not, because ye ask amiss”, but expressed his readiness to
grant every request that was not contrary to the Divine will. After explaining
some misapprehensions, which had arisen from the fault of the messenger who
carried the letters, he remarked upon the assertion that the king would treat
him, as his subject, with contempt. A bishop is not chosen by the king, he
said, to govern the Church, but the king is chosen by the bishops and the rest
of the faithful in his dominions to govern in obedience to law. It was to
the bishops not to kings to whom the Lord said, “He that honoureth you
honoureth me, and he that despiseth you despiseth me”. We fear not to give
account to the assembled bishops of this or other realms of our conduct in this
affair, for it has been done in obedience to the same evangelical and
apostolical writings, the same canons of the Church, the same decrees of the
holy see, which they recognize as law. But if you continue in the course of
action now begun, remember the account which may soon be given; the emperor
Louis lived not so long as his father, nor Charles the Bald as Louis, nor your
father as Charles. When you stand in the Church at Compiegne, cast down your
eyes, and ask where your father is, and where your grandfather; and then think
not to raise yourself in rebellion against him who died and rose again for you,
and henceforth dies no more. Even now your end draws nigh, continued the
archbishop, as if prophetically; but the Church and its rulers, under Christ,
its chief ruler, shall subsist, as he has promised, for ever.
In answer to the assertion that if other means failed
Louis would do what reason demanded of him to enforce his will, Hincmar wrote
thus:—“I see well that this is said to intimidate me; but you have no power
save that which is given you from on high, and whether it is by your means or
not that it shall please God to call me from this prison, I mean from this aged
and feeble body, I am ready to go, I long to see him, not for any merit of my
own, for I have deserved nought but evil, but for his mercy and of his free
grace. If I have sinned in consenting to your election, against the wish and
threats of many opponents, I pray that you may be permitted to punish me for it
in this life, that I may escape punishment in the life to come. And since you
lay so much to heart the election of Odacer, inform me of the time at which the
bishops of the province of Rheims, with those who were deputed to wait upon you
from the Council of Fismes, may assemble to decide on the cause. If I am still
alive I will cause myself to be conveyed to the place of meeting; let Odacer,
with his electors, whether they are courtiers or the people of the diocese,
present himself, and, if it is your pleasure, come yourself, or send your
deputies to appear for you. We will see then whether Odacer has entered or not
by the door into the sheepfold. But if he refuse to come, let him know that we
will seek him out, wherever he may be within our province; we will judge him
according to the canons as an usurper of a diocese, nor shall he ever thenceforward
perform any ecclesiastical function in any place of this province, while all
who have taken part in his crime shall be excommunicated until they have given
full satisfaction to the Church. To write in such terms to his king, continued
Hincmar, was pain and grief to him, but Louis himself had compelled him to do
so, for neither threats nor flattery should ever make him false to his duty”.
The king, or, to speak with more correctness, the
party at court who supported Odacer, paid little attention to the letters of
the archbishop, and he was permitted to take possession of the revenues and all
the temporalities of the see of Beauvais. For upwards of a year the diocese
suffered many inconveniences from the want of a bishop; for no further steps
seem to have been taken to procure consecration for the intruder. At length
Hincmar, in conjunction with his suffragans, pronounced upon him the threatened
ban of deprivation, in the preamble of which he set forth the numerous evils
which his obstinacy had brought upon the diocese, and the bribery of which he
had been guilty in obtaining his election. Among the former he mentioned that
many persons on whom penance had been imposed, by the late bishop Odo, were
deprived of the reconciliation which it was customary to bestow on penitents
upon the Thursday preceding Easter, and consequently of the communion on Easter
day; that several parish clergymen had deceased, and, as their places could not
be filled up, infants had died without baptism, and others without absolution
or extreme unction, without the last communion or prayers for the repose of
their souls. The sentence forbade him to exercise any spiritual act in the
province, and, if he persisted in his contumacy, put him out of communion
altogether, with the exception of the last viaticum on his death-bed.
The question of freedom in the election of bishops, a
right which had been granted to the Church, or, to speak more correctly,
restored, by Louis the Pious, was one much discussed in the interval between
that emperor's reign and the point of history to which we have now arrived.
Several letters and other documents, on the subject of episcopal election and
consecration, are found among the extant works of Hincmar; and the narrative of
Odacer’s intrusion into the Church of Beauvais furnishes a suitable opportunity
for noticing some of these writings in the present place. A letter from the
archbishop to king Charles the Bald, after the death of Erpuin, bishop of
Senlis, another to Hedenulf of Laon, on occasion of the death of bishop John,
of Cambray, with a third and fourth to the bishops of Beauvais and Metz, are
the chief sources from which information is to be drawn relating to the
practice observed, in this age, in electing bishops; while, for the examination
and consecration of the bishop elect, we have, either in Hincmar’s works or in
the collection of councils, a sufficiently full account of all the proceedings
usual on such occasions.
On hearing of the death of bishop Erpuin, one of the
suffragans of Rheims, Hincmar, having waited awhile, until he had received a
request, sent in the customary way, by deputies from the clergy and people of
the vacant diocese, and praying for a pastor and governor of their Church,
wrote to the king, announcing the vacancy, and begging him to name some bishop,
who might be appointed by canonical letters issued from the metropolitan,
visitor of the Church of Senlis. The office of the visiting bishop was to see
that the forms of election were duly observed, and to present the decree containing
the necessary subscriptions to the archbishop. On receiving this, Hincmar
promised to inform the king and send the usual petition for the royal consent;
the next step would then be to issue letters to all the suffragans of the
province, appointing a day and place for the ordination, at which they were all
canonically bound to attend in person or by a priest or deacon commissioned to
represent them, in order to signify their consent to the choice, and to join in
the ceremony of consecration.
The visitor, on receiving his appointment from the
king, was furnished by the metropolitan with a document containing the duties
which he had to fulfill. We have an instance in the nomination of Hedenulf of
Laon, to act as visitor of the Church of Cambray. Hincmar ordered him to
proceed, at his earliest convenience, to the chief or Cathedral Church, and
publish an exhortation to the people to enter upon their election without
passion or prejudice, and with common consent to make choice of the most fit
person who could be found, free from any irregularity that might canonically
disqualify him for the office. He was directed to signify that not only the
clergy of the city but the country parish priests and the monasteries, as well
as all laymen, of noble or of free birth, were to join in the election. If
their agreement fell on a suitable person, the visitor was to have a decree of
election drawn up, and subscribed by all who had taken part in it. This decree,
on receiving the archbishop's mandate, they were to send to him, with the
person chosen, accompanied by a sufficient number of deputies, to bear
testimony, in the name of all the electors.
Letters were written, at the same time, to the clergy
and people of the vacant dioceses. Two such epistles remain, from the pen of
Hincmar, one, on the occasion now mentioned, to those of Cambray, another to
those of Beauvais, after the death of Odo, and immediately before the intrusion
of Odacer by king Louis the Third. He ordered them to elect, in the presence of
the visiting bishop; to choose a priest or deacon from the parochial or
monastic clergy of their own diocese, if a fit one could be found, or, if not,
from some other diocese in the same or another province. In the latter case,
the consent of the bishop from whose diocese he was taken must be first
obtained. The main thing to be guarded against in the election was simony,
though there were several other irregularities which might vitiate their
choice. On completing the election, the candidate was to be sent to the archbishop
for examination, and he warned them that if he should be found unfit, they not
only lost the trouble of their election, but incurred the censure of the
Church, and would then be forced to receive a bishop at the choice of the
metropolitan and suffragans of the province.
In an account, quoted by Fleury, of the proceedings of
a visiting bishop, in ordering an election, in the reign of Louis the Pious, we
notice that his exhortation was addressed not only to the clergy and laymen of
the diocese, but to the virgins and widows. He besought them also to pray that
they might receive a bishop from their own Church, rather than from a foreign
diocese, because many scandalous divisions were sometimes the result of the
government of a strange bishop and his clergy. It is remarkable that in this
instance the people were warned that if they made a false choice, the emperor
would have the power of presenting any one whom he might please to the vacant
see. This right had, probably, been afterwards relinquished, either by Louis
himself or by Charles the Bald, as we have seen it strenuously and successfully
opposed by Hincmar in the nomination of Odacer; for although other
disqualifications were advanced in opposition to that appointment, it is plain
that the main ground taken by the archbishop was the illegality of the act on
the part of Louis the Third.
The decree of election consisted of a letter addressed
to the metropolitan and his suffragans by the clergy and people of the vacant
diocese. The form in which it was drawn up varied according to circumstances.
Thus, in the time of Hedenulf’s election to Laon, after the deprivation of the
younger Hincmar, reasons are given for the propriety of a popular choice,
namely, to prevent the danger of contempt or dislike towards their new bishop
on the ground of his being forced upon them against their will, and to add
confidence to the consecrators, in ordaining a person unanimously pronounced to
be agreeable to the see which he was to govern. In another decree, that of
Aeneas, of Paris, the bishop elect is said to be chosen at the desire of the
king; a circumstance which might at any time probably happen, notwithstanding
the power nominally exercised by the authorized electors. A third decree is
that of the election of Ansegisus, archbishop of Sens, who was taken from
another province, that of Rheims, and signifies the consent of the bishops of
that province and of the king. Hincmar orders that it should be written on a
large sheet of parchment, to give room for the subscription of all concerned in
the election.
As soon as the time and place for ordination was settled,
the metropolitan and all his suffragans assembled, on Saturday, in the
Cathedral Church. The bishop elect was present, with deputies from the diocese
to testify to the validity of the choice. The decree of election was then read
in public, the deputies were questioned, and all objectors were challenged to
come forward, if they had anything to lay to the charge of the priest who was
to be consecrated on Sunday. If the choice fell, in the first place, upon a
deacon, it was of course necessary for him to have received the sacerdotal
order in the interval. An interesting account is preserved of the examination
of Gilbert, who was consecrated bishop of Châlons, in the reign of Charles the
Bald. The prelates assembled in the Church of Quiercy, on a Friday in December,
AD 868; the suffragans of Rheims present were only the younger Hincmar and Odo
of Beauvais, the rest appeared by their deputies. Several, however, attended
from other provinces, among them the archbishops of Tours, Sens, and Rouen.
After the presentation of the decree of election by the clergy, magistrates,
and people of Châlons, archbishop Hincmar addressed them in some remarks on
points connected with this particular election, and ordered the decree to be
read aloud, with the subscriptions attached to it. The canons, monks, parochial
clergy, and nobles were then asked whether they had given their free consent to
the choice of Gilbert, and replied in the affirmative, both for themselves and
the rest of the diocese. We are not acquainted with him, said the archbishop;
bring him forward, that we may see whether he is worthy of the office. Gilbert
presented himself, and, being asked from whence he came, replied, from
Touraine. Of what condition of life? enquired Hincmar. Sinner as I am,
replied Gilbert, I was nevertheless free born. Where have you studied? I
acquired humane literature at the school of Tours. What spiritual order have
you, and from whom did you receive it? My father, Erard, he replied, who is now
present, ordained me as far as the diaconate, and Erpuin, in virtue of his
letters, ordained me priest. Why came you into our province? demanded Hincmar.
My parents, with the permission of Erard, my archbishop, placed me in the
king’s service. What was your occupation under the king? I was registrar of the
royal revenues. As you have been employed in receiving the money of other
persons, said the archbishop, listen to what the Council of Chalcedon says,
with respect to such occupations. The canon in question was read, and Gilbert
answered, I have never been required to receive or exact money from any one, or
to exercise any kind of constraint upon any; my business was solely to make a
written account of the revenues, and report them to the king. Those present who
had been connected with the court were then questioned, whether they knew of
anything unworthy of the sacerdotal character in his fulfillment of his office;
and several nobles answered that he had never been guilty of anything
inconsistent with his sacred profession. The next point of enquiry was whether
he had enjoyed any ecclesiastical preferment; to which he replied that he had
been provost of the monastery of St. Vaast, at Arras, by order of the bishop
and with the consent of the monks, and read letters testimonial from both
parties to his reputation while in that diocese. Hincmar then said, Since you
have been in the king's occupation, we must know that he has now no claim upon
your service. In proof of this point letters were handed from the king, sealed
with the royal signet, to the purport that he had given a satisfactory account
of his trust, that he had no further demand upon him, and that, if he were
found worthy of the episcopate, he requested that he might be ordained bishop
of Châlons.
Fully satisfied on all these subjects, Hincmar next
addressed himself to the archbishop of Tours :—“Since our brother Gilbert, said
he, was born, educated, and ordained in your diocese, and is now desired by the
clergy and people of Châlons as their bishop, we pray your permission to
examine, with your assistance, whether he is worthy of the charge. Erard
readily complied; and, on Gilbert’s taking a seat before them, St. Gregory’s
Pastoral was put into his hands, and he was ordered to read a chapter of it
aloud. He was asked whether he understood it, and was determined to conform his
life and doctrine to the rules there laid down; he replied in the affirmative,
and read, with the same declaration, the first canon of the fourth Council of
Carthage. He was required to subscribe, in like manner, to other rules of
conduct, to pronounce in public the profession of his faith, and to declare
whether he would always teach in conformity to it”. This profession, if we may
judge from that made by another bishop examined and ordained by Hincmar,
consisted of the following articles : that in the Catholic Church alone is
there remission of sins, and salvation; that the six general Councils of Nice
against Arius, of Constantinople against Macedonius, of Ephesus against
Nestorius, of Chalcedon against Eutyches, of Constantinople against Theodoras
and other heretics, and, lastly, of Constantinople, touching the two operations
of our Lord Jesus Christ, are to be received with respect; that all those
condemned in these Councils are to be condemned; and that the letter of St. Leo
to Flavian, and the symbol of St. Athanasius, are to be received. Then follow
an exposition of his faith in the holy Trinity and Incarnation, an anathema
upon all heresies and schisms anathematized by the Church, with a promise to
receive all that she receives, and a vow to observe the canons and ordinances
of Councils, and, above all, the rights and privileges of the mother Church of
Rheims.
After the examination and approval of Gilbert, the
canons were read bearing on those who were taken from one province to act as
bishop in another; and, as ordered by these, Hincmar and his suffragans, in
conjunction with the deputies from Châlons, presented a humble petition to
archbishop Erard, to yield him to their wishes. This was granted, and was
followed by a subscription in writing, made by Gilbert, to his profession of
faith; and, after the reading of the letters of excuse sent by the absent
bishops of the province, the proceedings terminated with the appointment of the
following Sunday for the day of ordination, and a monastery in the diocese of
Noyon for the place in which the ceremony was to be performed. The intervening
time Gilbert was recommended by Hincmar to spend in prayer, with a general
confession of all his sins up to that time, as a fit preparation for so solemn
an undertaking.
An account of the consecration of the new bishop of
Châlons is contained in the documents from which this description has been
drawn by Fleury; but fuller details are found in a letter written by Hincmar to
his friend Adventius, bishop of Metz. After some remarks on the examination of
the bishop elect, which are but a summary of the proceedings just related, in
the case of Gilbert, he says, that on the Sunday the bishops of the province,
with the clergy and people of the diocese, assemble, at an early hour, in the
Church appointed for the ordination. The bishops and other ecclesiastical
personages, in their robes, range themselves round the altar, and the bishop
elect is introduced in his pontifical apparel by the chief among the clergy,
and takes his place immediately below the other bishop. The prelate who is to
take the chief part in the consecration begins the mass, or communion service,
and continues it as far as the epistle; the ordination prayer is then read, and
while all present are ordered to offer up their prayers, both for the
consecrators and for him who is to be ordained, all the bishops present cast
themselves down before the altar, and remain in this posture during the saying
of the Litany. All but the bishop elect then rise, and the consecrator opens
the volume of the gospel, and lays it upon the neck of the kneeling candidate,
where two others, one on each side, support it. We must remember, as Fleury
remarks, that a book, at that time, was a roll of paper or parchment, which,
laid in this position, would hang down like a cloth or napkin. Then all the
bishops present lay their right hands on his head, and the chief consecrator
says the prayer of consecration. At all the places which
are marked with the cross he takes in his left hand the vessel of holy chrism,
and, with the thumb of the right hand makes the sacred sign on the crown of the
head of the kneeling man. The ordination over, the bishops take the gospel from
his neck, and the consecrator places a ring on the fourth finger of his right
hand, explaining, at the same time, the signification of the symbol, which is,
fidelity in keeping secret mysteries which ought not to be revealed. Finally,
he puts into his hand the staff, as a sign of his power as ruler, and bestows
upon him the kiss of peace; and the new bishop salutes, in the same way, all
who had joined in the ordination. A seat is placed for him with those of his
brethren, according to his rank; if he is a metropolitan, next to that of the
chief consecrator; if a suffragan, in the lowest place. The epistle is read,
taken from St. Paul’s description to Timothy of the duties of a bishop;
meanwhile all subscribe the act of ordination, and the service of the mass is
concluded. The new bishop, as soon as the others have retired from the altar,
is led or carried into his Cathedral Church, if some other has been chosen for
the performance of the ceremony, amid the chanting of those who accompany him.
He takes his seat upon his throne, and delivers an address to his clergy,
exhorting them to be faithful servants, each in his proper station, to himself
and to their Church; thence he retires to the sacristy, and, on the introit
commencing, takes his place at the altar, and peforms the service of the mass
again, in the usual way. At the termination of this second service, the letters
of consecration are laid upon the altar by the bishops, and being taken from
thence again are delivered by them to their brother prelates.
In connection with the same subject must be noticed a
short treatise, written by the archbishop of Rheims, at the time of Odacer’s
attempted usurpation of the Church, at Beauvais, on the duties of a bishop. In
addition to those which relate to ordination, confirmation, preaching,
preparation of the sacred chrism, and other more ordinary matters, we may
remark that since all the revenues of the diocese passed through his hands, it
devolved upon him to provide for the subsistence of all his clergy, as well as
for keeping up the establishments for public hospitality, and for maintenance
of the poor. Another important duty was to furnish the quota of soldiers which
spiritual, no less than temporal nobles, were called upon to contribute to the
royal service.
On the death of Louis the Third, which, as we have
seen, took place in August, 882, his younger brother Carloman, king of
Aquitaine, became sole king of France, or rather of the western portion of that
country. There seems to have been a general consent, among the nobles of
Neustria, to raise him to the throne, and many even of the Germans turned their
regards to the young prince, as likely to be a sovereign more suited to them
than the emperor, Charles the Fat. In their solicitude for the good instruction
of their new monarch, the counts and other noblemen of France had recourse to
Hincmar, as the wisest and most experienced person in the realm, and prayed him
to draw up a letter for the use of the youthful prince, to serve as a guide in
his attempts to reform affairs both in the Church and state. Two letters or
treatises were the result of this request, one addressed to the nobles, the
other to the bishops of the kingdom. The former of these is by far the most
important: it begins by laying down a broad line of difference existing between
the two Divinely appointed orders, the royal and episcopal; these can be united
in no one person, except in our Lord himself, although they were typically
joined also in king David, who prefigured our Lord. All bishops occupy the
place of the twelve apostles, while the seventy other disciples sent by our
Saviour are represented by the second order of clergy, or the priests, from
whose rank fit persons are to be chosen to supply vacancies among the bishops,
as St. Matthias, one of the seventy, was selected to fill the place of Judas.
He explains the difference between a schismatic and a heretic, the latter being
a person who holds false opinions respecting God, while the former is guilty of
similar error in respect to the Church, but argues that as God is the head of the
Church, the two sins are of a kindred nature. After these remarks, which serve
as a kind of introduction, the rest of the treatise mainly consists of a
transcript of an essay from the pen of Adelard, abbot of Corbey, in the early
part of the century, on the order of the palace, in which is contained an
account not only of the internal arrangements of the royal residence, and of
the various classes of officers employed in the king's service, but of the plan
of Charlemagne's government, and, above all, of the diets or general assemblies
so frequent under the reign of that emperor and of his successors. The chief
officers of the palace are enumerated as follows : first, is the apocrisiarius,
or chief chaplain, whom Hincmar describes as being a kind of deputy of the
pope. From the time of the conversion of Clovis this office was usually filled,
in the court of France, by the bishops who visited the palace at intervals,
until Pepin introduced the practice of conferring it, for the most part, on
priests and deacons, to avoid the inconvenience of removing bishops from their
dioceses. A list follows of those who had filled the station under Pepin,
Charlemagne, and Louis the Pious. Hilduin, formerly abbot, and instructor of
Hincmar, and bishop Drogo, were among the chaplains of the last-mentioned
emperor. Under him were all the court clergy; he took cognizance of all
ecclesiastical persons and affairs connected with the palace; he was the
spiritual adviser of the king and the royal household, and when any business relating
to the Church was referred to the king's judgment, the matter was brought, in
the first place, under the notice of the chaplain, who decided on the propriety
of carrying it before the sovereign. Associated with the apocrisiarius was the
high chancellor, who formerly went under the title of a secretis, and in subordination to whom were various secretaries
employed in managing the royal correspondence. These, like the chaplain, were
always, or for the most part, clergymen, and it seems probable that the offices
of chaplain and chancellor were frequently united in one person. Another
officer of distinction was the count of the palace, to whose decision all civil
and legal matters were referred, in the same way in which spiritual matters
were laid before the chaplain, previously to their being presented to the king.
All points connected with the honor and decorum, or
with the household arrangements of the palace, the care of the royal ornaments
and apparel, the annual presents bestowed upon the army, and other matters of
the kind, fell under the province of the queen or empress; her chief deputy was
the camerarius or chamberlain. In the
same department was the mansinarius,
whose business it was to prepare the various residences of the king, for the
royal reception, in his journeys from one part to another of his dominions. A
part of his duty, which must have been of a very arduous nature, was to take
care that sufficient provision was furnished, in every place, for the use of
the court without encroaching upon any property or resource except the royal
domains.
The remainder of the treatise contains an account of
the way in which the general or national assemblies were conducted by
Charlemagne. Two such diets were held every year, one at which all nobles, lay or
spiritual, were summoned to attend, while, for the second, the presence of the
chief in rank or importance was alone required. The ordinary topics of
deliberation connected with the general policy of the realm were debated in the
former of the two meetings, which may be regarded as the usual parliament of
the nation; the debates of the second, on the other hand, were directed towards
emergencies which admitted not of the delay unavoidable in convening the larger
comitia, or were employed in preparing subjects for the next ensuing
parliament. Among those whose presence was always required, in both of the
diets, were the royal chaplain, the count of the palace, and the chamberlain;
and Adelard or Hincmar remarks, that it is of great importance for the king to
make a careful selection of his consiliarii,
or of those to whom the main conduct of the deliberations is entrusted,
especially as secrecy is often necessary. Charlemagne himself was in the habit
of propounding all the subjects discussed by the assembly; he laid before them
matters on which he required their advice, and then retired to his palace, and
they debated for one, two, three, or more days, sending messengers to and fro,
between themselves and the emperor, for mutual consultation, or, if necessary,
requesting his presence, for their satisfaction or guidance in points of more
than usual difficulty or importance. With him rested, in like manner, the final
decision; and the various articles or capitula,
upon which they agreed at last, were collected into one or more capitulars,
which became, thenceforward, the law of the empire. These were partly civil and
partly ecclesiastical; the laymen took no part in deliberating upon the latter
class of statutes, but it is not so clear that the clergy had no share in the
secular debates. If the weather permitted it, the meetings were held under the
open sky, if not, in buildings prepared for the purpose, in the vicinity of the
royal residence. Laymen and ecclesiastics conducted their deliberations
separately, in the first place, but met afterwards for the comparison of their
conclusions, and at all times had the power of communicating together.
Besides the persons actually employed in deliberation,
a large number of nobles and others, from different parts of the kingdom, were
in the habit of assembling at the place appointed for the diet, and when not
actually engaged in assisting the debates, the emperor spent his time in
familiar and affectionate converse with them.
In addition to the duty of legislation, the members of
Charlemagne’s deliberative assembly were required to lay before him a full
account of the state of that part of the country from which they severally
came. He put to them a great variety of questions relating to all the different
classes of his subjects; and they were compelled, in consequence, to make
themselves fully acquainted with all particulars, in order to be prepared, on
meeting their sovereign, to satisfy his enquiries. It was chiefly by these
means that Charlemagne obtained a knowledge of the condition and wants of his
widely-extended empire; and the same method was adopted by his successors,
although their inferiority in energy, and generally in political wisdom, as
well as the disorders of their dominions, from civil dissension and hostile
invasion, rendered the assemblies less frequent, and their legislation less
successful. Constitutions to regulate these matters had been passed, as Hincmar
says, in conclusion, for the use of king Louis the Third, at the late Council
or diet of Fismes. No one, he noticed, was now alive of those who had taken
part in the diets of Louis the Pious.
Hincmar’s second letter to the bishops of France,
containing another admonition for the young king Carloman, was dated from the
village of Sparmacus, or Epernay sur Marne, and was not improbably written a
few days only before his death. It contains little that requires notice, and
consists, for the most part, of quotations from Holy Scripture and the fathers
of the Church, chiefly on the qualities of kings and of those who are chosen as
their advisers. If the character and talents of the youthful prince were such
as to make it likely that he would devote himself, with wisdom and
perseverance, to the government of his country, it is certain that Hincmar
could have chosen no better method of advising him than that contained in these
letters, and especially in the former, to imitate, as far as should be
permitted by the circumstances of his time and kingdom, the plan of government
and legislation employed by Charlemagne. That little was effected, is perhaps
not to be laid to the fault of Carloman. Hincmar, however, lived not to witness
the result of his counsel; his death occurred near the end of the year, under
the following circumstances.
The invasion of the Normans, in the preceding year, in
which Cologne, Aix-la-Chapelle, and other towns, were plundered and destroyed,
has been already mentioned. In the spring of 882 it was renewed; all the
country of the Ardennes was laid waste, Treves was burnt, and after carrying
their devastations down the Moselle as far as Coblentz, the army returned soon
after Easter, and marched against Metz. Bishop Wala assembled a handful of
troops and gave them combat; he was slain in the battle, but the Normans,
although the victory remained with them, were turned aside by the resistance,
and entered Neustria. Meanwhile, the emperor Charles had returned, in May, to
Worms, where he was met by a numerous diet, from all parts of Germany, and one
of the largest armies which that century witnessed was assembled under his
command. The various parties of the Normans, on hearing of his preparations for
war, fell back from France and from other quarters, and, joining under their
king Godfrey, fortified themselves within entrenchments upon the Rhine. The
German force was greatly superior, and it was expected that the heathen army
would have been quickly annihilated; but Charles the Fat, with a disgraceful
pusillanimity, instead of attacking them, offered terms of peace, which placed
the invaders in the position of conquerors. The province of Frisia was ceded to
Godfrey, on condition of his receiving baptism, while the rich abbey of St.
Stephen, of Metz, and several others, were stripped of their wealth, to satisfy
the demands of another chieftain; and they were permitted to carry back with
them not only all the treasure of the unfortified or conquered cities, in the
country which had been overrun, but that of Metz also and other towns, whose
defenses had preserved them from plunder. Charles acted as sponsor to Godfrey,
at his baptism, and gave him in marriage Gisela, a daughter of the late king
Lothaire, and sister of Hugo, of Lorraine.
But the conversion and marriage of the new king or
lord of Friesland, ended not, and scarcely delayed, his depredations. As the
winter approached he re-entered France, and having wasted great part of the
province of Aisne, advanced to lay siege to Laon, a town of some strength;
suddenly turning aside from this enterprise, he resolved to plunder, in the
first place, the cities of Rheims and Soissons, which were furnished with no
defenses. Hincmar, who had dispatched all the vassals of his Church to the
service of king Carloman, only heard of their approach in time to collect the
treasures of his Cathedral, the most valued of which were the remains of St.
Remigius, and to fly during the night, carried by his servants in a chair, in
consequence of his great feebleness, to the village of Epernay. The canons,
monks and nuns dispersed in various directions; but the Normans, on arriving at
the gate of the city, although they pillaged and burnt all in its environs,
abstained, from some unknown cause, from entering Rheims itself, and continued
their march towards some other quarter. The archbishop remained for some days
at Epernay, and died there, on the twenty-first of September. He was about
seventy-six years of age, and for thirty-seven years had held the see of
Rheims. His body was conveyed to the Church of St. Remigius, and placed in a
tomb, prepared by himself, behind that of the patron saint of the diocese, and
an epitaph, which he had himself composed, was inscribed upon it.
It would be superfluous to present the reader with a
description of the character of Hincmar; the narrative of his life and actions,
and the summary which has been given of the most important of his extant
writings, will enable him to judge of it with sufficient accuracy. He has been
severely censured by both Roman Catholic and Protestant historians; by the
former for his resistance to the popes Nicholas and Adrian, and for the
opposition which he displayed unflinchingly, though with little power of
criticism, to the authority of the early decretal letters; by the latter for
his strenuous maintenance of Church authority, and especially for his
determined hostility to the tenets of Godeschalcus, views which, in later
times, have met with a wider extension than in either the fifth or the ninth
century of our era. No further defence than such as may be contained in the
preceding pages will be attempted to either of these charges. From the more
moderate writers of the Roman, and especially of the Gallican Church, he has
received general commendation for the integrity of his motives, for his zeal
and earnestness, and for his extensive learning. Fleury indeed asserts that his
principal study was the discipline of the Church, and that he was less of a
theologian than of a canonist. Without denying the truth of this opinion, we
must remark that it was the discipline rather than the doctrine of the Church
which called for a bold and prudent defence, from the attacks of popes and
princes alike, during the years in which Hincmar guided the councils of the
bishops of France. From the cessation of the disputes on image-worship, in
which Hincmar was not of sufficient age or ecclesiastical rank to take any very
leading part, the heretical opinions on predestination and the threefold Deity,
were the only doctrinal errors which he was called upon to oppose.
On these questions his treatises, though diffuse in
style and overladen with quotations from the fathers of the Church, prove him
to be no less superior to most of the writers of his day as a theologian, than
he was, by universal acknowledgment, as a canonist. There is a certain taste
and style which distinguishes the writings of thoughtful and educated men, in
one century or in one period of secular or ecclesiastical history from those of
authors, similar in character or intellect, of another. While, in an Augustan
age, the excellence of an author may be fairly ascribed to his individual
merit, the converse of this rule cannot be applied without injustice. The
general prevalence of a false taste or a degenerated language is a hindrance,
from which none but a thinker or writer of transcendent genius can set himself
altogether free; and probably if Tacitus or St. Augustine had lived and written
in the ninth, instead of the second century or the fourth, productions very
different from those which we now possess would have proceeded from their pens.
The truth of this is plain, from the instances of Alcuin and Erigena, men of
sufficient thoughtfulness, and of a sufficient acquaintance with the treasures
of classical learning, to have equaled the great writers of better times, had
not the degenerate taste of their age been a barrier not to be overcome. This
must be the excuse, if such is needed, for much that is crabbed and tedious in
Hincmar's treatises and letters; nor, without taking this into consideration,
can we form from them a candid judgment of his clearness of thought, of his power
of argument, or of the extent and character of his learning. It is to be
regretted that little remains to us, in the letters of Hincmar, from which any
very definite idea can be collected of his ordinary habits of private life, or
of those points in his temper and disposition which are best gathered from such
a testimony. As was frequently the case in his time, on becoming a bishop he
continued to wear the garb and to follow the practices of the monastic life, to
which he had been before accustomed; and as we know that he was remarkable for
strictness and self-discipline while an inmate of the abbey of St. Denys, it is
reasonable to suppose that his manner of living afterwards was of a similar
character. This is confirmed by a short letter from a friend, found among his
works, written to him while he was suffering from illness, and earnestly
recommending him to relinquish, for a time, his usual excessive abstinence, and
to re-establish his strength by the use of flesh and wine.
Some account has been already given of the longer and
more important of the extant writings of Hincmar; several letters and short
treatises remain, which, with a few exceptions, are scarcely deserving of
particular notice, as they contain little that further illustrates either the
history of the time or the opinions or character of their author. Of these
exceptions the chief are two treatises addressed to king Charles the Bald, the
former containing the duties incumbent on a reigning sovereign, and the second
consisting, more generally, of exhortations to a virtuous and religious life.
The main part of what is said in both is drawn from the examples and precepts
of Scripture, and from Catholic writers of antiquity. To these is added a third
treatise, of a more speculative character, addressed to the same prince, on the
diverse and multiple nature of the soul; and it may be interesting to see how
such a topic is treated by a divine, whose employment gave him little time for
theoretical speculations, and in an age which enjoys but slight reputation for
philosophy. That the soul is not corporeal the archbishop proves, from the fact
that it was breathed into the body, which had first been created for its
reception; and remarks that, whereas the ratio
causalis, or material cause of all things endued with body, existed from
the first in the earth, the soul of each individual is a new creation, yet it
is contained, and, in a certain true sense, circumscribed in the body during
life, and leaves it at death. He quotes, and apparently adopts, a saying of St.
Gregory, that the spirits even of angels are circumscribed in space; but
although the souls, whether of men or of angels, are truly spiritual or
immaterial, confesses that, in comparison of the divine spirit, they are
corporeal. As the soul is contained in the body, it may be said to move as the
body moves, although, in reality, it is of itself the cause of motion to the
body. He remarks that St. Austin's opinion was that the soul is moveable in
time rather than in space; it passes in its motion the bounds not only of its
own body, but of all material creation, and, to speak truly, its motion
consists in change of character and will. The different kinds of motion,
such as increase, diminution, and the like, which are peculiar to matter,
belong likewise to the soul, but in a spiritual sense; for example, instead of
growing large or small, it grows good or bad. He quotes, with approbation, the
idea of St. Austin, that the spiritual body, after the resurrection, will enjoy
the power of seeing God, not only with the eyes of faith, but with the bodily
eyes; as well as another opinion of the same father, that the apostles and
martyrs and other most eminent saints, are not to receive the full promises of
God or eternal life with the angels until after the general resurrection.
As an instance of the manner in which another kind of
subject is treated, we may notice his answer to the question why the Synod of
Nice should be called mystical, one, among several proofs, which might be drawn
from his works, that the method of the mystical or spiritual interpretation of
numbers, so generally adopted by Ambrose, Augustine, Hilary, and most others of
the fathers, was in full vigor in the Church in the latter half of the ninth
century. He begins with the sacred name of our Lord. The Greek letters
contained in the name of Jesus, if added together, produce the number 488,
which is to be thus interpreted :—400 means the whole number of those who are
elected to eternal life, and 88 means the resurrection, and a life conformable
to it, 8 being the well-known symbol of the resurrection, and 80 another form
of the same, so that the two added together mean the two states of
resurrection, in this life and in the next, bestowed by divine grace on the
elect; the double number may refer also to the two robes with which they shall
be clothed, the robe of immortality and that of incorruption. The
abbreviated form, or IHS in which the sacred name is written, and is equivalent
to the number 218; of this, the 200, or two perfect numbers, stands for the two
perfect natures of our Lord; the 10, another perfect number, made up of the
addition of the four first numerals, represents the four-fold mystery of the
Church; and the 8, as before, the resurrection. He then treats more immediately
of the number 318, which represents the Council of Nice, that being the number
of bishops present. These were shadowed forth in the 318 servants of Abraham,
by whose aid that patriarch smote the enemies of true religion, and rescued his
kinsman Lot. Our Lord is thus proved to have been himself present at the
Council. The Greek letter T, which is the sign of the cross, signifies 300; if
to this is added IH, or the abbreviated monogram of our Saviour’s name, the
whole number 318 is composed. The final Σ is left out, to show that it is
in the genitive case, following the former T, or that the words represented are
Crux Jesu.
The death of Hincmar left a blank in the Church of
France, which was filled up neither in the remaining years of the ninth century
nor during the whole of the succeeding age. His successor at Rheims was Fulco,
or Foulques, who, rather perhaps from the superiority with which his
predecessor had invested his see than from any remarkable talents of his own,
was the most eminent among the contemporary bishops of France. He neither
possessed the talents of Hincmar, nor was he called upon by circumstances to
play so important a part in the affairs of his Church and nation.
In the political state of France the archbishop’s loss
was probably unfelt, as his counsels, during his latter years, had been little
regarded. The most important political movements of the next few years were
briefly the following. Charles the Fat, by his treaty with the Norman Godfrey,
had disgusted his German subjects, who sought to raise Carloman in his place as
the head of the Frankish empire. Their desire seemed justified at first by the
successes which attended the young prince’s arms; the city of Vienne, and with
it the whole kingdom of Burgundy, surrendered to himself or to his officers;
and Hastings, one of the most formidable of the Norman chieftains, was driven
with his followers from Aquitaine, or, perhaps, to speak with more accuracy,
evacuated that province of his own accord, when it could offer no further
satisfaction to his love of plunder. But the energy and success of the French
king and army were of short duration; the Normans, though Aquitaine was at
length freed from their presence, overran at their pleasure the whole of
northern and eastern France, until, in the autumn of 884, the few Churches and
monasteries which had escaped their ravages were stripped of their wealth, to
furnish the sum of twelve thousand pounds of silver; and a large portion,
though by no means the whole of the heathen plunderers, on receiving the bribe,
embarked at Boulogne, and sailed for the coast of England.
Within a few months of their departure, in December,
AD 884, Carloman died, at the age of eighteen years, of a wound received in
hunting. His half-brother called afterwards Charles the Simple, could have been
but five years of age, and, as his mother Adelaide had not been acknowledged by
the pope and the Council of Troyes as the legal wife of king Louis the
Stammerer, and as the French nation, by accepting Louis the Third and Carloman
for their kings, had seemed to sanction the rejection, illegitimacy, as well as
infancy, was a bar to his succession. Charles the Fat was now the only
legitimate descendant of Charlemagne; to him, therefore, the French nobles
offered the vacant crown, and the emperor, who was in Lombardy at the time,
marched through Germany to France, to complete, by his acceptance of the offer,
the union under one sovereign of all the countries which had owned the sway of
his great ancestor. On his journey he had an interview, upon the banks of the
Rhine, with Godfrey, duke of Friesland, and his brother-in-law Hugo, of
Lorraine. The latter of these princes had quickly become tired of his monastic
life, and, under Godfrey’s protection, had recommenced his robberies and devastations;
while the duke of Friesland, in the hope of finding a pretext for war, demanded
of Charles the cession of a large and fertile territory on the banks of the
Rhine. The emperor freed himself from his difficulties by a foul act of treason
: Gilbert, the venerable archbishop of Cologne, was sent to Hugo and Godfrey,
with assurances that they might safely trust themselves to an interview with
Charles. Accordingly they met him not far from Nijmegen, and during the
conference Godfrey and all the Normans who accompanied him were assassinated;
and Hugo, having had his eyes torn out, was confined in the monastery of St.
Gal.
Charles remained in France no longer than was
sufficient to receive the allegiance of his new subjects, and
returned into Germany, leaving commands to the French
to march to the siege of Louvain, which was in the hands of the Normans. The
expedition, undertaken in consequence, was unfortunate; they were repulsed by
the enemy, who pursued them into France, and spread themselves again over the
country. In the winter of 885 they laid siege to Paris; but the city, although,
vastly inferior in strength and in population to its ancient state, and
confined now to the island of the Seine, was defended by three nobles of spirit
and prudence, Gauzelin, formerly chancellor of France, and now bishop, Hugo,
abbot of St. Martin, of Tours, and Eudes, count of Paris, supposed to be a son
of Robert the Brave. The siege lasted for a year, and Hugo and Gauzelin died
before its conclusion. The emperor, who was employed in petty disputes in
Lombardy, was at length, with difficulty, prevailed upon to return to France,
whose capital was on the point of yielding. His fears, however, hindered his
advancing beyond Metz, until the count of Paris, by an exploit which was
regarded as miraculous, made his escape from the beleaguered city, and, by his
urgent demands compelled, rather than persuaded, Charles to promise a speedy
relief. On his return to Paris he found every approach strictly guarded by the
Normans, who were determined to prevent his entrance; and Eudes, though
unattended by any followers, cut his way alone through the ranks of the enemy,
and regained the city; an act of chivalrous courage to which, in those ages,
France could furnish no other that could bear comparison. The imperial troops
followed, but Charles made no attempt to engage the besiegers in the field;
with another large sum of money he purchased a fictitious peace, and, on
returning to Alsace, was pursued and harassed in his march by the very army
whom he had thus dishonorably persuaded to raise the siege of Paris, and who
removed the scene of warfare, for the present, into Burgundy and the upper
Seine.
The reign of Charles the Fat continued but a short
period after this new act of dishonor; his health, always in a feeble state, in
consequence of his inordinate addiction to the pleasures of the table, appears
to have grown still weaker under the consciousness of disgrace. His sole
offspring was an illegitimate son, of the name of Bernard; but he adopted a son
of Boso, late king of Provence, and grandson by his mother's side of the late
emperor, Louis the Second. The laws of the Frankish empire disqualified a
woman, or one whose claim was through the female line, from succeeding to the
crown or to the inheritance of any fief or barony; but, in the failure of the
male line, it was thought by the emperor himself, and by others, that the young
prince Louis, so named after his grandfather, might be accepted by the Franks
as their sovereign. At present the territory lately ruled by his father was
conferred upon him, not as an independent sovereignty, but as a fief held under
the emperor, and having performed homage for these possessions, at the diet of
Kirkheim, he was sent back to his country, where, three years afterwards, the
Council of Valence, at the recommendation of the pope, bestowed upon him his
father’s crown.
Meanwhile the emperor’s reign came suddenly to a
close. In the course of the year 887, he assembled a diet of the German nation,
at Tribur, on the Rhine, and proposed to them his son Bernard as his successor.
Arnulf, duke of Carinthia, the natural son of the late king of Italy and
Bavaria, attended, with a large company of followers. If any one of the
illegitimate Carolingian princes was to receive the crown of the empire, Arnulf
had even a higher claim to that dignity than Bernard, because his father,
Carloman, had been an elder brother of Charles the Fat. But, independently of
rightful claim, he had a powerful partisan among the German nobles, by whose
interest he was assured of the support of Saxons and Thuringians, of Swabians
and Bavarians; this was no other than the emperor's chancellor Liutward, bishop
of Verceil, who had long been the real governor of the empire, who had gained
enormous wealth and influence by his unscrupulous use of the advantages of his
position, and who had lately quarreled with his master, on some suspicion of
undue intimacy with the empress Richarde. The empress had been shut up in a
convent, and Liutward banished to his diocese; but the bishop, who, in addition
to other parts of his conduct little becoming the episcopal station, was
strongly suspected of Nestorianism, or some similar heresy, joined Arnulf at
the diet of Tribur, and encouraged him to set himself up without delay in
opposition to his uncle. In the space of three days Charles found himself
without a single adherent; resistance was altogether hopeless, and he was
contented to send the archbishop of Metz, who took pity upon his helpless
state, with a humble supplication to his nephew to furnish him with the means
of livelihood. The new monarch, as it is said, wept at this striking example of
human vicissitude, and granted for his support and that of his son Bernard a
maintenance and retreat in Swabia. Charles, however, enjoyed them but a few
weeks; he died on the twelfth of January, 888, and was buried in the convent of
Richenau, near Constance.
We may suitably
conclude our history at the epoch of the deposition of Charles the Fat. For a
few short years the western empire had been again united under a single head,
as if to render more striking the dismemberment into which it fell upon his
death. Seven kingdoms raised themselves almost simultaneously from the ruins of
the empire : these were France, Navarre, Burgundy, and Provence, Burgundy
beyond the Jura, Lorraine, Germany, and Italy, to which may be added Brittany;
while in the kingdom of France alone no less than twenty-eight fiefs are
enumerated, under the titles of duchies, counties, marquisates, and seignoires,
on which Charles the Bald, at his last diet of Quiercy, by making them
hereditary, had bestowed the character of independent sovereignties. With these
we have no concern, and the history, which has its natural termination at the
death of Hincmar, can have no pretext for extending itself beyond the last of
those princes to whom the archbishop of Rheims addressed his letters or
furnished his advice.