<!doctype html> <html> <head> <meta charset="utf-8"> <title>THE AMEER ABDUR RAHMAN (1840-1901)</title> <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=unicode"><style type="text/css"> <!-- body { background-image: url(../../../../images/t1.jpg); background-color: #FFFFFF; } body,td,th { color: #000000; } .Estilo2 {font-size: xx-large} --> </style><h1 align="center">THE AMEER ABDUR RAHMAN</h1> <table width="1300" align="center" cellpadding="5" cellspacing="20" background="../../../../images/2.gif"> <tr> <td width="356" height="156" bgcolor="#FFFFCC"><div align="center"> <h1><a href="../../../divine-history/DIVINE-HISTORY.html">THE DIVINE HISTORY OF </a><a href="../../../divine-history/DIVINE-HISTORY.html">JESUS CHRIST </a></h1> </div></td> <td width="501" align="center" bgcolor="#FFFFFF"><h1 align="center"><span class="Estilo14"><a href="../../CRISTORAUL_ReadingHall_The-Doors-of-Wisdom.html">READING HALL</a></span></h1> <h1 align="center"><a href="../../CRISTORAUL_ReadingHall_The-Doors-of-Wisdom.html"><span class="Estilo14"><em>THE DOORS OF WISDOM </em></span></a></h1></td> <td width="331" bgcolor="#FFFFCC"><div align="center"> <h1><a href="../../../GENESIS/Introduction-to-the-Creation-of-the-Universe-according-the-Genesis_BOOK.html">THE CREATION IF THE UNIVERSE ACCORDING GENESIS </a></h1> </div></td> </tr> </table> <h1 align="center">1840-1901</h1> <h1 align="center">By STEPHEN WHEELER</h1> <p align="center">&nbsp;</p> <h1 align="center"><a href="1840-1901-Ameer-Abdur-Rahman.html">&nbsp;</a></o:p> </span><a href="pdf/1840-1901-Ameer-Abdur-Rahman.pdf">Ameer Abdur Rahman: PDF</a></h1> <table width="30%" align="center"> <tr> <td><img src="../../images/biographies/Ameer-Abdur-Rahman/Ameer-Abdur-Rahman.jpg" width="690" height="1060"></td> </tr> </table> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER I. <span class=font91><b><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>INTRODUCTION.</span></b></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Birth and parentage The Ameer s father The land and the people Origin of the Afghans Historical retrospect The <span class=SpellE>Durani</span> empire&nbsp; Rise of the Barakzais Dost Mahomed Asiatic character<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=font211><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER II.</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> <span class=font91><b><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>EARLY ENDEAVOURS.</span></b></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Death of Dost Mahomed The War of Succession Abdur Rahman s father Attitude of the Indian Government Battle of <span class=SpellE>Bajgah</span> &nbsp;Shere Ali s treachery Flight of Abdur Rahman The Ameer of&nbsp;Bokhara John Lawrence and Shere Ali Battle of <span class=SpellE>Kajbaz</span> The&nbsp;heir-apparent killed Abdur Rahman enters <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> Battle of&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Shaikhabad</span>  Abdur Rahman s father proclaimed Ameer &nbsp;Masterly inactivity  A Reign of Terror  Battle of <span class=SpellE>Kelat-i-Ghilzai</span> Ameer Afzul acknowledged by the Viceroy- Fighting in&nbsp;the North Abdur Rahman s victory Death of Ameer Afzul &nbsp;Ameer Azim Khan  Abdur Rahman besieges <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> A&nbsp;message to the Russians  <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> captures Kandahar  Sir&nbsp;Henry Rawlinson s memorandum Shere Ali recovers his throne&nbsp; Abdur Rahman a fugitive A vision<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER III. <span class=font91><b><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>IN BANISHMENT.</span></b></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>At Holy Meshed Death of ex-Ameer Azim Khan Abdur Rahman goes to Bokhara Letters to General Kaufmann Abdur Rahman&nbsp;reaches Samarcand  A pensioner of the Czar  England and&nbsp;Russia General Kaufmann and Shere Ali Mr. Schuyler visits Abdur Rahman Interviewed by other travellers Possibilities of the Future Hopes and aspirations The pains of exile <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span>&nbsp;Khan An appeal to the Czar Abdur Rahman s intrigues &nbsp;Imprisonment of his emissary Shere Ali alarmed A Russian&nbsp;threat Sharpening the sword of intention The course of events&nbsp; Rupture between Shere Ali and England <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER IV. <span class=font91><b><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>THE WINNING OF CABUL.</span></b></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Death of Ameer Shere Ali Accession of <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan The attack on the English Residency <span class=SpellE>Yakoob s</span> resignation Abdur Rahman&nbsp;crosses the Oxus Submission of <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span> Abdur Rahman&nbsp;master of Balkh Wanted an Ameer Letters from the English &nbsp;Lord Lytton s policy A partition of Afghanistan Politicians in&nbsp;a hurry Abdur Rahman as a diplomatist Lord Ripon Viceroy &nbsp;England and Afghanistan The separation of Kandahar A new&nbsp;departure The wager of the knife Durbar at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> Abdur&nbsp;Rahman proclaimed Ameer The disaster at <span class=SpellE>Maiwand</span> Meeting&nbsp;between Abdur Rahman and Sir Lepel Griffin Description of the&nbsp;new Ameer An Eastern apologue A promise of support The&nbsp;march to Kandahar The evacuation of <span class=SpellE>Sherpur</span> Abdur Rahman&nbsp;and Sir Donald Stewart Abdur Rahman at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> Subsidized&nbsp;by Lord Ripon <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER V. <span class=font91><b><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>THE SHAPING OF A KINGDOM.</span></b></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On the throne of his fathers The friends of the foreigner Family affairs Wives, old and new The question of Kandahar A&nbsp;policy of scuttle Experts at variance Hauling down the flag &nbsp;Defeat of <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> Recovery of Kandahar and Herat <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>&nbsp;holds out The fort taken Schemes of aggrandisement <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>&nbsp;and Roshan Legends of Alexander the Great The slave trade&nbsp;in <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>  Political geography of the Upper Oxus  The&nbsp;Russians in <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> The Anglo-Russian agreement of 1873 &nbsp;The Afghan boundary Earl Granville s theory The delays of&nbsp;diplomacy The land of the unruly The value of Chitral Baber&nbsp;in Bajaur The rise of Umra Khan The Afghans in <span class=SpellE>Asmar</span> &nbsp;Abdur Rahman and Sher <span class=SpellE>Afeul</span> Aggression on the Punjab&nbsp;frontier-<span class=SpellE>Zhoband</span> the <span class=SpellE>Gomul</span> Pass-<span class=SpellE>Encroachmentsin</span> <span class=SpellE>Biluchistan</span>.&nbsp;<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER VI. <span class=font91><b><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>THE AMEER AND HIS NEIGHBOURS.</span></b></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>English relations with Afghanistan Dost Mahomed and Shere Ali The <span class=SpellE>Umballa</span> durbar The validity of treaties <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan&nbsp;-Anti-Annexation <span class=font211><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>A</span></i></span><span class=font211><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> Russian fallacy Abdur Rahman and his&nbsp;subsidy The English guarantee The Russians at <span class=SpellE>Merve</span> Lord&nbsp;Ripon s liberality England s obligations Our traditional policy&nbsp; The integrity of Afghanistan I&lt;<span class=SpellE>ord</span> Dufferin Viceroy The&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Rawulpindi</span> durbar  A speech by Abdur Rahman  Lord&nbsp;Dufferin s tact The news from <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> The Grand Cross of&nbsp;the Star of India Abdur Rahman and the Russians The Ameer&nbsp;exhorts his subjects The fable of the swan </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER VII. <span class=font91><b><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>THE ENEMY WITHIN.</span></b></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The divine right of <span class=SpellE>Ameers</span> The lopping of heads A hungry falcon An Afghan poet Recalcitrant tribesmen <span class=SpellE>Shinwarris</span> &nbsp;The <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span> revolt A petition to the Queen The Fragrance of&nbsp;the Universe Spread of the Rebellion A <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span> pretender &nbsp;Fights with the rebels Mutiny at Herat Defeat of the insurgents Abdur Rahman s proclamation Punishment of offenders&nbsp; <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> Khan <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> Khan s rebellion Battle of <span class=SpellE>Ghuznichak</span> &nbsp;An appeal for English help Abdur Rahman goes north The&nbsp;Ameer s severity Rising in <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span> Attempted assassination&nbsp; Birth of a son Abdur Rahman and the Russians The Hazaras&nbsp; The Ameer s clemency Afghanistan tranquil .&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;. 138-163<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER VIII. <span class=font91><b><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>THE BOUNDARIES OF AFGHANISTAN.</span></b></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The agreement of 1873 The frontier The Anglo-Russian Commission Sir Peter Lumsden Warlike projects The Russian&nbsp;advance The Ameer s rights The defence of <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> The&nbsp;collision Abdur Rahman s views <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> condoned The&nbsp;demarcation The Ameer on Sir Peter Lumsden The <span class=SpellE>Kazi</span> Sad-ud-din The final protocol Summary of results A letter from&nbsp;Abdur Rahman Boundary disputes The Pamir question Sir&nbsp;Lepel Griffin The sources of the Oxus The fight at <span class=SpellE>Somatash</span>&nbsp; The agreement of 1895<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER IX. <span class=font91><b><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>THE DURAND MISSION.</span></b></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Lord Roberts Misunderstandings Rumours of war* A trouble** some ally The raid on <span class=SpellE>Chageh</span> The <span class=SpellE>Khojak</span> tunnel An&nbsp;awkward document The machine guns Sir Mortimer Durand &nbsp;Departure of the mission At <span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span> Arrival at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> &nbsp;Grand Durbar Speech by the Ameer The Envoy s reply The&nbsp;mission returns Result of the negotiations The Marquis of&nbsp;Lansdowne  British pledges The sphere of influence  The&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Wazeri</span> campaign Umra Khan of <span class=SpellE>Jandol</span> The defence of Chitral&nbsp; Colonel Kelly s march The demarcation of boundaries<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER X. <span class=font91><b><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>A RULER IN ISLAM.</span></b></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Ameer as a bureaucrat Afghan Justice The <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> Police Code The Army A grand review A Frenchman in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> &nbsp;Brigadier Abdul Subhan Mr. O Meara Court dentistry Sir&nbsp;Salter <span class=SpellE>Pyne</span> The Ameer s workshops Englishwomen in Afghanistan <span class=SpellE>Dr.</span> Hamilton Church and State Funerals in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> &nbsp;The duties of a Mahomedan Jehad The Ameer s family &nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Shahzadas</span> <span class=SpellE>Habibulla</span> and <span class=SpellE>Nasrulla</span> The Queen of the Harem &nbsp;Conclusion........212-233<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=font221><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;font-variant: small-caps;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>Appendix</span></span><span class=font211><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> I. </span></span><span class=font221><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;font-variant:small-caps;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman s Autobiography</span></span><span class=font211><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> </span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family: "Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'><o:p></o:p></span></p> <table width="1310" align="center"> <tr> <td width="1300"><img src="../../images/biographies/Ameer-Abdur-Rahman/afganistan.jpg" width="1300" height="1101"></td> </tr> </table> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class=font24 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER I.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>INTRODUCTION. <o:p></o:p></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'><br clear=all style='mso-special-character: line-break'> <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font25 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>THE biographer of Ameer Abdur Rahman Khan, Barakzai, G.C.B., <span class=SpellE>g.c.s.i</span>., is confronted with a difficulty at the very beginning. The date and place of&nbsp;this great man s birth are alike unknown. According to&nbsp;one account, he was born about the year 1830, and&nbsp;fought against the English during the first Sikh war.&nbsp;This, however, is scarcely possible. A Russian writer,&nbsp;who knew Abdur Rahman in Samarcand, says that he&nbsp;was born in 1844, which is far more likely to be correct.&nbsp;No doubt it was what the Ameer himself said; and many&nbsp;years afterwards Abdur Rahman gave exactly the same&nbsp;information to his English physician. It may be worth&nbsp;mentioning that Sir John Kaye was unable to fix the date&nbsp;of Dost Mahomed s birth, and could only suggest that&nbsp;this event took place between the years 1788 and 1793.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The father of Abdur Rahman was Mahomed Afzul Khan, the son of Ameer Dost Mahomed by a woman of&nbsp;the Bangash, one of the tribes on the Punjab frontier.&nbsp;Afzul was born in 1811, during the days when his father&nbsp;was still a soldier of fortune. In 1837 he and his half-brother, Akbar, were sent by their father at the head of&nbsp;a strong force, to attack the Sikhs who had occupied&nbsp;Jamrud, in the Khyber Pass. A battle was fought in&nbsp;which <span class=SpellE>Runjit</span> Singh lost his bravest general, and Afzul&nbsp;greatly distinguished himself. It was about this time that&nbsp;the famous Maharaja of the Punjab wrote of his Afghan&nbsp;rival:  His ear of sagacity is closed by the cotton of&nbsp;negligence. When it is of no avail to him, he will bite&nbsp;the hand of sorrow with the teeth of repentance. In&nbsp;1839, when an English army invaded Afghanistan, to&nbsp;depose Dost Mahomed and replace Shah Shuja on the&nbsp;throne, Afzul, in command of a body of horsemen,&nbsp;marched southwards to oppose Sir John Keane s advance,&nbsp;and was in the neighbourhood of <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span> in July, 1839,&nbsp;when that historic citadel was taken by storm. On Dost&nbsp;Mahomed s flight to Bokhara, Afzul accompanied him.&nbsp;They returned to Afghanistan in the following year, and&nbsp;it was Afzul who on August 30,1841, attacked the British&nbsp;outpost at <span class=SpellE>Bajgah</span>. He no doubt took part also in the&nbsp;engagements which followed, including the action at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Parwandarra</span> on November 2, when General Sale was&nbsp;defeated by Dost Mahomed s troops. A few days after&nbsp;that victory, which he did not dare to follow up, Dost&nbsp;Mahomed rode into <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, attended by a single horseman, and surrendered himself to Sir William <span class=SpellE>Macnaghten</span>.&nbsp;He was followed by Afzul Khan; and father and son were deported to India, where they lived under surveillance until the beginning of 1843.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>As already stated, there is reason to believe that Abdur Rahman, <span class=SpellE>Afzul s</span> more celebrated son, was born a year&nbsp;after Dost Mahomed recovered his kingdom. His mother&nbsp;was a daughter of the Nawab <span class=SpellE>Samand</span> Khan, at that time&nbsp;a conspicuous figure in Afghan politics. In March, 1852,&nbsp;Afzul was appointed by Dost Mahomed governor of the&nbsp;province of Balkh, which had been conquered a year or&nbsp;two earlier, and he held this post down to the time&nbsp;of his father s death. It may be assumed, therefore,&nbsp;that Abdur Rahman passed his boyhood in the country&nbsp;north of the Hindu Kush. This period of his life,&nbsp;however, remains a blank, and the earliest mention that&nbsp;can be found of him in official or other records is the&nbsp;statement that in the autumn of 1863 he suppressed a&nbsp;rising in Kunduz, the homeland of the <span class=SpellE>Kattaghan</span> <span class=SpellE>Usbegs</span>.&nbsp;This would have been about a month or two after the&nbsp;Ameer Dost Mahomed  left this world for Paradise, &nbsp;and before the civil war broke out in which the young&nbsp;<span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>sirdar</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> first won distinction. From that period onwards&nbsp;the story of Abdur Rahman s life is full of strange&nbsp;vicissitudes and striking incident; while it furnishes,&nbsp;moreover, a key to much that would otherwise be&nbsp;inexplicable in the annals of the British government of&nbsp;India. It is not, perhaps, a story that will be read with&nbsp;unmixed delight. Indeed, one may turn to page after&nbsp;page of Afghan history, and each is stained by the&nbsp;shameless record of intrigue, treachery, and violence.&nbsp;Still more depressing are those which treat of England's&nbsp;past dealings with Afghanistan, for there too often we</span></span> discern the inevitable consequences of faltering purpose and inopportune interference. On the other hand,&nbsp;fortunately, there is much that may be told with no&nbsp;feeling of dissatisfaction. If at the present time there&nbsp;is a fair prospect that Afghanistan will continue to enjoy&nbsp;the blessings of peace, prosperity, and independence, it&nbsp;is due to the capacity of Abdur Rahman, and to the&nbsp;statecraft of his allies and protectors, who, when they do&nbsp;make a mistake, never fail to retrieve it.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>A few words must be said about the people and the country over which it was Abdur Rahman s destiny to&nbsp;rule. In extent Afghanistan is rather larger than the&nbsp;empire of Austro-Hungary, with Bosnia and Herzegovina&nbsp;thrown in. The population amounts to about a quarter&nbsp;of the population of Hungary. The country is described&nbsp;as a vast upraised plateau, crossed by broad mountain&nbsp;ridges, which reach an elevation three or four times that&nbsp;of Mont Blanc. It is a land of extremes, of pleasant&nbsp;valleys, and rugged peaks soaring above the line of&nbsp;eternal snow, with a winter of intense cold, and a summer&nbsp;when it is too hot to sleep indoors. At <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, in the&nbsp;hot-weather months, the temperature ranges from 90 &nbsp;to 100 Fahrenheit; in the winter the snow lies on&nbsp;the ground for months together, and the people sleep&nbsp;huddled close to their stoves. From about the middle&nbsp;of December till March, the passes over the Hindu Kush&nbsp;leading from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> to Afghan-Turkestan are closed to all&nbsp;but travellers on foot.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Of the inhabitants of this favoured region it has been said that nothing could be finer than their physique,&nbsp;nothing worse than their morals. Tall, robust, and well-formed, they are turbulent, intractable, and vindictive.&nbsp; They live, says Ferrier,  always armed to the teeth,&nbsp;and ready for the attack, always animated by the most&nbsp;ferocious instincts ; and the national character has hardly&nbsp;changed since the French traveller wrote.  Though&nbsp;they are full of duplicity, he added,  one is, nevertheless,&nbsp;frequently liable to be taken in by their apparent frankness. Manly and plain-spoken in their bearing towards&nbsp;strangers of high, accredited position, they are derisive&nbsp;and tyrannical towards the weak. Their inordinate&nbsp;avarice alone would be a strong argument in favour of&nbsp;the theory, which is otherwise incredible, that they are&nbsp;descended from the lost tribes of Palestine. The late&nbsp;Sir <span class=SpellE>Bartie</span> Frere, we are told by his biographer, held that&nbsp;the charge of faithlessness, so often brought against the&nbsp;Afghans, was altogether unfounded; but against this must&nbsp;be set the opinion of General Jacob, that as a people&nbsp;they are utterly untrustworthy,  never to be depended&nbsp;upon in war, and quarrelsome, unruly, and murderous in&nbsp;peace. The late General <span class=SpellE>Reynell</span> Taylor, who was no&nbsp;less anxious than Sir <span class=SpellE>Bartie</span> Frere to do justice to the&nbsp;Afghans, was fain to confess that, though the men have&nbsp;many fine qualities, though life among them is pleasant&nbsp;and genial, and though they are capable of chivalry and&nbsp;kindliness,  they are not to be trusted when clouds rise&nbsp;on the political horizon. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The origin of the Afghans is a problem over which Oriental scholars continue to dispute. The weight of&nbsp;evidence is in favour of the theory that the true Afghans,&nbsp;in the limited sense of the term, are a race of Jewish or&nbsp;Arab extraction. More or less mixed up with them are&nbsp;Pathans, of Indian descent, <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span>, who are identified&nbsp;with the Turk tribe of <span class=SpellE>Kalagi</span>, the Aryan Tajiks, the&nbsp;Mongolian Hazaras, and an assortment of other races.&nbsp;In the early centuries of the Christian era the Afghans&nbsp;and <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> invaded the country then held by Pathans,&nbsp;adopted their language and many of their customs, and&nbsp;gave a name to the nation.  Thus, says Mr. Ibbetson,&nbsp; the Afghans and <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> are Pathans by virtue of their&nbsp;language, though not of Pathan origin; the Tajiks and&nbsp;Hazaras, who have retained their Aryan speech, are not&nbsp;Pathans; while all five are Afghans by virtue of location,&nbsp;though only one of them is of Afghan race. The true&nbsp;Afghans, according to their own traditions, trace their&nbsp;descent from <span class=SpellE>Afghana</span>, the son of Jeremiah, the son of&nbsp;Saul. <span class=SpellE>Afghana</span>, it is said, was Solomon s Commander-in-Chief. They were transported from Syria to Persia by&nbsp;Nebuchadnezzar, and thence emigrated to the mountains&nbsp;of Ghor, and what is now the country of the Hazaras.&nbsp;They were converted to Islam by a party of their own&nbsp;tribe, who had gone to Arabia under a leader named&nbsp;Wais, and had there fought for the prophet Mahomed.&nbsp;This is the story told by the Afghans themselves; but, as&nbsp;will be seen when we come to speak of the Barakzais, the&nbsp;tribe to which the Ameer Abdur Rahman belongs, some&nbsp;authorities give a very different account of the origin of&nbsp;the Afghans.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the country now known as Afghanistan was partly under the&nbsp;dominion of the Kings of Persia, partly under that of&nbsp;the great Moghuls of Delhi. When the Moghuls were at <span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>the height of their power, they held <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and Kandahar,&nbsp;Balkh and <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>; and India was thus secure from&nbsp;the invasion of any conquering horde from Central Asia.&nbsp;At the end of the seventeenth century, both Kandahar&nbsp;and Herat belonged to the potentate, whom our forefathers called the Persian Sophy. In 1706 an Afghan&nbsp;chieftain, Mir <span class=SpellE>Waiz</span>, the <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span>, headed an insurrection&nbsp;against the Persian Governor of Kandahar; and in 1722&nbsp;the son of Mir <span class=SpellE>Waiz</span>, with an army of Afghans, invaded&nbsp;Persia, and overthrew the <span class=SpellE>Suffavi</span> Shah. Four or five&nbsp;years later, the Afghan invaders were driven back by the&nbsp;Turkoman, Nadir Shah, who in his turn made himself&nbsp;master of Afghanistan and the Punjab. Out of the&nbsp;anarchy that followed on Nadir Shah s death, in 1747,&nbsp;arose the modem kingdom of Afghanistan, founded by&nbsp;Ahmad Shah, a chief of the <span class=SpellE>Sadozais</span>. At the head of a&nbsp;body of horsemen, Ahmad Shah had joined Nadir in the&nbsp;invasion of India, and was in camp with him when the&nbsp;conqueror of the Moghul fell by the hand of an assassin.&nbsp;Immediately on the event, the Afghan, with a few&nbsp;followers, seized all the treasure he could lay his hands&nbsp;on, including the great diamond, the Koh-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-<span class=SpellE>nur</span>, purchased&nbsp;the goodwill of other Afghan chiefs, and proclaimed himself King of the <span class=SpellE>Duranis</span>. He was crowned on a rock&nbsp;overlooking the city of Kandahar. He reigned six-and-twenty years over a kingdom that extended at last from&nbsp;Meshed, in <span class=SpellE>Khorassan</span>, to Lahore, in the Punjab. With&nbsp;the great Moghul of Delhi, he made a treaty by which&nbsp;the rivers Indus and Sutlej became the boundary between&nbsp;the Indian and Afghan possessions.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Ahmad Shah died in 1773, and within thirty years of his death his feeble descendants had allowed their&nbsp;authority to slip away from their hands into those of&nbsp;their more capable Vizier, the leader of the Barakzai&nbsp;tribe, which, like the tribe of <span class=SpellE>Sadozai</span>, is a branch of the&nbsp;great <span class=SpellE>Durani</span> division of the Afghan people. Into the&nbsp;vexed question of the origin of the great <span class=SpellE>Durani</span> clan,&nbsp;with its subdivisions of Barakzai, <span class=SpellE>Populzai</span>, &amp;c, it would&nbsp;be dangerous to enter. The designation <span class=SpellE>Durani</span> was&nbsp;adopted by Ahmad Shah, on account, it is said, of a&nbsp;vision that came to a famous saint of those days.&nbsp;According to the late Surgeon-General Bellew, however,&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Durani</span> is only a modem form of the antient <span class=SpellE>Drangai</span>,&nbsp;a people mentioned by Arrian as dwelling on the banks&nbsp;of the <span class=SpellE>Helmund</span>, at the time of Alexander the Great s&nbsp;invasion. The Barakzai I)r. Bellew identified with the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Barkaioi</span> of whom Herodotus heard, and who, according&nbsp;to the Greek traveller and historian, were transported to&nbsp;Asia from their original homeland in <span class=SpellE>Lybia</span>. This is&nbsp;going rather far back, and we must be content to know&nbsp;that the Barakzai at the present time are the most&nbsp;powerful tribe in Afghanistan.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The first Barakzai Vizier, <span class=SpellE>Painda</span> Khan, and his son and successor, <span class=SpellE>Fatteh</span> Khan, were content with the substance&nbsp;of power, the <span class=SpellE>Sadozai</span> Shahs retaining the title. Dost&nbsp;Mahomed, a younger son of <span class=SpellE>Painda</span> Khan s, borne to&nbsp;him by a <span class=SpellE>Kizzilbash</span>* wife, was more ambitious, and&nbsp;after a long struggle made himself master of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and&nbsp;Kandahar, that is of Eastern Afghanistan. In 1834 he&nbsp;assumed the title of Ameer-<span class=SpellE>ul</span>-<span class=SpellE>Muminim</span>, or Commander&nbsp;of the Faithful, and except for the brief interval during which the <span class=SpellE>Sadozai</span>, Shah Shuja, reigned with the help of a British army, the rulers of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> have been known&nbsp;as <span class=SpellE>Ameers</span> to this day. The word Ameer, in its primary&nbsp;sense, simply means leader, and may be <span class=SpellE>bome</span> by any&nbsp;military chief; but there have been Commanders of the&nbsp;Faithful ever since the earliest days of <span class=SpellE>Mahomedanism</span>.&nbsp;The Kaliph Omar styled himself Ameer-<span class=SpellE>ul</span>-<span class=SpellE>Muminim</span>, and&nbsp;the designation has also been adopted by the Sultans of&nbsp;Turkey, and by the rulers of Bokhara.</span></p> <table width="42%" align="center"> <tr> <td><img src="../../images/biographies/Ameer-Abdur-Rahman/dost-mohammed-khan.jpg" width="785" height="920"></td> </tr> </table> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Of the history of Afghanistan during the reign of Dost Mahomed, of his quarrel with the English and his&nbsp;expulsion from the kingdom, of his return after the&nbsp;failure of our attempt to restore the <span class=SpellE>Sadozai</span> dynasty,&nbsp;and of the gradual consolidation of his power over all&nbsp;the provinces now governed by his grandson Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, nothing need be said here. The story may be&nbsp;read in the pages of Kaye, though as regards the relations&nbsp;between Dost Mahomed and the Government of India,&nbsp;that writer s narrative is not always above suspicion of&nbsp;partiality.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Dost Mahomed was a vigorous and capable ruler. His audacity and success were vastly admired by his subjects,&nbsp;while his simple manners and rough and ready justice&nbsp;made him very popular. Although he had the good sense&nbsp;to perceive the advantages of a friendly alliance with the&nbsp;English, he was, nevertheless, careful to keep his country&nbsp;a close borough of Islam.  His manners, it was said&nbsp;by an Englishman who knew him during his exile in&nbsp;Calcutta,  evince great urbanity and politeness, and an&nbsp;exercise of those easy and seducing ways which so&nbsp;effectually engage the affections. Both in person and&nbsp;character his grandson Abdur Rahman closely resembles&nbsp;him. They could neither of them be described as typical&nbsp;Afghans, and it looks extremely probable that in the next&nbsp;generation there will be little or no trace left of Afghan&nbsp;descent, so far as outward appearance goes.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Of the materials which are available for a life of Abdur Rahman, it may be noted that, as far as quantity goes,&nbsp;there is abundance. His antecedents and exploits, his&nbsp;daily acts, and even the secrets of his council chamber,&nbsp;are being constantly revealed to the inquiring reader.&nbsp;The difficulty is, that half of what we hear about him is&nbsp;altogether unworthy of credence. Much of it comes from&nbsp;Asiatic sources, either from friends who find adulation&nbsp;profitable, or more often from enemies whose ingenuity in&nbsp;the invention of stories to his discredit is inexhaustible.&nbsp;Nor must implicit trust be placed in the statements of&nbsp;Europeans, whether officials or private persons, who at&nbsp;one time or another have had opportunities of watching&nbsp;the course of events in Afghanistan from points of&nbsp;vantage. Even to Englishmen who have spent half their&nbsp;lives in the East, the principles that form the character&nbsp;of an Asiatic and guide his actions are as often as not&nbsp;unrevealed mysteries. We may see, or imagine we see,&nbsp;the surface of things, and the truth is absolutely different.&nbsp;We may applaud an Eastern potentate who is quick to&nbsp;adopt such features of our civilization as railways and&nbsp;telegraphs, trial by jury, or free education for the masses;&nbsp;and we may think how happy and prosperous his subjects&nbsp;should be, how they must needs love such a ruler, and&nbsp;how he does it all out of sheer admiration of our superior&nbsp;intelligence. The notion that an Asiatic likes or respects&nbsp;us for our steam-engines is the vainest of illusions, and&nbsp;what we style moral and material progress is to him&nbsp;foolishness. We are equally astray when our pity is too&nbsp;lavishly bestowed on people who are supposed to be the&nbsp;victims of a corrupt or tyrannical administration. The&nbsp;Asiatic  except, perhaps, in Japan  is first of all a&nbsp;conservative, in the next place a fatalist. The evils he&nbsp;is accustomed to are preferable, in his eyes, to blessings&nbsp;which come in the guise of novelties. In considering&nbsp;the character of a ruler like Abdur Rahman, these are&nbsp;things which ought not to be forgotten.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Merely to set down in due order the bare facts of his career is no easy matter. Even in official records there is&nbsp;a large proportion of pure fiction, evolved from the&nbsp;imagination of native agents and news-writers; while this&nbsp;uncertain element enters still more largely into the information supplied by newspaper correspondents. Whether&nbsp;the Ameer s autobiography, if it is ever published, will&nbsp;throw any light on the obscurer passages of his life&nbsp;remains to be seen. In the present narrative an attempt&nbsp;will be made first to describe his earlier adventures, and&nbsp;then to show how he gradually came to hold his present&nbsp;position as the ruler of a united Afghanistan, and the ally&nbsp;of the British Government of India. Special attention will&nbsp;be paid to the origin and nature of the relationship that&nbsp;exists between the two Powers. This is frequently misunderstood, yet surely it is a matter of some importance&nbsp;that Englishmen should know to what extent we are pledged&nbsp;to defend Abdur Rahman and his kingdom against foreign&nbsp;aggression, and whether the obligations that have been&nbsp;incurred are subject<sup>1</sup> to qualification or conditions.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER II.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>EARLY ENDEAVOURS.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <table width="41%" align="center"> <tr> <td><img src="../../images/biographies/Ameer-Abdur-Rahman/shere-ali-khan.jpg" width="703" height="916"></td> </tr> </table> <p class=font21 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'>&nbsp;</p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>ABDUR RAHMAN S grandfather, Dost Mahomed the  great Ameer, as his subjects were used to call him died at Herat on June 9, 1863, within a&nbsp;fortnight after he had captured the city by storm. Of&nbsp;the sixteen sons he left behind him, five at least aspired to&nbsp;reign in his stead; while of the remainder, some six or&nbsp;seven hoped to rule over separate and independent&nbsp;principalities. There ensued a fratricidal war, long, and&nbsp;at times fierce, for the throne; and although it might be tedious to relate the details, mention must be made of the main incidents, because Abdur Rahman played a&nbsp;prominent part therein. He was now nineteen; but&nbsp;young as he was, the day was close at hand when he&nbsp;would be counted among the four or five foremost men in&nbsp;the kingdom. Dost Mahomed five years before his death&nbsp;had appointed his son, Shere Ali, as heir-apparent, passing&nbsp;over two elder sons, Afzul and Azim. There was sufficient&nbsp;reason for the choice. The mother of Shere Ali was of&nbsp;high lineage, being a lady of the royal tribe; whereas&nbsp;Afzul and Azim were the children of Dost Mahomed by a&nbsp;Bangash woman from Kurram. When the great Ameer&nbsp;died, Afzul, the father of Abdur Rahman, was governor of&nbsp;Balkh, the northern province of the kingdom, and Azim&nbsp;governor of Kurram, toward the British frontier. At first&nbsp;they both feigned to acquiesce in the succession of Shere&nbsp;Ali. Afzul in particular was loud in his professions of&nbsp;loyalty to his half-brother. Azim, who was with the army&nbsp;before Herat, likewise seemed content with the new order&nbsp;of things.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But any hope there might have been of a peaceful succession was soon to be dissipated. The body of the dead Ameer had hardly been laid in its marble tomb when&nbsp;Azim abruptly left the camp at Herat, and went off to a&nbsp;hill fortress in his own province, there to get ready for&nbsp;active opposition. At the same time Afzul, in the north,&nbsp;encouraged, it was said, by the <span class=SpellE>Usbeg</span> Ameer of Bokhara&nbsp;beyond the Oxus, was preparing to make a <span class=SpellE>descent</span> on&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. The two brothers both sons of the same mother were possibly agreed as to what should be done. Both at&nbsp;any rate were in no mood to let the dominion of the&nbsp;Barakzais pass quietly to Shere Ali. Afzul, the elder, was&nbsp;reputed to be the bravest of all the sons of Dost Mahomed.&nbsp;He had ruled his province with vigour, he had won&nbsp;distinction as a soldier, and he was popular. Azim,&nbsp;described by one who knew him as a man of commanding&nbsp;stature and dignified presence, had the reputation of being&nbsp;an adroit diplomatist To the Afghan mind, perhaps,&nbsp;skilful diplomacy consists mainly in changing sides at the&nbsp;right moment However, it was Azim who, in 1857,&nbsp;exhorted Dost Mahomed to hold his hand when the&nbsp;Afghans, almost to a man, were clamouring to be led&nbsp;against the English, hard pressed by the mutinous Sepoys.&nbsp; As a good Mussulman, said Azim,  you may properly&nbsp;wage war against the infidel <span class=SpellE>Feringhi</span>; but before committing yourself to so hazardous an enterprise, count well&nbsp;your chances of success. We have had the English here&nbsp;before, when the Punjab lay wide between us, but now&nbsp;they stand at our very door; if you bring them here again,&nbsp;<span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Inshallah,</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> they will stay here. It was fortunate for us&nbsp;that Azim and not Shere Ali, whose voice was all for war,&nbsp;was listened to.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Afzul and Azim were now Shere Ali s most formidable rivals. The other competitors for the throne do not&nbsp;require mention here. The plot, if there was one,&nbsp;developed slowly, and it was not till the following January&nbsp;(1864) that Afzul proclaimed himself Ameer, and&nbsp;ordered the <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Khutba</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> to be read in his name. Azim, in&nbsp;the meantime, had written to our Commissioner at&nbsp;Peshawar, saying that he meant to join with Afzul in&nbsp;resisting Shere Ali, and asking our assistance. Shere&nbsp;Ali himself had marched to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and had also written&nbsp;to the English; and in December, 1863, he had received&nbsp;a letter from the acting Governor-General, Sir William&nbsp;Denison, acknowledging him as the Dost s successor.&nbsp;It is a pity that this recognition was not more prompt.&nbsp;Unfortunately, however, when the news of Dost&nbsp;Mahomed s death reached India, Lord Elgin, the father&nbsp;of the present Viceroy, was himself ill. It was&nbsp;urged afterwards, moreover, that the Indian Government&nbsp;had no option but to wait till the new Ameer was&nbsp;accepted by his subjects; and that by the terms of the&nbsp;treaty with Dost Mahomed, it was precluded from&nbsp;interfering in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. As it&nbsp;happened, Shere Ali profited little at the time, or for&nbsp;some few years to come, from the hesitating friendship&nbsp;of his English neighbours. By the spring of 1864, as&nbsp;we have seen, Afzul had proclaimed himself Ameer in&nbsp;Balkh, while Azim was collecting an army in Kurram.&nbsp;Another brother was organizing a revolt in Kandahar.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Azim s time was not yet come. He was defeated by Shere Ali s troops, and driven to seek a refuge with the&nbsp;English in India, who, remembering how he had served&nbsp;them well during the stormy days of the Mutiny, received&nbsp;him kindly, and for the present he drops out of the story.&nbsp;What took place in Balkh may be told to a large extent&nbsp;in the words of Abdur Rahman, who, some years&nbsp;afterwards, wrote an account of these events for the&nbsp;edification of the Russian Governor-General, General&nbsp;Kaufmann.! According to Abdur Rahman, Shere Ali,<span class=font211><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>&nbsp;</span></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>as soon as the Dost died, conceived the idea of securing&nbsp;his own position by promiscuous fratricide, and it was&nbsp;this that led the Dost s other sons to revolt. Azim&nbsp;having been disposed of, Shere Ali marched against&nbsp;Afzul. In June, 1864, the two half-brothers met at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Bajgah</span>, 64 miles north of the famous Caves and Pass&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Bamian</span>; but the battle that ensued was indecisive.&nbsp;Abdur Rahman did not take part in this engagement,&nbsp;as his father had left him behind as commandant at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Takhtapul</span>, where he seems to have busied himself in&nbsp;the manufacture of weapons of war. A couple of days&nbsp;after the fight at <span class=SpellE>Bajgah</span>, Shere Ali sent envoys to offer&nbsp;terms of peace, and after further negotiations the rivals&nbsp;were reconciled.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Ameer Shere Ali swore solemnly on the Koran that he would treat Afzul fairly, and leave him in possession&nbsp;of the governorship which had been conferred upon&nbsp;him by their father, Dost Mahomed. The reconciliation was not lasting. Shere Ali seems to have fancied,&nbsp;and perhaps with good reason, that his nephew, the&nbsp;commandant of <span class=SpellE>Takhtapul</span>, was intriguing against him;&nbsp;and bidding the young Sirdar  give up all his proud&nbsp;schemes, he told him to go at once to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> or abide&nbsp;the consequences. Abdur Rahman refused to stir, and&nbsp;the Ameer s wrath was turned against the father. He&nbsp;ordered one of his followers to take a pair of leg irons,&nbsp;and bring Afzul before him in fetters. The Barakzai&nbsp;Sirdar would not obey, though the Ameer was furious.&nbsp;A general was then sent to carry out the command.&nbsp;Repairing to <span class=SpellE>Afzul s</span> quarters, he explained, with every&nbsp;mark of sympathy and respect, his ungrateful errand.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> It is the will of God, said the Prince; and having spat thrice on his own beard, he stretched out his legs and&nbsp;quietly submitted while the irons were made fast to them.&nbsp;Abdur Rahman, when the story was told him, at first&nbsp;thought of attacking his uncle, the Ameer; but a letter&nbsp;reached him, purporting to come from Afzul, and&nbsp;exhorting him to fly the country.  In accordance, he&nbsp;writes,  with what I supposed was my father s order, and&nbsp;as the road to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> was shut against me, I swam across&nbsp;the Oxus and set my face toward Bokhara. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Shere Ali having appointed a nephew, <span class=SpellE>Fatteh</span> Mahomed, to be governor of Balkh, returned in triumph to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, taking Afzul with him, a prisoner in bonds. His treachery and the violation of his oath was condemned even by his own people as an act of peculiar perfidy. According to Ferrier, the Afghans enter into engagements, bind themselves by the most sacred oaths to abide by their pledged word, transcribe it on a Koran wheret their seal is affixed, and then perjure themselves with inconceivable effrontery. There must have been something unusually bad about the perjury of Shere Ali.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Though they live in the strict seclusion of the zenana, Afghan ladies often take a keen interest in public affairs,&nbsp;and know how to make their influence felt. The Bibi&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Marwarid</span>, wife of Afzul Khan, and stepmother of Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, was a lady of considerable intelligence and&nbsp;undaunted spirit. She now wrote to her brother-in-law,&nbsp;Azim, in India, sending him a remittance of 25,000 <span class=SpellE>rs</span>.,&nbsp;and telling him that the time was come to show his</span><span class=font210><b><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> </span></b></span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif; mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>valour. If he possessed none, she said, he had best&nbsp;spend the money on the purchase of a shroud for himself;&nbsp;for in that case not another rupee would he get from her.&nbsp;Azim may not have needed the persuasion of feminine&nbsp;sneers; but the money was no doubt a welcome addition&nbsp;to his resources. Yet for some while he could do nothing&nbsp;but carry on a correspondence with the malcontents in&nbsp;Afghanistan; and even when he left his asylum in the&nbsp;Punjab and recrossed the border, he was fain to hide&nbsp;himself at first in the Waziri hills and there bide his&nbsp;chance. Not till the latter end of 1865 did he find an&nbsp;opportunity for once again taking a hand in the tumultuous&nbsp;game of Afghan politics. Travelling by perilous and&nbsp;difficult ways through Swat and Chitral, he reached the&nbsp;province of <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>, on the Upper Oxus, where he was&nbsp;made welcome by the chief, who not only gave him a&nbsp;sister in marriage, but, what was more to the purpose, lent&nbsp;him the services of two thousand horsemen. He was&nbsp;now ready to take the field. Nor had Abdur Rahman&nbsp;been idle in Bokhara. The chief of this state was the&nbsp;son of the bloodthirsty fanatic who put Stoddart and&nbsp;Conolly to death, and who kept Dost Mahomed in&nbsp;durance.  The Butcher  to give him the very appropriate name by which he was known in Central Asia had died some five years before, and his son, Muzaffar-ed-din, was reigning in his stead. The Russians had&nbsp;not yet reduced Muzaffar-ed-din to a position of abject&nbsp;dependence; so that his protection was worth having.&nbsp;He was a rigid Mussulman; and when his guest and&nbsp;son-in-law, for he bad given Abdur Rahman a daughter&nbsp;to wife, showed him the identical Koran upon which&nbsp;Shere Ali had perjured himself, he swore that such impiety&nbsp;should not go unpunished. The case was laid before the&nbsp;college of Mahomedan divines, and that body having&nbsp;solemnly pronounced sentence of excommunication on&nbsp;the faithless Afghan, the Ameer announced in durbar&nbsp;that he would champion Abdur Rahman s cause at the&nbsp;head of ten thousand men. As it turned out, he did not&nbsp;go himself; but in June, 1865, Abdur Rahman, with his&nbsp;assistance, was able to start for the Oxus and Afghanistan&nbsp;with a considerable force at his back, composed partly of&nbsp;troops raised in Bokhara, and partly of refugees from his&nbsp;father s army who had joined him in exile. In his autobiography he says:  I who had during the space of&nbsp;eleven months put my trust in God, left Bokhara with two&nbsp;hundred men, and marching along the <span class=SpellE>Shirabad</span> Road&nbsp;came out at the town of <span class=SpellE>Akcha</span>, which is in Northern&nbsp;Afghanistan. <span class=SpellE>Faiz</span> Mahomed, the Afghan commandant&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Akcha</span>, had allowed him to cross the Oxus without&nbsp;opposition, and had then openly declared in his favour.&nbsp;The example was followed in other parts of the country;&nbsp;and Abdur Rahman, without striking a blow, found&nbsp;himself master of Balkh, and the provinces north of the&nbsp;Hindu Kush.</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Shere Ali had been busy elsewhere. In the South, at Kandahar, his full brothers, the impetuous Amin Khan&nbsp;and the shifty Sharif Khan, had formed a coalition against&nbsp;him. After the customary swearing on the Koran to be&nbsp;faithful to each other, they marched northwards from&nbsp;Kandahar in May, 1865. Shere Ali advanced from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>&nbsp;to check them; having first written to Sir John Lawrence,&nbsp;now Governor General, to tell him of his intention. Sir&nbsp;John Lawrence, in his reply to this communication,&nbsp;expressed a pious hope  that the Ruler of all things&nbsp;would so order the course of events that a compromise&nbsp;might be effected among his Highness s relations, which&nbsp;would conduce to the prosperity of his country and the&nbsp;consolidation of his power. But events had gone beyond&nbsp;the stage of compromise. About the time that Abdur&nbsp;Rahman was starting from Bokhara, the <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and&nbsp;Kandahar armies met in battle at <span class=SpellE>Kajbaz</span>, on June 5,&nbsp;1865. The issue was a victory for Shore Ali, but it&nbsp;was a victory dearly won. After four hours hard&nbsp;fighting, the Kandahar troops seemed to be winning.&nbsp;Shere Ali, with bitter words, reproached his son and&nbsp;heir-apparent, Mahomed Ali, for his lack of energy;&nbsp;and the young prince, stung by his father s taunts, put&nbsp;himself at the head of a few men, and dashed into the&nbsp;fray. Before long he was face to face with his uncle,&nbsp;Amin. The two fought hand to hand, with their swords;&nbsp;till Amin, drawing a pistol from his girdle, shot the heir-apparent through the head. A few seconds afterwards&nbsp;Amin himself fell, being killed by Shore Ali s foot&nbsp;soldiers. The heir-<span class=SpellE>apparent s</span> desperate charge was the&nbsp;turning point of the day. The Kandahar troops wavered&nbsp;and fell back; the Ameer Shere Ali held the field. But&nbsp;grief, he said, for the loss of his son, who had been the&nbsp;chief hope of his faction,  clouded all the joy of victory ;&nbsp;and it was long before his spirits recovered from the blow.&nbsp;Reaching Kandahar a fortnight afterwards, he stayed&nbsp;there for months, buried in the deepest gloom and&nbsp;despondency. He was seldom heard to speak, save&nbsp;when he would threaten to cut the throat of every&nbsp;man in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and Kandahar, or would talk of leaving&nbsp;his country and seeking a rest from his cares in British or&nbsp;Russian territory or in holy Arabia. Once, about midnight, the Ameer threw himself into a tank, hoping to&nbsp;find, he said, the body of his dead son. He was rescued&nbsp;with difficulty by the guard. In the bazaars the rumour&nbsp;ran that Shere Ali had gone mad. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Fortune seemed all in Abdur Rahman s favour. We have seen how he had made himself master of the&nbsp;country between the Oxus and the Hindu Kush. On&nbsp;November 30, 1865, he was joined at <span class=SpellE>Bamian</span> by Azim&nbsp;Khan, who was no less eager than himself to march on&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. At the capital, the situation might well have&nbsp;been deemed hopeless. Many of the Sirdars secured&nbsp;their own safety by coming to terms with the advancing&nbsp;army, whose leaders, oddly enough, professed to be acting&nbsp;on behalf, not of the imprisoned Afzul, but of the Ameer&nbsp;of Bokhara. On February 24, 1866, Azim Khan and&nbsp;Abdur Rahman entered <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, most of the garrison&nbsp;having surrendered or fled.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The news that <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> had fallen served to arouse Shere Ali from his lethargy; but his enemies were still too&nbsp;many for him. He marched, indeed, with the strongest&nbsp;force he could collect to <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>, and some little way&nbsp;beyond; and then, at <span class=SpellE>Shaikhabad</span>, on May 10, 1866,&nbsp;he sustained a crushing defeat at the hands of Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, who had advanced from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> to oppose&nbsp;him.  The mercy of God was so great, says Abdur&nbsp;Rahman,  that Shere Ali was defeated; and my father&nbsp;and his fellow prisoners, who were at <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span> in charge of&nbsp;a guard of two hundred men, having heard of my victory,&nbsp;escaped. ... I brought my father to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, where I&nbsp;placed him on the throne of the <span class=SpellE>Ameers</span>. Shere Ali,&nbsp;who had lost everything guns, elephants, and camp&nbsp;equipage at <span class=SpellE>Shaikhabad</span>, galloped off with a handful of&nbsp;horsemen, past <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span> towards Kandahar, where, with&nbsp;revived energy, he set to work to retrieve the disaster.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman s brilliant victory was celebrated at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> with a general illumination and much firing of&nbsp;guns; and on May 21,1866, his father Afzul was installed&nbsp;as Ameer in the <span class=SpellE>Bala</span> Hissar. The native agent who&nbsp;represented the Indian Government was told to offer his&nbsp;congratulations. The policy of the Indian Government&nbsp;at the time, may be indicated by an extract from a Foreign&nbsp;Office despatch, dated <span class=SpellE>Simla</span>, April 17,1866:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> It is difficult, the Governor-General in Council observed,  to foresee what may be the turn of events&nbsp;in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. The Ameer, Shere Ali, may recover his power.&nbsp;He has shown that he in many respects possesses the&nbsp;qualities of a ruler, but he has also considerable defects.&nbsp;There can be little doubt that he has alienated from&nbsp;himself most of the influential chiefs; and his conduct&nbsp;towards his brother, Sirdar Mahomed Afzul Khan, whom&nbsp;he treacherously imprisoned after the most solemn&nbsp;promises and oaths of full security, shows that no faith&nbsp;can be placed in him. Still Afghan chiefs are not to be&nbsp;judged by the principles of Christendom, nor can we be&nbsp;sure that the nobles and people may not again rally round&nbsp;the Ameer <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>(i.e.</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> Shere Ali) if he shows resolution and&nbsp;vigour. </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Sir John Lawrence went on to say what, in his opinion, ought to be done, or rather what ought not&nbsp;to be done:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> In the opinion of His Excellency in Council, sound policy dictates that we should not be hasty in giving up&nbsp;the Ameer s cause as lost. We should await the development of events, and for the present continue to recognise&nbsp;Shere Ali as the Ameer of Afghanistan. If the Ameer&nbsp;fail in his attempt to recover <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and Sirdar Mahomed&nbsp;Azim Khan establishes his power and makes overtures to&nbsp;the British Government, the latter can then be recognised&nbsp;as the ruler of such parts of the country as he may&nbsp;possess. It should be our policy to show clearly that we&nbsp;will not interfere in the struggle, that we will not aid&nbsp;either party, that we will leave the Afghans to settle their&nbsp;own quarrels, and that we are willing to be on good&nbsp;terms with the nation and with their rulers <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>de facto.&quot;</span></i></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>This exposition of the principle of masterly inactivity was written shortly before Shere Ali s defeat at Shaik-<span class=SpellE>habad</span>. Two months after that event John Lawrence&nbsp;wrote to Afzul Khan, addressing him, not as Ameer, but&nbsp;as <span class=SpellE>Wali</span> of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, in the following terms:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> It is incumbent on me to tell your Highness that it would be inconsistent with the fame and reputation of&nbsp;the British Government to break off its alliance with the&nbsp;Ameer Shere Ali Khan, who has given it no offence,&nbsp;so long as he retains his authority and power over a large&nbsp;portion of Afghanistan. That Ameer still rules in Kandahar and Herat. My friend! the relations of this&nbsp;Government are with the actual rulers of Afghanistan.&nbsp;If your Highness is able to consolidate your Highness s&nbsp;power in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and is sincerely desirous of being a&nbsp;friend and ally of the British Government, I shall be&nbsp;ready to accept your Highness as such; but I cannot&nbsp;break the existing engagements with Ameer Shere Ali&nbsp;Khan, and I must continue to treat him as the ruler of&nbsp;that portion of Afghanistan over which he retains control.&nbsp;Sincerity and fair dealing induce me to write thus plainly&nbsp;and openly to your Highness. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>And so Afzul Khan, the father of Abdur Rahman, began to reign at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. He was little more than a tool&nbsp;in the hands of his clever brother Azim, much to the&nbsp;chagrin of Abdur Rahman, who took no trouble to&nbsp;disguise his feelings. The authority thus exercised did&nbsp;not extend however very far. It was acknowledged at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and at <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>; but Shere Ali held Kandahar and&nbsp;Herat; while to the north the Governor of Balkh at first&nbsp;declared himself independent, and later (in September,&nbsp;1866) announced that he held the country for Shere Ali.&nbsp;To make matters worse, Abdur Rahman s father, the&nbsp;titular Ameer of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, opened the door of enjoyment, as&nbsp;a Mahomedan chronicler would write, to the delights of&nbsp;strong drink.  A sot and imbecile,&quot; John Lawrence&nbsp;called him.  Drink wine in moderation, that you may&nbsp;fight with lions; not in excess, that the crow may pluck&nbsp;out your eyes. Afzul paid no heed to this Turki maxim.&nbsp;It was said that he was intoxicated every day of his life,&nbsp;and could never be seen in public after four in the&nbsp;afternoon. Azim, on the other hand, was too energetic.&nbsp;Our native agent at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> wrote that the <span class=SpellE>Cabulis</span> were&nbsp;driven almost to desperation by his forced loans, confiscations, and excessive taxes. Intrigues and counter intrigues, imprisonments and executions, were of daily&nbsp;occurrence. One instance among many may be cited.&nbsp;Mahomed Rafik Khan was the foremost soldier, statesman, and diplomatist of the time; but he had been&nbsp;friendly to the English, with whom Azim was enraged&nbsp;because in Sir John Lawrence s letter, already quoted,&nbsp;Afzul was styled not Ameer but <span class=SpellE>Wali</span>. In August, 1866,&nbsp;by Azim s order, Mahomed Rafik was suddenly arrested&nbsp;and strangled, all within the short space of an hour. His&nbsp;house and property were plundered, his women-folk were&nbsp;insulted and driven from their homes barefoot. His&nbsp;corpse was flung naked and unwashed into a drain.&nbsp;Many other Sirdars suffered from the new tyranny; and&nbsp;it was reported that altogether no less than a hundred&nbsp;and fifty persons, great and small, were put in prison,&nbsp;from which many of them never passed out alive.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>While Afzul, the Ameer, was drinking himself to death at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and Azim was inaugurating a reign of terror&nbsp;there, Shere Ali was again girding up his loins to strike&nbsp;a blow for the kingdom. The Kandahar bankers offered&nbsp;him a loan of a lakh of rupees, and his full brother, Sharif&nbsp;Khan, who since the battle of <span class=SpellE>Kajbaz</span> had changed sides&nbsp;more than once, but was now with him again, promised&nbsp;ten lakhs more. Thus provided with the sinews of war,&nbsp;Shere Ali raised a force of several thousand men, and on&nbsp;Christmas-day, 1866, once more set out from Kandahar&nbsp;for <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. Once more fortune failed him. Two days&nbsp;later, indeed, his advance guard drove back a detachment&nbsp;of the <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> army, under Abdur Rahman ; but on&nbsp;January 16, 1867, Shere Ali, having got as far as&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Kelat-i-Ghilzai</span>, was there defeated by the combined&nbsp;forces of Abdur Rahman and Azim. Ten days later&nbsp;the victors entered Kandahar, Shere Ali having fled to&nbsp;Herat. In his autobiography Abdur Rahman takes all&nbsp;the credit for the victory at <span class=SpellE>Kelat-i-Ghilzai</span>, and makes&nbsp;no mention of his previous mishap.  God being on&nbsp;my side, he writes,  Shere Ali was again defeated, and&nbsp;my forces occupied Kandahar in the autumn of 1867. &nbsp;There is no reason, however, to doubt the accuracy of&nbsp;the reports quoted in the present narrative.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Afzul or his <span class=SpellE>partizans</span> were now in possession of Central and Southern Afghanistan, and on February 25, 1867,&nbsp;Sir John Lawrence wrote to him, not as <span class=SpellE>Wali</span>, but as&nbsp;Ameer of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and Kandahar, a further advance toward&nbsp;the title he coveted. The Governor-General said:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> My friend! as I told your Highness in my former letter, the relations of the British Government are with&nbsp;the actual rulers of Afghanistan. Therefore, so long as&nbsp;Ameer Shere Ali Khan holds Herat, and maintains&nbsp;friendship with the British Government, I shall&nbsp;reciprocate his amity. But upon the same principle,&nbsp;I am prepared to recognize your Highness as Ameer of&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and Kandahar, and I frankly offer your Highness,&nbsp;in that capacity, the peace and goodwill of the British&nbsp;Government. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>By this time, however, the danger in the north had grown to alarming dimensions. The Governor of Balkh,&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Faiz</span> Mahomed, as already stated, had declared in favour&nbsp;of Shere Ali. This <span class=SpellE>Faiz</span> Mahomed was the man who&nbsp;treacherously allowed Abdur Rahman to cross the Oxus&nbsp;in the middle of 1865. The young prince, when he himself advanced upon <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, left <span class=SpellE>Faiz</span> Mahomed in charge&nbsp;of the province, promising that he should never be&nbsp;disturbed. In the following year, having reason to&nbsp;believe that the promise would not be kept, the&nbsp;Governor returned to his allegiance to Shere Ali. In&nbsp;January, 1867, he defeated a force from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> which&nbsp;had been sent against him under the command of&nbsp;Azim s eldest son. In April he again defeated the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> troops, scattering them so effectually that their&nbsp;leader fled incontinently to the capital. Shere Ali, at&nbsp;Herat, was so encouraged by the news that he resolved&nbsp;to join forces with <span class=SpellE>Faiz</span> Mahomed, and the two met at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Takhtapul</span> in May. Had they then marched without&nbsp;delay on <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, the capital in all probability would&nbsp;have been theirs; but Shere Ali spent the best part of&nbsp;the summer in trying to get help from Persia and from&nbsp;the Russians beyond the Oxus.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In the meantime Abdur Rahman had left Kandahar, and <span class=SpellE>rejoined</span> his father at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. The Ameer Afzul&nbsp;Khan was now seriously ill, and Abdur Rahman begged&nbsp;hard to be appointed heir-apparent. But Afzul, his&nbsp;faculties dimmed by strong drink and sickness, would&nbsp;not listen; and, notwithstanding his son s passionate&nbsp;remonstrance, declared that nothing could be done&nbsp;without Azim, who was still at Kandahar. Azim s rather&nbsp;brutal reply was that he could not put fresh life into a&nbsp;dying man; and that Abdul Rahman had better march&nbsp;against Shere Ali and <span class=SpellE>Faiz</span> Mahomed, who by the end of&nbsp;August, 1867, were at last moving on <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. The advice&nbsp;was sound, and was taken. Abdur Rahman writes:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Leaving my sick father, I advanced against the enemy. When I reached the <span class=SpellE>Panjsir</span> Pass, I met the&nbsp;troops of Shere Ali and <span class=SpellE>Faiz</span> Mahomed. The fight which&nbsp;ensued lasted from early morning till the hour of evening&nbsp;prayer, when <span class=SpellE>Faiz</span> Mahomed was killed by the fire of&nbsp;my guns. Shere Ali hereupon took to flight, and did&nbsp;not stop till he reached Balkh. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>This battle was fought on September 13, 1867; and early in the following month Abdur Rahman returned in&nbsp;triumph to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> Azim had by this time come up from&nbsp;Kandahar; but it was impossible, as he had said, to put&nbsp;fresh life into the body of a dying man. The Ameer&nbsp;Afzul, who had been sinking rapidly, was gathered to his&nbsp;fathers three days after Abdur Rahman's return from the front. He died at the age of fifty-six after a reign which lasted sixteen months.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>What followed at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> on the demise of Afzul is by no means clear. Abdur Rahman, his son, had hoped to&nbsp;succeed him; but Azim, the dead Ameer s full brother,&nbsp;was too powerful a rival to be swept out of the way by a&nbsp;youth. According to one account it was the Bibi <span class=SpellE>Marwarid</span>, <span class=SpellE>Afzul s</span> widow, who persuaded her step-son to&nbsp;abandon his pretensions. The British agent at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>&nbsp;added further details. Azim, he wrote, at a secret interview, told the young prince that he was quite willing to&nbsp;acknowledge and obey him as Ameer, but Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, knowing that he himself had few followers,&nbsp;declined the offer, and promised to support Azim. And&nbsp;though we cannot know what intrigues went on in the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Bala</span> Hissar, it is certain that at the end of four days&nbsp;Azim was installed as Ameer, and his nephew made over&nbsp;to him, in the durbar, the sword of State, retaining for&nbsp;himself the office of Commander-in-Chief.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In the following month John Lawrence wrote to  His Highness Ameer Mahomed Azim Khan, <span class=SpellE>Wali</span> of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>&nbsp;and Kandahar, saying,  It has given me much pleasure&nbsp;to learn, that with the consent of the son of the late&nbsp;Ameer, Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan, and the approval&nbsp;of the chiefs and people of the county, you have been&nbsp;installed as the successor of your late brother. The&nbsp;letter ended,  My friend, it is my earnest hope that this&nbsp;auspicious event may tend toward the consolidation and&nbsp;prosperity of the kingdom. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman, after mourning his father forty days, re-crossed the Hindu Kush in the hope, no doubt, of&nbsp;crushing the Shere Ali faction, and establishing himself&nbsp;as independent ruler of all the country between the&nbsp;mountain passes and the Oxus. Hearing of this movement, Shere Ali retired to Herat. It was late in the year,&nbsp;and Abdur Rahman s forces suffered terribly in the snow.&nbsp;He pushed on, however, and found the people in the&nbsp;central districts waiting  with their hands in their sleeves &nbsp;for what might befall. In the west, however, where Shere&nbsp;Ali had still many adherents, things looked more stormy,&nbsp;and Abdur Rahman proceeded to attack <span class=SpellE>Akcha</span> and&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>. At <span class=SpellE>Akcha</span>, he is said to have buried two&nbsp;recalcitrant chiefs alive in order to strike awe into the&nbsp;hearts of the people, who quickly tendered their submission. At the more important town of <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> he&nbsp;was not so successful. The fortress stood a siege for&nbsp;upwards of a month, and only made terms on May 18,&nbsp;1868, when the <span class=SpellE>Usbeg</span> chief handed over to Abdur&nbsp;Rahman a large sum in gold and a celebrated piece of&nbsp;ordnance known as the <span class=SpellE>Jehanghiri</span> cannon, a relic possibly&nbsp;of Moghul dominion. Abdur Rahman then fell back on&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Takhtapul</span>. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman states in his biography that at this time there arrived two envoys from Bokhara, whose ostensible&nbsp;object was to condole with him on the death of his father,&nbsp;Afzul; their real mission being to ask, on behalf of the&nbsp;Ameer of Bokhara, the loan of twelve thousand soldiers&nbsp;to help in the war against Russia.  I answered the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Bokharan</span> envoys, Abdur Rahman writes,  that I myself&nbsp;was desirous of obtaining the White Czar s friendship, and&nbsp;that I would not give their master the troops he asked for.&nbsp;All this time I had a great wish to send a trustworthy&nbsp;envoy to the White Czar s country. In order to give&nbsp;expression to my friendly sentiments towards the Governor&nbsp;General of Russian-Turkestan, I despatched one of my&nbsp;personal attendants, by name <span class=SpellE>Saiyyid</span> Mahomed, so that&nbsp;the Governor General might be informed concerning me,&nbsp;and learn how I considered my own affairs bound up with&nbsp;the interests of the White Czar. This, it must be&nbsp;remembered, was written expressly for the edification of&nbsp;General Kaufmann. According to other authorities, Abdur&nbsp;Rahman s answer to the <span class=SpellE>Bokharan</span> envoys was that he&nbsp;would be glad to assist the Ameer of Bokhara, but could&nbsp;not do so whilst <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> held out.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The delay at <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> prevented Abdur Rahman marching to Herat and attacking Shere Ali there. This&nbsp;was what Shere Ali had hoped for. He had sent his&nbsp;energetic son, <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan, to capture Kandahar; and,&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> having succeeded in this enterprise, Shere Ali&nbsp;followed him, as soon as he heard that Abdur Rahman&nbsp;had retired from <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>. Everything now favoured&nbsp;Shere Ali. The Ameer Azim had made himself intensely&nbsp;unpopular in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and instead of taking steps to support&nbsp;his nephew in the North, and to recover Kandahar in the&nbsp;South, was always engaged in private consultation with a&nbsp;mysterious personage known as <span class=SpellE>Saiyyid</span> <span class=SpellE>Roumi</span>, a Turk&nbsp;from Constantinople, who was a bitter enemy of the&nbsp;English, and was believed to be a secret emissary of the&nbsp;Russian Government Shere Ali reached Kandahar on&nbsp;June r7, r868, and within the next fortnight he was also&nbsp;in possession of the country as far as <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>. It was now&nbsp;that Sir Henry Rawlinson wrote his memorandum on the&nbsp;state of affairs in Afghanistan and Central Asia. Far&nbsp;better would it have been, he argued, had we acknowledged and assisted Shere Ali from the beginning. With&nbsp;our support he would have summarily suppressed the&nbsp;opposition of his brothers and nephew, and would have&nbsp;retained his power unbroken. The opportunity had been&nbsp;missed; but there was now another opening for the&nbsp;adoption of a strong and consistent policy. The fortunes&nbsp;of Shere Ali were again in the ascendant. He was already&nbsp;in possession of Herat, Kandahar, and <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>, and in all&nbsp;likelihood would be installed before long at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> He should be secured, Sir Henry Rawlinson thought,  in our interests without further delay. ... It may,&nbsp;indeed, be necessary to furnish him with arms and&nbsp;officers, or even to place an auxiliary contingent at his&nbsp;disposal; but whatever the price it must be paid of such&nbsp;paramount importance is it to obtain at the present time&nbsp;a dominant position at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and to close that avenue of&nbsp;approach against Russia. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It was not long before Sir Henry Rawlinson s forecast was fulfilled. Shere Ali, after a brief halt at Kandahar,&nbsp;advanced toward <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span> and <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and on July 31st,&nbsp;1868, the Ameer Azim marched out of the capital to&nbsp;meet him. Azim got as far as <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>, when tidings came&nbsp;of treachery and disaster in his rear. <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> was invested&nbsp;by a Barakzai Sirdar, who only a few weeks before had&nbsp;been serving under Abdur Rahman, and who now had&nbsp;seized the opportunity for changing sides. On the night&nbsp;of August 21, this <span class=SpellE>Ishmail</span> Khan took the <span class=SpellE>Bala</span> Hissar by&nbsp;assault, and on the following day occupied the city in the&nbsp;name of Shere Ali. Shere Ali himself, evading Azim s&nbsp;force, at once pushed on to the capital, where, on&nbsp;September <span class=font251><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;font-variant:small-caps'>it,</span></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> he was received with acclamation. From&nbsp;that day forward he reigned as Ameer of Afghanistan.&nbsp;Sir John Lawrence at once congratulated him on his&nbsp;success,  alone due, the Viceroy wrote,  to your&nbsp;courage, ability, and firmness. What was even more to&nbsp;the purpose, he presented him with six lakhs of rupees&nbsp;and 3,500 stand of arms.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The defeated Ameer, Azim, fled to Afghan-Turkestan; but though he and Abdur Rahman made one last attempt&nbsp;to retrieve the situation, the game was lost, In January,&nbsp;1869, they were utterly and completely defeated in the&nbsp;Hazara Hills, and fled in despair to Waziristan on the&nbsp;Punjab border. According to his own account Abdur&nbsp;Rahman had succeeded in capturing a fort held by&nbsp;adherents of Shere Ali, but in so doing had been&nbsp;separated from Azim, with the main body of the force.&nbsp;Then Shere Ali appeared on the scene.  I saw, &nbsp;Abdur Rahman wrote,  that I should be taken prisoner,&nbsp;and I therefore fled with three-fourths of my men. I&nbsp;could not make my way to the main body, as communication had been cut off. Therefore, against my will, I was&nbsp;obliged to hide myself in the mountains. I was joined&nbsp;by my uncle, Mahomed Azim, in the Waziri country. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Thence they wrote to the British authorities asking for an asylum. The frontier officer to whom they applied,&nbsp;misunderstanding, it would appear, the wishes of his&nbsp;Government, made answer that if they once entered&nbsp;British territory they would never again be allowed to&nbsp;return to Afghanistan, and they straightway broke off&nbsp;the negotiations. But for this little mistake the whole&nbsp;course of Abdur Rahman s later life might have been&nbsp;different As it was, the fugitives resolved to seek&nbsp;a refuge elsewhere. Leaving the Waziri country, in&nbsp;March, 1869, just as Shere Ali was about to meet the&nbsp;new Viceroy, Lord Mayo, at <span class=SpellE>Umballa</span>, they headed for&nbsp;Baluchistan. On their way through the <span class=SpellE>Kakar</span> Pathan&nbsp;country, they were attacked by the marauding tribesmen and lost their baggage and five followers. From&nbsp;Baluchistan they journeyed to Seistan, and thence to&nbsp;Meshed, in Persia. One of them, the ex-Ameer, was&nbsp;never again to set foot in his own country; while Abdur&nbsp;Rahman was only to return after years of exile.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Here perhaps, may be fitly introduced a quaint but characteristic story about the early adventures of Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, which was taken down from the lips of an&nbsp;Afghan trader, only a year or two ago, in the Calcutta&nbsp;bazaar. Abdur Rahman had been compelled to fly from&nbsp;his enemies, who were numberless like the sands of the&nbsp;sea shore. And it befell that he had ridden ahead of the&nbsp;little band of faithful followers, and found himself in the&nbsp;depths of a vast wood. Presently he came to a brook,&nbsp;with water white like milk; and being weary both in&nbsp;mind and body, he dismounted, let his horse drink, and&nbsp;himself laid down to sleep. As he slept, there appeared&nbsp;to him a vision of a Peri, shining and exceeding fair&nbsp;to look upon, who, addressing him, spoke as follows:&nbsp; Abdur Rahman, Ameer of <span class=SpellE>Cabulistan</span>, great are thy&nbsp;sorrows, but they shall fade away like clouds before the&nbsp;rising sun. My son, sore have been thy trials; but thou&nbsp;art proved courageous and a hero. Thou shalt regain&nbsp;thy crown and thy country, and thy kingdom shall be&nbsp;feared among the nations. Mighty nations will tempt and persuade and threaten, but be of good cheer, pay no heed to the tempter. Thy country shall be an apple&nbsp;of discord between two strong governments, who both&nbsp;will stretch forth the hand of friendship. Abdur Rahman,&nbsp;beware, trust not the traitor, neither <span class=SpellE>east</span> nor west, north&nbsp;nor south. If thou <span class=SpellE>puttest</span> faith in the words of the&nbsp;foreigner, thy kingdom shall fall, thou and thine be led&nbsp;for ever into the land of bondage. Yet if thou art wise,&nbsp;thou shalt resemble the jewel set high on the mountain&nbsp;peak, and thy seed shall multiply as the stars in&nbsp;heaven. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER III.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>IN BANISHMENT. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:212.65pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=font210><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> I<b> </b></span></span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>AM like a wooden cup, Shere Ali once said of</span></span><span class=font210><b><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> </span></b></span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>himself,  though it may fall many times, it will not be broken; whereas Abdur Rahman Khan resembles a&nbsp;bowl of <span class=SpellE>china</span> or porcelain which, when it falls, is straightway broken to pieces. For years after his flight from&nbsp;Afghanistan, it seemed as if the exile s shattered fortunes&nbsp;were past mending. We have seen how with his uncle,&nbsp;Azim Khan, after encountering many perils by the way, he&nbsp;had reached the holy city of Meshed, in the dominions of&nbsp;the Shah of Persia. There he heard tidings of the Ameer&nbsp;Shere All s visit to Lord Mayo at <span class=SpellE>Umballa</span>, in the Punjab,&nbsp;and received a very exaggerated account of the favours</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> which the British Government had bestowed on his more fortunate cousin. He was told, moreover, that Shere Ali&nbsp;had agreed, in deference to the wishes and apprehensions&nbsp;of his new-found friends, to disarm the Afghans, to banish&nbsp;every Sirdar suspected of enmity to the English, and to&nbsp;enrol a regular army of forty thousand men for the protection of the Afghan frontier against a Russian attack.&nbsp;Needless to say no such bargain was struck at the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Umballa</span> Conference; yet Abdur Rahman s version of&nbsp;the compact was gravely quoted in Russian books on the&nbsp;Central Asian question as an accurate summary of the&nbsp;proceedings.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Though the shrine of Imam Reza affords ample protection to princes in distress and soldiers of misfortune, Abdur Rahman did not stay long at Meshed. According&nbsp;to his own story the Shah of Persia invited him to&nbsp;proceed to Teheran; but preferring to try his luck with&nbsp;the Russians, he turned his face towards Turkestan,&nbsp;leaving his uncle, Azim, to accept the hospitality of the&nbsp;Centre of the Universe.  My uncle, he wrote,  started&nbsp;for Teheran, while I, having engaged a good guide, and&nbsp;placing my trust in God, set out for Khiva, where I&nbsp;arrived after a journey of forty days. The ex-Ameer,&nbsp;Azim Khan, only got as far as Shahrud, half-way between&nbsp;Meshed and Teheran, and died there on October 6,1869.&nbsp;His overbearing temper and his disagreements with&nbsp;Abdur Rahman had cost him his throne.  Though&nbsp;a man of more character than Afzul Khan, he proved&nbsp;himself, John Lawrence said,  unfit to rule, and a soldier&nbsp;of little capacity and courage. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Khiva, when Abdur Rahman arrived there, was ruled over by <span class=SpellE>Saiyyid</span> Mahomed Rahim Khan, who, indeed, still&nbsp;governs as much of the Khanate as the Russians have left&nbsp;him. In 1869 he was an independent chief, but the&nbsp;enemy was at his gates, and was already reckoning up his&nbsp;offences. Two years earlier he had contested General&nbsp;Kaufmann's right to interfere with the country south of&nbsp;the Jaxartes or <span class=SpellE>Syr</span> Daria. He was accused of poisoning&nbsp;the wells on the road to <span class=SpellE>Krasnovodsk</span> on the Caspian,&nbsp;where the Russians had built a fort. Many Russian&nbsp;subjects were held in captivity in Khiva. Abdur&nbsp;Rahman in his autobiography described the Khan as&nbsp;a young man of five-and-twenty, and states that his Prime&nbsp;Minister was a <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span> from Afghanistan. There were, he&nbsp;wrote, fifteen thousand prisoners at Khiva; Afghans,&nbsp;Persians, and men of other nationalities. Some of these&nbsp;unfortunates told him that were Khiva attacked by any of&nbsp;its neighbours, they would join the invader, and thereby&nbsp;regain their liberty. Three years later, it will be remembered, a Russian expedition advanced to the capital,&nbsp;bombarded the fortifications, released the slaves, and&nbsp;compelled the Khan to sign a treaty which placed his&nbsp;kingdom under Russian control.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>From Khiva, Abdur Rahman went to the adjoining State of Bokhara, where the Ameer, Muzaffar-ed-din, who&nbsp;was now anxious to stand well with Shere Ali, put him&nbsp;under some sort of restraint. It seemed extremely&nbsp;probable, indeed, that he would be delivered up to his&nbsp;enemies and relations at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. Bokhara was clearly no&nbsp;safe place of refuge for the fugitive. Already, however,&nbsp;Abdur Rahman had opened communications with the&nbsp;Russians. In July, 1869, four or five months before he reached Bokhara, one of his kinsmen possibly his mother s brother, Haji Jan had come to the Russian&nbsp;frontier post at Samarcand, having been sent either from&nbsp;Meshed or from <span class=SpellE>Waziriland</span>, to ask whether the fugitive&nbsp;would be allowed to enter Russian territory. In December,&nbsp;1869, letters were received at Tashkend in which Abdur&nbsp;Rahman informed General Kaufmann, the Governor-General, that everywhere in Afghanistan the people were&nbsp;disaffected, and that if the Russians would only aid&nbsp;him he could quickly overthrow Shere Ali.  Then will&nbsp;Afghanistan, he said,  and its wealth belong to the&nbsp;White Czar. In another letter he wrote:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><span style='mso-spacerun:yes'></span>You are aware that our country has been given over to the protection of the English. I place my hopes upon you, because I well know that the dominions of the White Czar are far more extensive than those of the Germans, the French, and the English all added together. On my arrival at Meshed, I discovered that Persia had become subordinate to the protection of the White Czar, ;and I therefore travelled across the Steppe of the Tekke Turkomans to Khiva, with the object of making my way to you. </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The substance of Abdur Rahman s messages to General Kaufmann, and of the Governor-General s replies thereto,&nbsp;was embodied in a memorandum, which was communicated to our ambassador at St. Petersburg. This document said:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Abdur Rahman Khan, detained temporarily by the Ameer of Bokhara, in the town of Karshi, sent a&nbsp;confidential messenger with several letters to General&nbsp;Kaufmann, offering him the benefit of his influence and&nbsp;connections in Afghanistan, and asking in return for the&nbsp;support necessary for the recovery of his rights. The&nbsp;General in reply informed him that Russia was determined not to interfere in the internal affairs of&nbsp;Afghanistan, and that in consequence all negotiation&nbsp;would be superfluous. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>According to the Russian writer, <span class=SpellE>Terentyeff</span>, General Kaufmann, while promising Abdur <span class=SpellE>Rhaman</span> a hearty&nbsp;welcome, added:  The present ruler of Afghanistan&nbsp;has been recognised as the rightful ruler of that country&nbsp;by a power on terms of friendly relations with Russia,&nbsp;namely, England; and until such time as Shere All&nbsp;breaks the peace and destroys the tranquillity on the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Bokharan</span> frontier, I have no reason for regarding him as&nbsp;an enemy of the Russians. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>No doubt verbal messages were exchanged; but whatever their tenor, it was easy for Abdur Rahman to see that he would be better off with the Russians than if he&nbsp;stayed in Bokhara. He accordingly took his departure&nbsp;at the first opportunity. How he contrived to get away&nbsp;does not appear; but it is known that toward the end&nbsp;of February, 1870, the Sirdar Abdur Rahman, with a&nbsp;retinue of over two hundred followers, his cousin, Ishak&nbsp;Khan, amongst them, arrived at Samarcand. Thence&nbsp;he presently repaired to Tashkend, the capital of the&nbsp;Russian province of Turkestan, and was admitted to an&nbsp;interview with the Governor-General. He now asked&nbsp;that the Russians would give him three thousand rifles&nbsp;and seven cannon; that he might be allowed to raise&nbsp;a corps of Afghan and Persian refugees; that the Ameer of&nbsp;Bokhara might be ordered or requested to let him establish a post of observation on the Oxus at <span class=SpellE>Kerki</span> or <span class=SpellE>Shirabad</span>, whence he could issue proclamations to his adherents in&nbsp;Afghanistan; and that so long as he remained in Russian&nbsp;territory he might be allowed to keep his following. He&nbsp;also pointed out that Shere Ali was no friend to the&nbsp;Russians, and deserved no consideration at their hands.&nbsp;General Kaufmann made answer that he would in no&nbsp;way assist Abdur Rahman against Shere Ali, and refused&nbsp;all his requests save that relating to the Prince's retinue.&nbsp;For the support of himself and his followers the Russian&nbsp;Government would make him an allowance of 18,000&nbsp;roubles (about 1,800) a year,<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Russian Government took particular pains to let the English Foreign. Office know that Abdur Rahman&nbsp;was receiving no encouragement from its representatives&nbsp;and agents in Central Asia. In addition to the&nbsp;memorandum already quoted, Prince <span class=SpellE>Gortchakoff</span> gave&nbsp;our ambassador a copy of a letter in which General&nbsp;Kaufmann had informed Shere Ali of the fugitive s&nbsp;arrival at Tashkend, and had explained, for the Ameer s&nbsp;benefit, how his nephew and enemy would be treated.&nbsp;This letter was the earliest in date of those found at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, after the capture of the city by General Roberts&nbsp;in 1879. It was dated Tashkend, March 28, 1870, and&nbsp;was to the following effect<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> You have probably learnt already that your nephew, Abdur Rahman, came lately to Tashkend, and that I,&nbsp;as the representative of my august master and sovereign,&nbsp;received him with honour and cordiality. Being anxious&nbsp;that you should not take umbrage at the Afghan Sirdar's&nbsp;stay at Tashkent!, I have considered it advisable to&nbsp;address this letter to you, in order to set before you&nbsp;truthfully and frankly my views concerning the relations&nbsp;existing between Russian-Turkestan and Afghanistan, and&nbsp;to make you acquainted with the principles by which I&nbsp;am guided in my intercourse with you. The Czar s&nbsp;possessions in Turkestan do not border on the countries&nbsp;at present under your rule: we are separated by the&nbsp;Khanate of Bokhara. ... No collision or misunderstanding, therefore, can take place between us; though&nbsp;we are distant neighbours we can and ought to live in&nbsp;concord. ... It was from this point of view that I&nbsp;replied to Abdur Rahman s request to be admitted to&nbsp;Tashkend that my august master refused hospitality to&nbsp;no one, especially to a man in misfortune; but that he&nbsp;must not in any way count on my interference in his&nbsp;differences with you, or expect any help whatever&nbsp;from me. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>At this time, it should be noted, the relations between the governments of England and Russia were marked&nbsp;by extreme cordiality, and our Foreign Minister, Earl&nbsp;Granville, expressed himself highly gratified at the amiable&nbsp;tone in which General Kaufmann had written. A couple&nbsp;months later Prince <span class=SpellE>Gortchakoff</span> handed to our&nbsp;ambassador a letter addressed to himself by General&nbsp;Kaufmann, in which the Governor-General stated that&nbsp;he had again warned Abdur Rahman not to look to&nbsp;Russia for assistance against his enemies. Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, General Kaufmann said, had tried to persuade&nbsp;him that in their own interests the Russians ought to&nbsp;help him against Shere Ali.  I pointed out to him,&quot;&nbsp;General Kaufmann wrote,  that when we sheltered him it was not as an enemy to England, or as a claimant to the throne of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, but solely as an unfortunate&nbsp;and homeless man, deprived of all means of supplying&nbsp;his own wants and those of his family. I declared to&nbsp;him without circumlocution that our relations with the&nbsp;English, the immediate protectors of his uncle, Shere&nbsp;Ali, were marked with friendship and perfect harmony;&nbsp;that as regards Shere Ali, not only are we not dreaming&nbsp;of going to war with him, but we even wish him all&nbsp;prosperity. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>And so Abdur Rahman Khan settled down  at Samarcand, by Oxus, <span class=SpellE>Temir s</span> throne, as a pensioner of the White Czar.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>There the late Mr. Schuyler, the American traveller and diplomatist, saw him in 1873. He was living quietly,&nbsp;spending hardly more than five thousand roubles a year&nbsp;out of his pension. Mr. Schuyler described him as a&nbsp;tall, well-built man, with a large head and a full, curly&nbsp;beard.  He carries himself with much dignity, and&nbsp;every movement denotes a strong character and one&nbsp;accustomed to command. He was quite ready to talk&nbsp;about politics. Shere Ali, he said, had forbidden his&nbsp;name to be mentioned in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> under pain of death,&nbsp;which, however, did not trouble him, as he declared that&nbsp;people would, for that very reason, think about him&nbsp;twice as much. He told Mr. Schuyler that the subsidy&nbsp;which the English had given to Shere Ali would have&nbsp;no effect on the people.  If the English were to give&nbsp;Afghanistan all the revenues of India, the people would&nbsp;not love them the better for it. Mr. Schuyler asked&nbsp;him whether, in the event of the English in India being attacked by some other power, the Afghans would be willing to join in the war. To this Abdur Rahman replied&nbsp;that if the war was not against India, but against the British&nbsp;Government there, the Afghans would readily join in it.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>He did not appear to be greatly enamoured of the Russians. The first time he went to Tashkend, he&nbsp;said, the Governor-General put one of his own carriages&nbsp;at his disposal; the next time it was an hired carriage;&nbsp;and on the occasion of his third visit to the capital, he&nbsp;had to go on foot<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Two or three years later, the French archaeologist, Professor <span class=SpellE>Ujfalvy</span>, and his wife, saw something of Abdur&nbsp;Rahman at Samarcand. Madame <span class=SpellE>Ujfalvy</span> was greatly&nbsp;impressed at his personal appearance.  <span class=SpellE>C est</span> un <span class=SpellE>assez</span>&nbsp;bel homme, fort et <span class=SpellE>trapu</span>, qui me <span class=SpellE>faisait</span> <span class=SpellE>l effet</span> d un&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>hercule</span> <span class=SpellE>forain</span>. The Khan <span class=SpellE>Abdour-Akhman</span>, as she styles&nbsp;him, lived in rather a pitiful style; saving as much as&nbsp;possible in view of another attempt to recover his throne.&nbsp;With the same object, he also condescended, at times, to&nbsp;do a little trading; and offered M. <span class=SpellE>Ujfalvy</span> a couple of&nbsp;indifferent swords at an exorbitant price.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>We have next a brief account of Abdur Rahman at this period from the not altogether reliable pen of <span class=SpellE>Gospodin</span>&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Pashino</span>, who for a while acted as his interpreter. He&nbsp;tells us that Abdur Rahman could barely read or write&nbsp;Persian; that he asked leave to accompany the Russian&nbsp;expedition to Khiva and was refused. A personal description is given.  Abdur Rahman, <span class=SpellE>Pashino</span> wrote,&nbsp; is a man of medium height, rather stout, with a well-trimmed beard, regular nose, and large black eyes, more like&nbsp;a Persian than a Barakzai. He usually wore a Cossack&nbsp;tunic, trimmed with the gold lace of a Russian general s&nbsp;uniform. His speech was very fluent, abounding with&nbsp;flowers of Eastern rhetoric; his voice loud and agreeable.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Indian officials whose duty it was to keep their government informed concerning affairs in Central Asia and Afghanistan, had also formed their estimate of Abdur&nbsp;Rahman s character and prospects. Colonel Sir Richard&nbsp;Pollock* wrote:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Abdur Rahman was well thought of as a soldier and commander in charge of an army; but showed less&nbsp;talent for administrative work. He has now lost all his&nbsp;possessions, both at his home and at his place of refuge,&nbsp;and has no resources by which he could collect an army.&nbsp;Without help in money and arms he could do nothing. If&nbsp;supplied with money by Russia or Bokhara, he might&nbsp;attempt to recover his position. Probably such an&nbsp;attempt would be unsuccessful if made in Shere Ali s&nbsp;lifetime. If later, after the Ameer s death, and when&nbsp;Afghan-Turkestan had Mir Alum Khan as governor, or&nbsp;some equally corrupt, incapable person, the issue might&nbsp;be in Abdur Rahman s favour, so far as Afghan-Turkestan&nbsp;is concerned. On the Ameer s death, such an attempt&nbsp;may be looked upon as likely, unless a good governor&nbsp;should previously have taken Mir Alum s place. Abdur&nbsp;Rahman s influence has already declined rapidly, and&nbsp;fortune is never likely to favour him again to the extent&nbsp;it did when he was fighting for Afzul and Azim. There&nbsp;was strong sympathy on the part of the nation for the&nbsp;elder sons, who had been set aside by the Dost in favour&nbsp;of Shere Alt Besides, the King of Bokhara afforded&nbsp;assistance, which he is not likely now or later to do. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Perhaps if the dim outlines could be filled in, there would be no more wonderful chapter in the biography of&nbsp;Abdur Rahman than one which recounted in full detail&nbsp;the story of his exile. But it will never be written.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>While we only get an occasional glimpse of his outward life during this obscurer period, we can know nothing for&nbsp;a certainty of the ceaseless projects that occupied the&nbsp;Czar s pensioner, and little of the devices he was always&nbsp;trying, in the hope that one day his ambition might be&nbsp;fulfilled. Those, who like the present writer, have seen&nbsp;and conversed with Afghan refugees in India, may form&nbsp;some idea of his outward bearing at the time. We may&nbsp;picture him as he appeared to the people of the city, to&nbsp;officers of the Russian garrison, or to travellers from&nbsp;other continents, who, knowing the history of the man,&nbsp;sought his acquaintance. The stalwart frame, the soldierly&nbsp;presence, the air of one whose order thousands had&nbsp;obeyed, the courteous address of the well-born Mahomedan&nbsp; it is easy to imagine all this. Thereto may be added&nbsp;the look of one who has gone through peril and tribulation,&nbsp;and has seen both victory and defeat Surely too, there&nbsp;were traces not to be hidden of baffled schemes, yet also&nbsp;of confidence and undaunted resolution. Abdur Rahman&nbsp;was never the one to despair of his destiny. From the&nbsp;time of his flight till the longed-for day when he once&nbsp;more set foot on Afghan soil, he was ever working and&nbsp;plotting to recover his heritage. While he never ceased to&nbsp;importune his Russian hosts for assistance, he was equally&nbsp;pertinacious in his efforts to keep in touch with his adherents across the Oxus, and, if possible, to gain new ones.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>General Soboleff states that in the spring of 1871, he himself was asked by Abdur Rahman to speak on his&nbsp;behalf to General Abramoff, the governor of the Zarafshan&nbsp;district On this occasion Abdur Rahman declared that&nbsp;he had a strong party throughout Afghanistan, that he&nbsp;could easily gain possession of the throne of Dost&nbsp;Mahomed. He would be a loyal friend to the Russians,&nbsp;if they would only give him a subsidy of 6,000.&nbsp;General Abramoff, in reply, said that he would refer the&nbsp;application to General Kaufmann, the Governor General&nbsp;but he added that it was not at all likely to be granted,&nbsp;since the Russian Government was disinclined to quarrel&nbsp;with England.  Abdur Rahman, General Soboleff adds,&nbsp; in spite of his fiery disposition, bravely listened to the&nbsp;advice given him by the Russian authorities in Turkestan,&nbsp;and resolved patiently to abide a favourable opportunity&nbsp;for putting his cherished plans into execution. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Years afterwards Abdur Rahman told Sir S. <span class=SpellE>Pyne</span> that during his exile he was accustomed to pose as a man of&nbsp;dull understanding, in order that the Russians might leave&nbsp;him to his own devices. This is not altogether compatible&nbsp;with what we know of him from other sources, or with&nbsp;General Soboleff s observations. Possibly Abdur Rahman&nbsp;overrated his own powers as a dissembler. At any rate,&nbsp;there is sufficient reason for believing that his Russian&nbsp;friends regarded him as a man of great capacity and&nbsp;insatiable ambition. They were only mistaken if they&nbsp;fancied that he would be everlastingly grateful to them&nbsp;for their not too lavish hospitality. His cousin, Ishak, it&nbsp;may be noted, was certainly looked upon as a person of&nbsp;weak intellect It was owing, <span class=SpellE>Pashino</span> states, to his&nbsp;mental imbecility that he was not presented to General&nbsp;Kaufmann, and the same authority adds that at this time&nbsp;little boys used to jeer at him in the streets of Samarcand,&nbsp;and call him  <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Tintah</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> Khan&quot;</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> or  Fool Khan. </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In 1872, according to a report from a native <span class=SpellE>newswriter</span> at <span class=SpellE>Tashkurghan</span>, Abdur Rahman started to go to,&nbsp;Orenburg, intending, it was said, to make a personal&nbsp;appeal to the Czar. The story may or may not have&nbsp;been true; but it is worth quoting. The Sirdar, the&nbsp;news-letter said, had journeyed three stages beyond&nbsp;Tashkend, when he was met by a high official who had&nbsp;been sent from Russia to relieve, or more likely to act&nbsp;temporarily for, the Governor-General. Questioned by&nbsp;this authority Abdur Rahman said he intended to ask the&nbsp;Czar to give him ten pieces of ordnance and  four lakhs&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Zangas</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>, </span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> as he hoped to make himself master of&nbsp;Afghanistan. In the event of his petition being refused,&nbsp;he would beg for leave to depart from Russian territory.&nbsp;The high official, however, persuaded him to return to&nbsp;Samarcand, promising him that his petition should be&nbsp;forwarded and that he should have the Czar s answer&nbsp;within forty days. The result does not appear.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>About this time General Kaufmann obtained from his Afghan guest certain information in regard to <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>,&nbsp;which was used in support of the Russian contention that&nbsp;this region should not be included within the possessions&nbsp;of Shere Ali, the limits of which formed the subject of a&nbsp;discussion between the Governments of England and&nbsp;Russia. The fact is worth remembering. The present&nbsp;writer s father, at that time assistant secretary to the&nbsp;Government of India in the Foreign Department, drew up&nbsp;an historical memorandum on Afghan-Turkestan; and an&nbsp;extract from this was among the documents submitted to&nbsp;the Russian Government in disproof of the Russian claim.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Had Abdur Rahman s information been accepted as trustworthy, he might in after years have found his kingdom shorn of a province by which he now lays great store.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>All this while Abdur Rahman was perpetually intriguing with his adherents south of the Oxus. In November,&nbsp;1872, one of his emissaries turned up at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and had&nbsp;the misfortune to fall into Ameer Shere Ali s hands. He&nbsp;was  vigorously examined, possibly not without the aid&nbsp;of torture; and confessed that he had seen in Abdur&nbsp;Rahman s house at Samarcand a couple of iron fieldpieces cast in Balkh. He also said that Abdur Rahman&nbsp;was corresponding with some of the chiefs in Afghan-Turkestan, and that he himself had brought a letter from&nbsp;the Sirdar to a certain Azim-ud-din Khan, a military officer&nbsp;at <span class=SpellE>Indarab</span>. The Ameer Shere Ali directed that a&nbsp;message should be sent to the Russian Governor General,&nbsp;asking that a check might be put on Abdur Rahman s&nbsp;correspondence, and that the British Government should&nbsp;also be asked to use its influence to the same end. The&nbsp;purport of Abdur Rahman s letter, doubtless a fair sample&nbsp;of his correspondence at this period, was as follows:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> As I have been informed that you bear affection and friendship for me, I have taken the opportunity of sending&nbsp;this letter to you. If you desire to propagate the&nbsp;Mahomedan religion, I hope you will gallantly join in&nbsp;partisanship with me, along with your friends, and&nbsp;propagate the Prophet s creed. The world is not always&nbsp;in one condition. You should exert yourself in a manly&nbsp;fashion in the propagation of our religion, because Shere&nbsp;Ali Khan is a servant of the English, and will ruin you,&nbsp;the Mahomedans. May I not be held answerable by&nbsp;God or by the Prophet 1 If you exert yourself zealously,&nbsp;you will gain both this world and eternity. You will&nbsp;achieve nothing by doing service to Shere Ali. If you&nbsp;render yourself useful to me for a few days you will be&nbsp;exalted in both worlds. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The message of remonstrance addressed by Shere Ali s orders to the Russian Governor-General, was written&nbsp;by Naib Alum Khan, the Ameer s Governor of Balkh;&nbsp;who said<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Notwithstanding that Sirdar Abdur Rahman is so far away from our territory as Samarcand, he desires to&nbsp;loosen the ties of friendship existing between us, and to&nbsp;disturb the peace enjoyed by the people. He has lately&nbsp;sent a letter in an unbecoming style to Azim-ud-din&nbsp;Khan, one of his adherents, and I submit the same in&nbsp;original to you, hoping that you will properly restrain him&nbsp;from entertaining such evil designs in future, in order&nbsp;that the friendship existing between us, and the&nbsp;tranquillity enjoyed by the people, may be confirmed. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It might be better, the Ameer s Governor also hinted, and would tend to promote the friendship existing&nbsp;between the Afghans and the Russians, were Abdur&nbsp;Rahman removed to some place further away from the&nbsp;Afghan frontier. The Russian Government, at one time,&nbsp;was inclined to listen to the suggestion; and it was&nbsp;proposed to remove him to European Russia. Nothing&nbsp;was done, however, and Abdur Rahman continued to&nbsp;reside at Samarcand. The English Government was&nbsp;again assured that he would not be allowed to disturb&nbsp;the peace of Afghanistan. Prince <span class=SpellE>Gortchakoff</span> told Lord&nbsp;Augustus Loftus in January, 1874, that positive injunctions had been given to Abdur Rahman that he should&nbsp;abstain from all intrigues and designs against Shere Ali.&nbsp;This was the condition under which he was allowed to&nbsp;preside at Samarcand; and Prince <span class=SpellE>Gortchakoff</span> added that,&nbsp;if the Sirdar broke the compact, he would be removed to&nbsp;another place of residence.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Ten long years was Abdur Rahman an exile in Russian-Turkestan, sharpening the sword of intention, to speak <span class=SpellE>Asiatically</span>, but not knowing when it might be used. He&nbsp;was six-and-twenty when he first went to Samarcand; and&nbsp;those should have been the most active of his whole life.&nbsp;Yet he is not the first great man in the history of Central&nbsp;Asia to whom good fortune has come late. Nadir Shah,&nbsp;at the age of forty, was nothing but a robber chieftain,&nbsp;with a couple of thousand horsemen at his beck. Sultan&nbsp;Baber, the <span class=SpellE>Chaghatai</span>, founder of the dynasty of Indian&nbsp;Moghuls, was little more than a soldier of fortune at that&nbsp;age. Ameer Timur,<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> The mighty Tamerlane, That was lord of all the land&nbsp;Between Thrace and Samarcand,  did not dispose of his rivals till he was six-and-thirty. <span class=SpellE>Chingiz</span> Khan was forty-four when at a great assembly&nbsp;he was proclaimed by that title. Whether Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, however, found any consolation in historical&nbsp;reflections of this kind is uncertain. They may not&nbsp;have occurred to him.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But we may be sure that he was careful to watch the course of events in Afghanistan and in the <span class=SpellE>Usbeg</span>&nbsp;Khanates; and also, no doubt, in Eastern Turkestan.&nbsp;In 1871 when <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan was in rebellion against&nbsp;his father, Shere Ali, Abdur Rahman was keenly on the&nbsp;look-out for a chance of taking part in the struggle. A&nbsp;couple of years later there were disturbances in <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>,&nbsp;in the fomenting of which he appears to have had a hand.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It need hardly be said that he looked on with eager interest at the progress of the quarrel between the Ameer&nbsp;Shere Ali and the Government of India; and we shall&nbsp;presently see how in the end the results of that unfortunate rupture gave him his opportunity.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Much else happened, also, during the period of Abdur Rahman s banishment. In 1870 the Russians occupied&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Michailovsk</span> on the eastern shores of the Caspian; and in&nbsp;the following year sent an expedition against the&nbsp;Turkomans, which was practically the beginning of&nbsp;the conquest of the Trans-Caspian region. In 1872&nbsp;the Russian Government made a treaty with Ameer&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Beg of <span class=SpellE>Kashgar</span>, and recognised the independence of Eastern Turkestan. Early in 1873 the Governments of England and Russia agreed that the Oxus&nbsp;should be recognised as the northern boundary of&nbsp;Afghanistan. In May, 1873, the Russians captured&nbsp;Khiva. In 1875 they annexed the Khanate of&nbsp;Khokand, since constituted as a province under the&nbsp;name of Ferghana. In 1877 <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Beg of <span class=SpellE>Kashgar</span>&nbsp;died, or was poisoned; leaving his kingdom to be <span class=SpellE>reoccupied</span> by the Chinese. In the following year, Russia&nbsp;prepared for war with England, by sending an envoy to&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and marching troops towards the Afghan frontier&nbsp;and the Pamirs. The Treaty of Berlin was followed, not&nbsp;quite so promptly as might have been wished, by the&nbsp;abandonment of these aggressive designs; but the&nbsp;mischief had been done, and the end of the year saw&nbsp;us embroiled in a war with the Afghans. How Abdur&nbsp;Rahman profited by that event will be told in the following chapter.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER IV.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>THE WINNING OF CABUL.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font6 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></p> <p class=font6 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>T</span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>HE death of Ameer Shere Ali, in February, 1879, must have seemed to Abdur Rahman a most&nbsp;excellent opportunity for again trying his luck in his&nbsp;own country. But his Russian hosts either refused to&nbsp;let him depart, or gave him scanty encouragement.&nbsp;According to <span class=SpellE>Gospodin</span> <span class=SpellE>Pashino</span>, they told him he might&nbsp;go where and when he liked, and that no one would&nbsp;interfere with his movements, but that if he failed in</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family: "Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> his enterprise, he would not find a refuge a second time in Russian territory, and must look neither for protection&nbsp;nor support at their hands. It may be that they were&nbsp;reluctant to throw away a trump card just then; or else&nbsp;the Russian Government wished to prove that the assurances it had formerly given in regard to Afghanistan had&nbsp;now, in diplomatic phrase, recovered their validity. In&nbsp;any case, Abdur Rahman stayed where he was, while the&nbsp;son and successor of Shere Ali, Ameer <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan,&nbsp;was making terms with the English, and welcoming an&nbsp;English mission to his capital. It was acknowledged&nbsp;at St. Petersburg that Afghanistan was now completely&nbsp;under the domination of England.  Events, said a&nbsp;Russian newspaper,  have justified Lord Beaconsfield s&nbsp;policy, and the results which he sought will be obtained.  &nbsp;But the attack on the British Residency on September&nbsp;3rd, 1879, and the massacre of Sir Louis <span class=SpellE>Cavagnari</span> and&nbsp;his gallant companions, changed the situation. Afghanistan was once again in confusion. It might be split&nbsp;up into three or four separate states, some under English,&nbsp;others under Russian protection; or it might be seized&nbsp;and controlled by a single chief powerful enough to hold&nbsp;his own, both at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and in the outlying provinces.&nbsp;The St. Petersburg </span><span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>Golos</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif; mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> reminded its readers that there&nbsp;were candidates for the Afghan throne who had gained&nbsp;popularity by many a deed of daring.  Let one of them&nbsp;appear at Herat, or in Afghan-Turkestan, where he&nbsp;continues to be remembered and loved by the people,&nbsp;and he will be at once surrounded by all who are ill-content with the present Ameer (<span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span>) and who object&nbsp;to his friendship with England.&quot; The writer went on&nbsp;to say that if an ally of the English was to rule at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>,&nbsp;justice demanded that a protege of the Czar should hold&nbsp;sway at Herat or in Balkh. This, there is not the least&nbsp;doubt, was meant to refer to Abdur Rahman and his&nbsp;chances. He was the chief who had won popularity in&nbsp;Afghanistan by his deeds of daring, and who in days&nbsp;to come might hold the northern provinces as the vassal&nbsp;of Russia. The notion of malting the Hindu Kush a&nbsp;conterminous boundary between the English and Russian&nbsp;Empires is a favourite theme with our friends and rivals.&nbsp;It is an aspiration, however, that is still a long way from&nbsp;being fulfilled.</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In the beginning of December, 1879, telegrams reached Tashkend stating that the Ex-Ameer <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span>&nbsp;Khan, who had been a prisoner in the British camp since&nbsp;September 27, was no longer in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. On December 1,&nbsp;he had been marched away under escort to India.&nbsp;General Kaufmann, the Governor-General, was not in&nbsp;Tashkend at the time, being on his way back from St.&nbsp;Petersburg; but his secretary, or deputy, had an&nbsp;interview with Abdur Rahman, told him the latest news&nbsp;from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and added that he was now at liberty to&nbsp;depart. Abdur Rahman took three days to think over&nbsp;the matter, and then, being urged, it is said, by the&nbsp;Governor-General s secretary not to throw away the&nbsp;golden chance one would think he needed little&nbsp;urging decided to go. To use Sultan Baber s favourite&nbsp;metaphor, he put the foot of ambition in the stirrup of&nbsp;daring. The Russians lent or gave him 5,000 Bokhara&nbsp;<span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>tillas</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> (about ^2,500) and presented him with a couple&nbsp;of hundred breech-loaders. According to another&nbsp;account, he had two lakhs of rupees (about ^16,500)&nbsp;in his treasure chest, mostly saved out of his pension.&nbsp;He started from Tashkend with only a hundred followers,&nbsp;exiles like himself. His direct route to Balkh would&nbsp;have been through Samarcand and Karshi; but he&nbsp;preferred, or was advised, to go by way of <span class=SpellE>Oratippa</span>,&nbsp;Hissar, and <span class=SpellE>Kolab</span>. He forded the Oxus near <span class=SpellE>Rustak</span>, a&nbsp;small town in the district of Kunduz. Early in February,&nbsp;1880, rumours reached the English in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> that he had&nbsp;crossed the river and had occupied Ghori. He had been&nbsp;joined, it was said, by Sultan Murad Khan, of Kunduz.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The name of Sultan Murad may be unfamiliar to the reader, but the chief of the <span class=SpellE>Kattaghan</span> <span class=SpellE>Usbegs</span> was&nbsp;a notable person in his way. It was for his grandfather s benefit that Moorcroft translated those chapters&nbsp;in Gibbon s <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Decline and Fall,</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> which treat of <span class=SpellE>Chingiz</span>&nbsp;Khan and <span class=SpellE>Tamurlane</span>. Sultan Murad had at times&nbsp;sided with Abdur Rahman during the wars of 1863-68;&nbsp;but he was by no means a stalwart ally, and in 1869&nbsp;he went over to Shere Ali, from whom he received a&nbsp;formal grant of the territory of Kunduz, which he had&nbsp;retained ever since. Toward the end of 1879 he sent&nbsp;letters to Sir Frederick Roberts at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. In former&nbsp;days, he wrote, his grandfather and the great Lord Sahib&nbsp;(Alexander Burnes) had been friends; and now, if the&nbsp;English would treat him kindly he would serve them as&nbsp;long as he lived. The whole of India, he declared, had&nbsp;profited by British rule,  and I also have now become&nbsp;a servant of the British Government. General Roberts&nbsp;returned a civil answer, and advised the chief to devote&nbsp;his attention to the government and protection of his&nbsp;Country. His professions of esteem for the English did&nbsp;not prevent Sultan Murad from lending a hand to the&nbsp;adventurer who, as was generally believed, had come to&nbsp;expel them. He was one of the first leading men&nbsp;north of the Hindu Kush to declare in Abdur Rahman s&nbsp;favour; supplying him, moreover, with money and with&nbsp;clothing for his troops. It can hardly be doubted that&nbsp;at this time Abdur Rahman posed as the deliverer who&nbsp;would drive out the English, though whether he actually&nbsp;issued proclamations promising to rid the country of the&nbsp;foreigners is not altogether clear.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Another chief who hastened to side with Abdur Rahman was Mir Sura Beg, formerly governor of <span class=SpellE>Kolab</span>,&nbsp;a petty state north of the Oxus. The <span class=SpellE>Mirs</span> of <span class=SpellE>Badak-shan</span> quickly went over to him, with the exception of&nbsp;Shahzada Hassan, who fled to Mastuj; and before very&nbsp;long, the events of 1865 were repeated so closely that by&nbsp;March, 1880, Abdur Rahman found himself master of&nbsp;nearly all Afghan-Turkestan. The Governor s troops&nbsp;went over to him in a body, and the Governor himself,&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Gholam</span> <span class=SpellE>Hyder</span> Khan, Wardak, fled to Bokhara. The&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Usbeg</span> chief of <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> was the only person of any&nbsp;consequence north of the Hindu Kush who hung&nbsp;back.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On March 14, 1880, Lord Lytton telegraphed to the Secretary of State that it was necessary to find, without&nbsp;delay, some native authority to whom <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and Northern&nbsp;Afghanistan could be restored, on the evacuation of the&nbsp;country in the following autumn. There was no prospect,&nbsp;the Viceroy said, of finding anyone in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> strong&nbsp;enough to undertake the task.  I therefore advocate&nbsp;early public recognition of Abdur Rahman as the&nbsp;legitimate heir of Dost Mahomed. The Viceroy also&nbsp;proposed to send a deputation of Sirdars to make him&nbsp;an offer of the throne. For the future government of&nbsp;Southern Afghanistan Lord Lytton proposed to set up a&nbsp;Barakzai Sirdar, named Shere Ali, as <span class=SpellE>Wali</span>, under British&nbsp;protection; a British force remaining in cantonment at&nbsp;or near the city. The latter measure presented no difficulties. Shere Ali was recognised as <span class=SpellE>Wali</span> without further&nbsp;delay; and at the same time steps were taken to open&nbsp;up communication with Abdur Rahman. The only doubt&nbsp;was whether he would be inclined to accept the government of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and Balkh, without Kandahar and Herat&nbsp;On April <span class=SpellE>i</span>, 1880, a letter was sent to Abdur Rahman by&nbsp;Sir Lepel Griffin, now in political charge at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, who&nbsp;wrote:  It has become known that you have entered&nbsp;Afghanistan, and consequently this letter is sent you by a&nbsp;confidential messenger, in order that you may submit to&nbsp;the British officers at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> any representations that you&nbsp;may desire to make to the British Government, with regard&nbsp;to your object in entering Afghanistan. Sir Lepel s&nbsp;messenger was also instructed to inform Abdur Rahman&nbsp;that the British Government wished him well. Though&nbsp;the Sirdar had long resided in Russian territory, the&nbsp;messenger was to say, and was in close relations with the&nbsp;Russians, he was not on that account regarded with&nbsp;suspicion. The British Government could do him more&nbsp;good than the Russians; and, therefore, it was to his&nbsp;own interests to enter into friendly correspondence&nbsp;with us. The written reply given by Abdur Rahman&nbsp;was as follows:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Whereas at this happy time I have received the kind letter of the British officers who, calling me to mind, wrote&nbsp;in a spirit of justice and friendship to inquire what I wish&nbsp;in Afghanistan. My honoured friends, the servants of&nbsp;the great British Government, know well that throughout&nbsp;these twelve years of exile in the kingdom of the&nbsp;Emperor of Russia, night and day have I cherished the&nbsp;hope of returning to my native land. When the late&nbsp;Ameer Shere Ali died and there was no one to rule our&nbsp;tribes, I proposed to re-enter Afghanistan, but as it was&nbsp;not fated then, I turned to Tashkend. Thereafter Ameer&nbsp;Mahomed <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan, having come to terms and&nbsp;made peace with the British Government was appointed&nbsp;Ameer of Afghanistan; but since, after he left you, he&nbsp;listened to the advice of every dishonest person and raised&nbsp;fools to power until two ignorant men directed the affairs&nbsp;of Afghanistan, which in the reign of my grandfather, who&nbsp;had eighteen able sons, were so managed that night was&nbsp;bright like day. In consequence thereof Afghanistan was&nbsp;disgraced in the eyes of all nations, and was ruined.&nbsp;Now, therefore, that you seek to learn my hopes and&nbsp;wishes, they are these: that so long as your empire and&nbsp;that of Russia shall exist, my countrymen, the tribesmen&nbsp;of Afghanistan, should dwell in ease and tranquillity, and&nbsp;that these two States should find us true and faithful;&nbsp;that we should have rest and peace between them, for&nbsp;my tribesmen are unable to contend with empires, and&nbsp;are ruined by want of commerce. And we hope of your&nbsp;friendship that, by granting assistance and sympathy to&nbsp;the people of Afghanistan, you will permanently establish&nbsp;them under the honourable protection of the two powers.&nbsp;This would redound to the credit of both, and would give&nbsp;peace to Afghanistan, and comfort and quiet to God s&nbsp;people. This is my desire. For the rest it is yours to decide. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The messenger, who returned to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> on April 21, stated that he had been heartily welcomed by Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, in whose camp in Kunduz he had rested four&nbsp;days. He also brought a verbal message from the Sirdar,&nbsp;who said that he had been for twelve years the guest of&nbsp;the Russians, and had eaten their salt; he would be <span class=SpellE>loth</span>&nbsp;to accept any conditions that might blacken him in their&nbsp;eyes, or make him appear ungrateful to them. He would&nbsp;endeavour to be the friend of both powers, but especially&nbsp;of the English, who, he hoped, would secure for him the&nbsp;same measure of independence that was enjoyed by&nbsp;Persia. He would be glad to come on to <span class=SpellE>Charikar</span> with&nbsp;five hundred horsemen, there to discuss matters with the&nbsp;English officers.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>General Roberts and Sir Lepel Griffin agreed in the opinion that although Abdur Rahman had been assisted&nbsp;in his enterprise by the Russians, and was anxious not to&nbsp;quarrel with them, he was nevertheless willing to come to&nbsp;terms with the English. But before speaking of the&nbsp;negotiations which ultimately led to his recognition, it&nbsp;will be as well to explain the political principles upon&nbsp;which the Indian Government was acting. As already&nbsp;mentioned, Lord Lytton, with that boldness and foresight&nbsp;which always marked his statesmanship, had resolved in&nbsp;the middle of March that the pretender from beyond the&nbsp;Oxus was the man for <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>; and the suggestion was&nbsp;accepted by the Conservative Ministry at home. The&nbsp;Viceroy, however, insisted that only a portion of the once&nbsp;united kingdom of Afghanistan should be handed over to&nbsp;the successor of <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span>. Kandahar was separated from&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>; and Sir Lepel Griffin was authorized to make&nbsp;Abdur Rahman understand that the southern province&nbsp;would never be restored. The crime which dissolved the&nbsp;treaty of <span class=SpellE>Gundamuk</span> bad convinced the Indian Government that further adherence to the policy which aimed at&nbsp;a united and friendly Afghanistan  a policy dependent&nbsp;for its fruition on the gratitude, the good faith, the&nbsp;assumed self-interest, or the personal character of any&nbsp;Afghan prince  would be perilous to the interests of&nbsp;India. With our advanced frontier positions at Kandahar&nbsp;and Kurram, the importance of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> would be&nbsp;materially diminished. The friendship of its ruler&nbsp;would ever be appreciated; but our relations with him&nbsp;would no longer be of paramount importance. Should&nbsp;he in course of time become susceptible to foreign&nbsp;influences adverse to our own, the Indian Government&nbsp;would take whatever steps it deemed requisite to&nbsp;counteract such influences; but the Government of&nbsp;India had no longer any motive or desire to enter into&nbsp;fresh treaty engagements with a ruler of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. Abdur&nbsp;Rahman s suggestion that Afghanistan should be constituted a neutral state, under the joint protection of&nbsp;England and Russia, could neither be entertained nor&nbsp;discussed. It would be enough if as ruler of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and&nbsp;the northern provinces he showed himself worthy of the&nbsp;friendship which the English were ready to extend to&nbsp;him. But the Indian Government required from him&nbsp;neither pledges, concessions, nor reciprocal engagements.&nbsp; Our invitation was given to him, not as a preliminary to&nbsp;forming an alliance with the <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> ruler, or that his&nbsp;consent to our political arrangements might be secured;&nbsp;but chiefly in order that by transferring the administration&nbsp;to a competent ruler we might be spared the necessity of&nbsp;leaving something like anarchy behind us whenever our&nbsp;troops should have been withdrawn. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It was on these lines that the negotiation proceeded during the months of May and June. On April 30 Sir Lepel&nbsp;Griffin had again written to Abdur Rahman, urging him&nbsp;to come to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> without further delay. Mr. Gladstone s&nbsp;Government had now come into power, and was anxious&nbsp;to see Afghanistan evacuated as quickly as possible. In&nbsp;his reply (May 16, 1880) Abdur Rahman said:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> My friend, I had and still have great hope from the British Government, and your friendship has justified&nbsp;and equalled my expectations. You know well the nature&nbsp;of the people of Afghanistan. The word of one man can&nbsp;effect nothing until they feel that I speak for their good.&nbsp;... I trust in God for your honour that this people and I&nbsp;may <span class=SpellE>some day</span> unite to do you service, although the British&nbsp;Government has no need of it, but occasions of necessity&nbsp;may yet arise in this world. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Before sending off this letter Abdur Rahman had explained the situation to his followers; and after consulting with them he gave out in durbar that there were&nbsp;questions upon which he desired to be further informed&nbsp;before he set out for <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. What, he asked, were to be&nbsp;the boundaries of his dominion, and would Kandahar be&nbsp;included therein ? Would a European envoy or a British&nbsp;force remain in Afghanistan ? What enemy of the British&nbsp;Government would he be expected to repel ? Above all,&nbsp;what benefits did the British Government propose to&nbsp;confer on him and his countrymen ?&nbsp;&nbsp; These are<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>matters, said Abdur Rahman,  which I must place before tire chiefs of my country, and in concert with&nbsp;them I will, having ascertained how far I can do so,&nbsp;agree to such terms of a treaty as I can accept and&nbsp;carry out. For this purpose, as soon as I am informed&nbsp;on these points, I will at once go to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>; and in order to get a reply quickly, I will at once post mounted couriers at various places on the road. I will also issue&nbsp;a proclamation to my countrymen, directing them to&nbsp;assemble within their own bounds, and to abstain from&nbsp;advancing against the British army or provoking hostilities. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman, it was clear, meant to play a waiting game. General Sir Charles MacGregor wrote in his&nbsp;diary,  he does not mean to come in till he knows&nbsp;exactly what we want, and I do not believe anyone can&nbsp;tell him, because no one knows. Abdur Rahman may&nbsp;have issued the proclamations he talked about; but it&nbsp;was also rumoured that he was engaged in making other&nbsp;appeals of a less satisfactory tenor to his countrymen,&nbsp;letters purporting to come from him were intercepted,&nbsp;in which the tribes were bidden to be armed and ready.&nbsp;He was also said to be in close correspondence with&nbsp;Mahomed Jan, who was preparing to attack us. It&nbsp;looked very much as if he were endeavouring to bring&nbsp;pressure to bear upon his new-found friends, at the same&nbsp;time strengthening himself by appeals to the fanatical&nbsp;temper of the Afghans. Altogether the situation was by&nbsp;no means hopeful. In some quarters General Roberts&nbsp;was blamed for having sent <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan away. The&nbsp;Foreign Secretary wrote to General MacGregor:  If you&nbsp;and Roberts and Baker had not been in such an unnecessary hurry to deport the wretched <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span>, these&nbsp;difficulties would have been avoided. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>By this time the Marquis of Ripon had arrived in India, -and one of the first acts of his government was&nbsp;to give instructions that a letter couched in somewhat more decided language should be sent to the still evasive Sirdar. To some extent it indicated a new departure;&nbsp;but although a Liberal ministry had come into power&nbsp;at home, and a liberal Viceroy had taken Lord Lytton s&nbsp;place, there was no notion, as yet, of accepting Abdur&nbsp;Rahman as the ruler of a united Afghanistan. No such&nbsp;notion, that is to say, was entertained at <span class=SpellE>Simla</span>, though&nbsp;the Home Government had already expressed a hope&nbsp;that this portion of Lord Lytton s programme might be&nbsp;reversed. The letter addressed by Sir Lepel Griffin to&nbsp;Abdur Rahman on June 14 requires to be quoted at&nbsp;some length. The political officer wrote:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> I am commanded to convey to you the replies of the Government of India to the questions you have asked.&nbsp;<span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Firstly </span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>With regard to the position of the ruler of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>&nbsp;in relation to foreign powers. Since the British Government admit no right of interference by foreign powers&nbsp;in Afghanistan, and since both Russia and Persia are&nbsp;pledged to abstain from all political interference with&nbsp;Afghan affairs, it is plain that the <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> ruler can have&nbsp;no political relations with any foreign power except the&nbsp;English; and if any such foreign power should attempt&nbsp;to interfere in Afghanistan, and if such interference should&nbsp;lead to unprovoked aggression on the <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> ruler, then&nbsp;the British Government will be prepared to aid him, if&nbsp;necessary, to repel it, provided that he follows the advice of&nbsp;the British Government in regard to his external relations. </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In the above passage it will be noted we have, in reasonably precise language, a full admission of the&nbsp;principle that foreign interference in the affairs of Afghanistan would be resisted by England. The point left in&nbsp;obscurity, and it is still obscure, in spite of all that has&nbsp;been said, was to what extent such resistance would be&nbsp;carried. Lord Ripon s representative went on to say:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=font231><i><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Secondly.</span></i></span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> With regard to limits of territory, I am directed to say that the whole province of Kandahar has&nbsp;been placed under a separate ruler, except Pishin and&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Sibi</span>, which are retained in British possession. Consequently the Government is not able to enter into any&nbsp;negotiations with you on these points, nor in respect to&nbsp;arrangements with regard to the north-west frontier, which&nbsp;were concluded with the ex-Ameer Mahomed <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span>&nbsp;Khan. With these reservations the British Government&nbsp;are willing that you should establish over Afghanistan&nbsp;(including Herat, the possession of which cannot be&nbsp;guaranteed to you, though Government are not disposed&nbsp;to hinder measures which you may take to obtain possession of it) as complete and extensive authority as has&nbsp;hitherto been exercised by any Ameer of your family.&nbsp;The British Government desires to exercise no interference&nbsp;in the internal affairs of these territories, nor will you be&nbsp;required to admit an English resident anywhere; although,&nbsp;for convenience of ordinary, friendly intercourse between&nbsp;two adjoining States, it may be advisable to station by&nbsp;agreement a Mahomedan agent of the British Government at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. </span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Lord Lytton, when advocating the dissection of Afghanistan, had pointed out, six months earlier, that the annexation of Herat to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> or Kandahar would neither be popular at Herat, nor provide for the political security&nbsp;of a province peculiarly exposed to the intrigues and&nbsp;cupidity of its powerful neighbours. He had therefore&nbsp;recommended its transfer, under a sufficient guarantee, to&nbsp;Persia. That proposal had since been abandoned; and&nbsp;Abdur Rahman was told that he might take Herat, now&nbsp;held by <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> Khan, whenever he liked, for all the&nbsp;British Government cared. This was one feature of the&nbsp;new design. The other point to be noticed was the<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>* Son of Ameer Shere Ali, and whole brother of Ameer <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span>, <span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>guarded promise to assist Abdur Rahman in the event of&nbsp;his being attacked by foreign enemies. This promise was&nbsp;now given in accordance with instructions received from&nbsp;the Secretary of State, who informed Lord Ripon that&nbsp;Her Majesty s Government were willing to renew the&nbsp;assurances offered to Shere Ali in 1873, by Lord Northbrook, to the effect that he might rely on the support of&nbsp;the British Government against unprovoked aggression,&nbsp;provided that he abided by its advice in regard to his&nbsp;external relations.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>There is an Afghan saying,  Use not the wager of the knife ; which means,  Do not cut your melon before&nbsp;you have bought it. Abdur Rahman was not at all in&nbsp;a hurry to give himself away. A prompt reply was&nbsp;received from him indeed, in which he spoke of himself&nbsp;as the slave of God s threshold, and talked of the regard&nbsp;which had been shown for his welfare. On the other&nbsp;hand, he said nothing about the reservation of Kandahar.&nbsp;The British authorities at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, moreover, were warned&nbsp;by their confidential advisers to put no trust in the Sirdar s&nbsp;sincerity; and as there seemed likely to be a renewal&nbsp;of disturbances in the neighbourhood  disturbances&nbsp;fomented this time, it was thought, by Abdur Rahman s&nbsp;emissaries the situation gave rise to considerable anxiety.&nbsp;Sir Lepel Griffin and Sir Donald Stewart were both convinced that it would be unsafe to rely on Abdur Rahman.&nbsp;They even recommended that negotiations should be&nbsp;broken off, and that other means should be resorted to&nbsp;for establishing a friendly government at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>.  It&nbsp;is a great blunder, General MacGregor wrote,  having&nbsp;anything to say to Abdur Rahman, who is playing us false. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>A few days later he wrote,  We have played long enough with this fellow. Many of the Afghans at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>&nbsp;had maintained all along that the Sirdar would neither&nbsp;take the <span class=SpellE>Ameership</span> at the hands of an English general,&nbsp;nor enter the city till it had been evacuated by our troops;&nbsp;since by so doing, they said, he would lower himself in&nbsp;the estimation of his own countrymen. Most likely&nbsp;another motive weighed with him.  The friendship of&nbsp;the English, Shere Ali once said, in the bitterness of his&nbsp;heart,  is a word written on ice. Abdur Rahman,&nbsp;never yet beholden to us for succour or support, may&nbsp;have thought the same. At any rate it is more than&nbsp;probable that he mistrusted us quite as much as he was&nbsp;himself mistrusted by General Stewart and Sir Lepel&nbsp;Griffin. To some extent, at any rate, he shared the&nbsp;apprehension felt by his followers, that if he came&nbsp;straight to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> he would be at once arrested, and&nbsp;sent off to join <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan in India.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But the tension was too strained to last. In response to reiterated invitations, Abdur Rahman crossed the&nbsp;Hindu Kush, and on July 20, 1880, arrived at <span class=SpellE>Charikar</span>&nbsp;in the Kohistan, or hill country north of the capital.&nbsp;Without further argument or circumlocution the British&nbsp;authorities at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> summoned a durbar of chiefs and&nbsp;notables, and in the presence of his three representatives,*&nbsp;proclaimed him Ameer of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. In his speech to the&nbsp;assemblage Sir Lepel Griffin said:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> The course of events having placed Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan in a position which fulfils the wishes and <span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>expectations of the Government, the Viceroy of India&nbsp;and the Government of Her Most Gracious Majesty&nbsp;the Queen Empress, are pleased to announce that they&nbsp;publicly recognise Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan, grandson&nbsp;of the illustrious Ameer, Dost Mahomed Khan, as Ameer&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>CabuL</span> It is to the Government a source of satisfaction that the tribes and chiefs have preferred a distinguished member of the Barakzai family, who is a&nbsp;renowned soldier, wise, and experienced. His sentiments&nbsp;towards the British Government are most friendly; and&nbsp;so long as his rule shows that he is animated by those&nbsp;sentiments, he cannot fail to receive the support of the&nbsp;British Government. He will best show his friendship&nbsp;for the Government by treating those of his subjects who&nbsp;have done us service as his friends. </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> None of the Sirdars looked pleased, General Mac Gregor wrote in his diary. Mr. Hensman, who was also&nbsp;present at the durbar, says the same.  Not a sign of&nbsp;intelligence, he writes,  nor an expression of approbation or dissent was made in the assembly. From the&nbsp;Sikh and <span class=SpellE>Goorkha</span> sentries, standing in rear of the tent to&nbsp;the fringe of retainers peering in over the Sirdars' heads,&nbsp;all were quiet, as if cogitating over the new policy&nbsp;enunciated. But the thing was done, and once more&nbsp;there was an Ameer of <span class=SpellE>CabuL</span> On the following day his&nbsp;name was recited in the prayers in the mosque.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Within a week came tidings of a terrible disaster in the south. Sir Lepel Griffin was on the point of starting for&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Zimma</span>, sixteen miles north of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, where he was to&nbsp;meet the new Ameer for the first time, when a telegram&nbsp;was received stating that a whole brigade had been&nbsp; <span class=SpellE>annihilated at</span> <span class=SpellE>Maiwand</span>. The loss turned out to be&nbsp;exaggerated, but it was serious enough; and the necessity&nbsp;of terminating the negotiation with Abdur Rahman, so that he might enter into his kingdom, became more than ever pressing. A picked force was to be sent from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>&nbsp;under Sir Frederick Roberts, to retrieve the reverse at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Maiwand</span>, and the remainder of the troops in northern&nbsp;Afghanistan were to be withdrawn without loss of time to&nbsp;India. There was no thought, therefore, of postponing the&nbsp;political agent s visit to the Ameer s camp, and the conference duly took place on July 30th, and the day following.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It must have been an impressive and striking scene, though on a small scale compared with the great durbar&nbsp;at <span class=SpellE>Rawulpindi</span>, where, five years later, Abdur Rahman&nbsp;was to meet a Governor-General of India. The political&nbsp;agent was escorted by two squadrons of cavalry; the&nbsp;Ameer by a wild-looking body-guard of a hundred&nbsp;horsemen from Afghan - Turkestan; miscellaneously&nbsp;armed with rifles, double-barrelled shot-guns, and matchlocks. His Highness came to the durbar tent preceded&nbsp;by a retainer bearing a huge red umbrella, and followed&nbsp;by a white charger in gorgeous caparisons. Abdur&nbsp;Rahman s demeanour, Mr. Hensman says, was a surprise&nbsp;to everyone, from Sir Lepel Griffin downwards. His&nbsp;photograph had done him but scant justice. In reality&nbsp;he was a middle-aged man, broadly-built but not unwieldy, with features marked and careworn, but lit up&nbsp;by a pleasant and animated smile. He was arrayed in&nbsp;a sort of undress blue tunic, cloth riding breeches and&nbsp;boots, and cap of Astrakhan fur; and he wore a sword.&nbsp;Sir Lepel Griffin s description of him may also be quoted&nbsp;from the blue book<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Ameer Abdur Rahman Khan is a man of about forty, of middle height, and rather stout. He has an&nbsp;exceedingly intelligent face, brown eyes, a pleasant smile,&nbsp;and a frank, courteous manner. The impression that&nbsp;he left on me and the officers who were present at the&nbsp;interview was most favourable. He is by far the most&nbsp;prepossessing of all the Barakzai Sirdars whom I have&nbsp;met in Afghanistan, and in conversation showed both&nbsp;good sense and sound political judgment He kept&nbsp;thoroughly to the point under discussion, and his&nbsp;remarks were characterised by shrewdness and ability.&nbsp;He appeared animated by a sincere desire to be on&nbsp;cordial terms with the Indian Government. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In reminiscences published some years later the same writer spoke of the Ameer s winning smile,* and eyes&nbsp;full of fun and vivacity.  His conversation, we are told,&nbsp; showed him at once to be a man of much knowledge&nbsp;of men and the world, his estimate of the character of the&nbsp;persons regarding whom he conversed was reasonable and&nbsp;shrewd, while through his whole bearing there was clearly&nbsp;visible much natural good humour and <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>ton/<span class=SpellE>wmmie</span>. &nbsp;</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>He talked frankly enough about the Russians. They&nbsp;had been kind, and even liberal; but for all that, he did&nbsp;not mean to be dependent on them, and he scouted the&nbsp;notion that his invasion of Afghanistan had been&nbsp;instigated by them. He heard with concern of our&nbsp;reverse at <span class=SpellE>Maiwand</span>, and he feared that it might make&nbsp;things more difficult for himself. He was greatly in want&nbsp;of money, and hoped the British Government would&nbsp;assist him with a generous grant. The political agent</span></span> mentioned the amount which the British Government might be willing to give to relieve his immediate&nbsp;necessities; but this, Abdur Rahman said, would not be&nbsp;anything like sufficient, and by way of pointing his&nbsp;moral he related an effective and characteristic apologue,&nbsp;which may be quoted in his own words, as recalled by&nbsp;Sir Lepel Griffin: <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Think of that story, said the Ameer,  of the man who went to a tailor with a roll of cloth and asked him to&nbsp;make a morning suit. The tailor observed that his customer&nbsp;would doubtless like a riding suit as well, to which the&nbsp;man assented; also one in which to appear in durbar.&nbsp; Then, continued the tailor,  no doubt you would like&nbsp;clothes fitting for afternoon and evening wear? To all&nbsp;of this the customer agreed, pleased at the prospect of&nbsp;getting so many suits of clothes; but the roll of cloth&nbsp;sufficed for no more than one full-sized suit, and when&nbsp;all five suits were sent to the customer he found them&nbsp;too small to be worn even by the smallest child. Now, &nbsp;said the Ameer,  I seem to be like this fool who went&nbsp;on consenting to so many suits being made for him&nbsp;out of a piece of cloth only large enough for one. I&nbsp;agree to all your proposals, and promise everything; but&nbsp;shall I have the means and power to carry them out ?  <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It was not only money that Abdur Rahman asked for. At the first day s interview he begged earnestly for something in the shape of a written agreement. The request&nbsp;had been foreseen, and Lord Ripon s Government, though&nbsp;adhering to its resolve that there should, for the present&nbsp;at any rate, be no treaty, had furnished the political agent&nbsp;with a document which, if Abdur Rahman asked for a&nbsp;formal agreement, might be handed to him.  I considered myself justified,&quot; Sir Lepel Griffin wrote in his&nbsp;official report,  in accordance with the instructions&nbsp;contained in the letter above quoted, to <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>(sic)</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> deliver-to&nbsp;him a translation of the paper therewith received, duly&nbsp;sealed with the seal of the representative of the British&nbsp;Government in <span class=SpellE>CabuL</span> The document in question has&nbsp;always formed the basis of our relationship with the&nbsp;Ameer Abdur Rahman, and must therefore be quoted&nbsp;<i>in extenso.</i> It is dated July, 1880, and is addressed to&nbsp;His Highness Abdur Rahman Khan, Ameer of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>.&nbsp;It runs as follows:</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=font231><i><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> After compliments.</span></i></span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General in Council has learnt with pleasure that&nbsp;your Highness has proceeded toward <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, in accordance with the invitation of the British Government.&nbsp;Therefore in consideration of the friendly sentiments by&nbsp;which your Highness is animated, and of the advantage&nbsp;to be derived by the Sirdars and people from the establishment of a settled government under your Highness s&nbsp;authority, the British Government recognises your Highness as Ameer of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. I am further empowered, on&nbsp;the part of the Viceroy and Governor-General of India,&nbsp;to inform your Highness that the British Government has&nbsp;no desire to interfere in the internal government of the&nbsp;territories in possession of your Highness, and has no&nbsp;wish that an English resident should be stationed anywhere within those territories. For the convenience of&nbsp;ordinary friendly intercourse, such as is maintained&nbsp;between two adjoining states, it may be advisable that&nbsp;a Mahomedan agent of the British Government should&nbsp;reside, by agreement, at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. Your Highness has&nbsp;requested that the views and intentions of the British&nbsp;Government, with regard to the position of the ruler of&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, in relation to foreign powers, should be placed&nbsp;on record for your Highness s information. The Viceroy&nbsp;and Governor-General in Council authorizes me to deciare&nbsp;to you that since the British Government admits no right&nbsp;of interference by foreign powers within Afghanistan, and&nbsp;since both Persia and Russia are pledged to abstain from&nbsp;all interference with the affairs of Afghanistan, it is plain&nbsp;that your Highness can have no political relations with&nbsp;any foreign power except with the British Government&nbsp;If any foreign power should attempt to interfere in&nbsp;Afghanistan, and if such interference should lead to&nbsp;unprovoked aggression on the dominions of your Highness, in that event the British Government would be&nbsp;prepared to aid you to such extent and in such manner&nbsp;as may appear to the British Government necessary,&nbsp;in repelling it, provided that your Highness follows&nbsp;unreservedly the advice of the British Government in&nbsp;regard to your external relations. </span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>With this Abdur Rahman seemed perfectly satisfied. At any rate he suggested no alterations. There was&nbsp;a second interview on the following day (Sunday,&nbsp;August <span class=SpellE>i</span>), and while Abdur Rahman and the political&nbsp;officer were discussing questions of state, an incident&nbsp;occurred which deserves mention. A ragged <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>dervish&nbsp;</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>came to the door of the durbar tent, and began shrieking&nbsp;out abuse of the infidels. One of the Ameer s sentries&nbsp;promptly drove off the man with stones.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>So ended the conference. A week afterwards the force under General Sir F. Roberts started on its famous&nbsp;march to Kandahar; and on August io the remainder&nbsp;of the troops, under General Sir Donald Stewart, evacuated <span class=SpellE>Sherpur</span> cantonment, and set out for India. The&nbsp;Ameer came in to <span class=SpellE>Sherpur</span> at the last moment to bid&nbsp;the English farewell. After being introduced to the&nbsp;General and the officers with him he made a short speech,&nbsp;in which he said that the British Government had&nbsp;honoured and distinguished him, that his gratitude for&nbsp;the favours he had received was great and enduring; and&nbsp;that his sword would ever be at the service of the&nbsp;Viceroy, to whom he desired that his compliments and&nbsp;thanks might be tendered. One who was present on this&nbsp;occasion gave a personal description of the Ameer, which&nbsp;may be compared with those already quoted. It was&nbsp;published shortly afterwards in the <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Times.</span></i></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> The impression made upon me by the Ameer was that he had not the usual characteristic features of an&nbsp;Afghan Sirdar. His features are softer and rounder; his&nbsp;eyes have a quiet expression, betokening love for an easy&nbsp;life; his lips are thick and his mouth large, but the loss&nbsp;of several teeth is a great disfigurement. He is of middle&nbsp;height and rather obese. He wears very black, bushy&nbsp;whiskers, <span class=SpellE>moustachios</span>, and beard. Altogether there was&nbsp;nothing very taking in his appearance. He simply did&nbsp;not strike me as being the man for Galway, but I hope I&nbsp;am mistaken. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>This may be compared with <span class=SpellE>Vigne s</span> description of Dost Mahomed  the worse part of his face is his mouth,&nbsp;which is large and coarse, but his appearance is altogether&nbsp;very <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>distingue</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>.&quot;</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> Dost Mahomed also looked more like a&nbsp;Persian than an Afghan, which was accounted for by the&nbsp;fact that his mother was a Persian lady.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Ameer Abdur Rahman had still to make his entry into the <span class=SpellE>Bala</span> Hissar. He had wished, it was thought, to&nbsp;defer the ceremony until the British were well out of&nbsp;sight. His astrologers had advised him that the following&nbsp;Sunday would be a propitious day for the occasion, and&nbsp;also that ill-luck would attend it unless he wore an&nbsp;emerald ring, which had to be made, and engraved with&nbsp;the inscription  Ameer Abdur Rahman 1297, the date&nbsp;according to the Mahomedan reckoning from the day of&nbsp;the Prophet's flight.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Before the British troops left <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> a sum of Rs. 6,65,000 was paid to the Ameer, and it was&nbsp;arranged that he should receive another five lakhs&nbsp;(Rs. 5,00,000) in the following September. He was also&nbsp;presented with thirty guns; and, moreover, at his earnest&nbsp;entreaty, the fortifications round <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> were left standing.&nbsp;He declared that it would lower his prestige in the eyes of&nbsp;the people if, as had been intended, these defences should&nbsp;be dismantled.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>So terminated the second British occupation of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>; an eventful period, during which our troops had suffered&nbsp;heavy losses, and had in turn inflicted heavy defeats on&nbsp;the enemy. But this is not a history of the Afghan War,&nbsp;nor would it fall within the scope of the present volume&nbsp;to describe the memorable and glorious march of General&nbsp;Roberts from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> to Kandahar. It may here be noted,&nbsp;however, that the Ameer Abdur Rahman did what he&nbsp;could to facilitate the movements of the force that was to&nbsp;avenge the disaster at <span class=SpellE>Maiwand</span>. General Roberts was&nbsp;preceded by one of the Ameer s officers and a small&nbsp;party of subordinates, who were charged with the duty of&nbsp;collecting supplies and clearing the road of obstruction.&nbsp;The latter task they fulfilled by telling the tribesmen that&nbsp;the new Ameer was sending a division of the infidel army&nbsp;out of the country by way of Kandahar, and, by&nbsp;threatening them, that if they stirred from their homes,&nbsp;or attempted to molest the English, even by as much as&nbsp;throwing a stone, they should surely suffer for it. The&nbsp;terms of the warning were not too complimentary to us,&nbsp;but the Ameer s message proved effectual. Not even a&nbsp;stone was thrown at the force as it marched southward.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'>&nbsp;</p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER V. <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font21 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>THE SHAPING OF A KINGDOM.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:191.4pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'>&nbsp;</p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=SpellE><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif; mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>OF</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> the earlier acts of Abdur Rahman, after he was established at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and the British force had&nbsp;been withdrawn, little can be said with certainty. The&nbsp;reports that reached India were obtained through native&nbsp;news-writers, who not infrequently collect their most&nbsp;elaborate items of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> gossip in the bazaars of&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span> and Lahore. According to the late <span class=SpellE>Dr.</span>&nbsp;Bellew, who probably knew as much as anyone what <o:p></o:p></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>was going on beyond the frontier, the Ameer s first proceeding, when the country was clear of English troops, was to seal up the provinces against all communication&nbsp;with India. Next he vigorously applied himself to the&nbsp;task of hunting out <span class=SpellE>partizans</span> of the Ameer Shere Ali, and&nbsp;people who had assisted the English during the occupation.&nbsp;Of the former some were driven out of Afghanistan, others&nbsp;met with a worse fate. The friends of the foreigner also&nbsp;had good cause to regret the accession of Abdur Rahman&nbsp;to the throne; but it would perhaps be unjust to impute&nbsp;his harsh treatment of these people to any ill-feeling&nbsp;against ourselves. What the Ameer wanted was money,&nbsp;and he knew that they had been well paid for their&nbsp;services to the English. <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>To his own family and private affairs the new Ameer had also to devote some attention. Arrangements had to&nbsp;be made for bringing his wives and children to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>.&nbsp;When he started for Afghanistan they were left behind at&nbsp;Samarcand, and a trustworthy friend was now despatched&nbsp;to escort them to their new home. M. <span class=SpellE>Bonvalot</span>, the&nbsp;French traveller, accompanied the cavalcade as far as the&nbsp;Oxus. The Ameer also thought fit to increase his establishment; and on November 22, 1880, he was married to&nbsp;the daughter of <span class=SpellE>Atikulla</span> Khan, the Bibi Halima, who is&nbsp;now the Queen of his Harem. Of this exalted lady we&nbsp;shall hear later on; but a story was told at the time which&nbsp;may be noted here. Rumours reached India that the&nbsp;Ameer had been assassinated. It afterwards transpired&nbsp;that although the report was untrue, Abdur Rahman had&nbsp;actually disappeared from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> for two whole days. No&nbsp;one in the city knew what had become of him; until it was found that he had been staying at the house of his <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>fiance's</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> father.</span></span> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But neither new wives nor old ones could distract the Ameer s mind from what he believed to be his mission in&nbsp;life. Of Sultan Mahmud of <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span> it is said, in the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Tarikhi</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> Yamini,</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> that contrary to the disposition of&nbsp;ordinary men he preferred a hard to a soft couch, and&nbsp;fine tempered sword blades to the soft cheeks of girls with&nbsp;bosoms like pomegranates. Ameer Abdur Rahman, by&nbsp;no means an ascetic, may not be altogether of Sultan&nbsp;Mahmud s way of thinking; but his ambition would&nbsp;not let him bide at ease, on hard couches or soft, till he&nbsp;could establish his power over all the countries ruled&nbsp;by his grandfather, Dost Mahomed. In the present&nbsp;chapter we shall see how he at once began to extend&nbsp;his dominion.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman was now lord of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. North of the Hindu Kush, his authority was acknowledged, or not&nbsp;openly disputed, by his cousin <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> Khan, whom he&nbsp;had left in charge as Governor of Balkh; while his&nbsp;companion in exile and trusted friend, Abdulla Khan,&nbsp;a <span class=SpellE>Tokhi</span> <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span>, held <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span> and Wakhan in his&nbsp;name. The <span class=SpellE>Usbcg</span> chief of <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> declined to&nbsp;acknowledge the new Ameer, but he was not openly&nbsp;aggressive; and for the present, Abdur Rahman could&nbsp;afford to leave Afghan-Turkestan alone. But there was&nbsp;much to be done in other directions. The English were&nbsp;still in occupation of Kandahar; while <span class=SpellE>Ayub</span> Khan held Herat, whither he had retired after his defeat by Sir Frederick Roberts on September <span class=SpellE>i</span>, 1880. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The British Government, however, had relinquished the project of setting up a separate government at&nbsp;Kandahar. The <span class=SpellE>Wali</span> Shere Ali, whom we had acknowledged as ruler of the province, did not turn out a&nbsp;success. His administration was feeble and he himself&nbsp;was unpopular. The advance of <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> Khan in the&nbsp;summer of 1880, the battle of Mai wand, and the investment of Kandahar, left him a ruler without authority;&nbsp;and when the Indian Government offered him an asylum,&nbsp;he cheerfully acquiesced. The history, however, of our&nbsp;dealings with him is not altogether a pleasing one. In&nbsp;May, 1880, Colonel (afterwards Sir 0.) St. John had&nbsp;announced in durbar that Shere Ali was to be <span class=SpellE>Wali</span> of&nbsp;Kandahar, with the cherished right of coining money,&nbsp;and having the <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Khutba</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> read in his name.  Under the&nbsp;just government, the Resident said,  of <span class=SpellE>Wali</span> Shere Ali&nbsp;Khan, and under the protection of England, Kandahar&nbsp;will, if it please God, remain free from foreign oppression,&nbsp;and will rise to such a height of wealth and prosperity&nbsp;that will be the envy of the whole of Islam. Six&nbsp;months later, the unfortunate <span class=SpellE>Wali</span> was fain to write to&nbsp;Lord Ripon that he was ready and willing to resign his&nbsp;position and to go with his family to Karachi; and there&nbsp;he has lived ever since with a pension of Rs. 5,000 a&nbsp;month. Mr. Gladstone's Government did not consider&nbsp;that we were any longer bound by any promises of&nbsp;support which had been given to the <span class=SpellE>Wali</span>, or that either&nbsp;our own interests or those of the inhabitants would be&nbsp;served by the restoration of a government which had&nbsp;possessed no element of strength or permanence. So&nbsp;the <span class=SpellE>Wali</span> Shere Ali had to suffer for the incompetence of&nbsp;our military commanders.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Nor did the British Government adhere to its intention of keeping a hold on Kandahar by stationing a military&nbsp;force there or in the neighbourhood. General Roberts&nbsp;had said that our grasp on Kandahar ought never to&nbsp;be loosened. The military occupation of this <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>point&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>strategique</span></span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> was, he declared, of vital importance. The&nbsp;Indian Commander-in-Chief, Sir Frederick Haines, protested that by retiring from Kandahar we should lose&nbsp;all hold on Afghanistan, and forfeit every shadow of&nbsp;influence over the country. On the other hand, Sir&nbsp;Garnet (now Lord) Wolseley, at that time a member of&nbsp;the Secretary of State s Council, argued that we should&nbsp;secure no military advantage by the retention of Kandahar, while we must incur considerable military risk by&nbsp;remaining there. He added: </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Whenever the Russians march upon Herat, we must certainly occupy Kandahar, unless we intend to give up&nbsp;India or allow it to be taken from us; but the longer we&nbsp;can postpone the occupation, the better we shall be able&nbsp;to incur the vast expenditure it will necessarily entail upon&nbsp;us. As we can always get there with the greatest ease,&nbsp;I would deprecate in the strongest terms our going there&nbsp;until the necessity for doing so actually arises, and I&nbsp;am, therefore, of opinion, that the sooner the troops now&nbsp;there can be withdrawn from it with safety and honour&nbsp;the better it will be for the true interests of our Indian&nbsp;Empire. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But it would be futile to rekindle the ashes of an extinct controversy. The arguments for evacuation prevailed,&nbsp;and it was decided to hand over Kandahar to Abdur Rahman. At first the Ameer pretended reluctance to accept the gift His want of arms, ammunition, and&nbsp;transport, he said, would make it difficult for him to hold&nbsp;the place; but arrangements were eventually made by&nbsp;which the city was evacuated and handed over to his&nbsp;deputy. The withdrawal of the British force began on&nbsp;April 15, 1881, and six days afterwards Colonel St John&nbsp;was able to telegraph:  Evacuation completed without&nbsp;disturbance or trouble of any sort The Union Jack was&nbsp;hauled down from the flagstaff on the citadel under a&nbsp;salute of thirty-one guns; and Kandahar once more&nbsp;came into possession of the ruler of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. To&nbsp;relinquish a conquest, it has been said, is an acknowledgment of injustice, or incapacity, or fear. Under&nbsp;which head is to be placed the evacuation of Kandahar,&nbsp;is a question to be settled by the historian of to-morrow.&nbsp;That the Union Jack will <span class=SpellE>some day</span> wave again over the&nbsp;battlements is at any rate the confident belief of the&nbsp;present writer; unless, indeed, this symbol of unity is&nbsp;also to be thrown away.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But Abdur Rahman was not to acquire Kandahar without striking a blow. In the meantime <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> Khan&nbsp;at Herat had been strengthening himself for another effort&nbsp;to establish himself in Southern Afghanistan. In June,&nbsp;1881, he marched southwards, and after defeating Hashim&nbsp;Khan, the Ameer s governor of Kandahar, near <span class=SpellE>Giriskh</span>,&nbsp;succeeded early in July in recovering the southern capital,&nbsp;which he occupied on July 27. The Ameer Abdur&nbsp;Rahman rose to the occasion. The outlook, indeed, was,&nbsp;to a distant observer, full of peril. His authority was not&nbsp;too firmly established in the <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> province. There was<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>hardly anyone whom he could trust. Even the men who had been most eager in their protestations of fidelity were&nbsp;preparing to desert him, and were in correspondence with&nbsp;the victorious <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span>. The <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> were ripe for revolt,&nbsp;and the people of Wardak and Kohistan were also&nbsp;disaffected. But it would have been madness to leave&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> in power at Kandahar; and in August, therefore,&nbsp;Abdur Rahman marched southwards in person to expel&nbsp;the invader. He was no longer the dashing soldier who&nbsp;had defeated Shere Ali at Sheikhabad; but if less&nbsp;impetuous, he was more than a match for his rival in&nbsp;astuteness. He had kept the truculent and troublesome&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> quiet for the time by cleverly playing off one&nbsp;chief against another; and he presently made certain of a&nbsp;victory at Kandahar by buying over a portion of <span class=SpellE>Ayoob s</span>&nbsp;army. That accomplished, he had little difficulty in&nbsp;routing <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> in the action fought near the old city of&nbsp;Kandahar on September 22,1881. <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> fled once more&nbsp;to Persia, and for the next two or three years little more&nbsp;was heard of him. It may be thought, perhaps, that a&nbsp;fuller account might be given of his advance to and&nbsp;capture of Kandahar and of his subsequent defeat; but&nbsp;trustworthy details are wanting. It would be a mere&nbsp;waste of space to quote the exaggerated and sensational&nbsp;rumours that reached India. There, at one time, it was&nbsp;thought by many that Abdur Rahman s cause was all but&nbsp;lost; and that <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> would be able to push on to <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>&nbsp;and <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. The probability is that the new Ameer was&nbsp;only too glad to have a chance of <span class=SpellE>meeeting</span> his cousin in&nbsp;the field, and never for a moment mistrusted his own good&nbsp;luck.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Fortune also befriended Abdur Rahman in another quarter. Before starting for Kandahar the Ameer had&nbsp;arranged with <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> Khan, the Governor of Balkh, for&nbsp;the despatch of an expedition against Herat, which&nbsp;place, it was supposed, <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> Khan would leave defenceless. It was said that <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> had originally proposed&nbsp;this <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>coup,</span></i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> which, indeed, was rather a venturesome one.&nbsp;At any rate, the attacking force was sent, not from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>,&nbsp;but from Afghan-Turkestan, and was placed under the&nbsp;command of a <span class=SpellE>protegd</span> and favourite of <span class=SpellE>Is'hak s</span>, Abdul&nbsp;Kudus Khan by name, who was a son of the late Sultan&nbsp;Mahomed Khan by a negro wife. Abdul Kudus captured the city with ease on August 4th, </span></span><span class=font251><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif; font-variant:small-caps'>188i. As</span></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> a&nbsp;reward for his success, he was made Governor of Herat&nbsp;and Commander-in-Chief of the forces in the western&nbsp;province. He owed his promotion to his patron <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span>,&nbsp;though the Ameer would have preferred to appoint a&nbsp;man of his own, and as a matter of fact did so, later on.</span></span> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman s power was now acknowledged everywhere in Afghanistan except in the little <span class=SpellE>Usbeg</span> State of <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>, which <span class=SpellE>Dilawar</span> Khan held in the interests&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span>. We need not hesitate to ascribe his successes&nbsp;so far to the liberal assistance in the shape of arms&nbsp;and money which he had received from India. <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>&nbsp;was not brought under subjection until 1884. The&nbsp;people of this place, according to <span class=SpellE>Vambery</span>, are renowned&nbsp;throughout Central Asia for valour and determination;&nbsp;and they had certainly behaved with conspicuous gallantry&nbsp;when Abdur Rahman laid siege to the town in 1868.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>They also made a stubborn defence when the Ameer Shere All s general attacked their contumacious chief&nbsp;in October, 1875. The Russian traveller, Colonel (now&nbsp;General) <span class=SpellE>Grodekoff</span>, who visited <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> two years after&nbsp;the latter event, says that the second siege lasted six&nbsp;months, till at length Shere Ali s forces made a breach&nbsp;in the walls and carried the city by storm. In 1880,&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> was under the rule of <span class=SpellE>Dilawar</span> Khan, a cousin&nbsp;of Hussein Khan, the <span class=SpellE>Usbeg</span> chief who had been worsted&nbsp;by Shere Ali in 1876. When it became evident that&nbsp;Abdur Rahman did not mean to leave him in undisturbed&nbsp;enjoyment as <span class=SpellE>Wali</span> of <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>, <span class=SpellE>Dilawar</span> Khan wrote to&nbsp;Sir Robert <span class=SpellE>Sandeman</span>, the Governor-General's Agent in&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Baluchistan</span>, saying that he considered himself a servant&nbsp;of the British Government, and asking for protection.&nbsp;In reply he was advised to submit himself to the Ameer,&nbsp;and he then made overtures to the Turkomans at <span class=SpellE>Merve</span>,&nbsp;and to the Russians. There is some reason for believing&nbsp;that this latter appeal was not entirely futile, and that&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> Khan, the Governor of Balkh, was recommended&nbsp;by his correspondents across the Oxus to leave <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>&nbsp;alone. At any rate when, in response to repeated orders&nbsp;from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, he at last marched against the place, it was&nbsp;in such leisurely fashion that the threatened chief had&nbsp;ample time to make his preparations for defence. Then,&nbsp;after a pretence of besieging the place, <span class=SpellE>Ishak</span> struck&nbsp;his camp and returned<span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> to his head-quarters.&nbsp;This must have been in 1882. Two years later Abdur&nbsp;Rahman again gave orders for an expedition against&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>; and this time, lest <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> should again be&nbsp;inclined to play him false, a force was sent from Herat&nbsp;to co-operate with his troops. According to reports&nbsp;which reached Colonel C. E. Stewart at Meshed, the&nbsp;Herat contingent was under the command of Brigadier&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Zubberdast</span> Khan, and consisted of a regiment of Herat&nbsp;infantry, 200 cavalry, and six guns. <span class=SpellE>Yaluntush</span> Khan,&nbsp;the <span class=SpellE>Jamshedi</span> chief, who afterwards distinguished himself&nbsp;in <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>, was ordered to join with 600 irregulars.&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Zubberdast</span> Khan left Herat for <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> on April 10,&nbsp;1884; <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> marching from the other direction at the&nbsp;head of 5,000 men. But there was little or no fighting.&nbsp;Abdur Rahman s agents bribed the garrison with English&nbsp;rupees; and <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>, after a week or two, surrendered&nbsp;quietly. <span class=SpellE>Dilawar</span> Khan was taken to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and put in&nbsp;prison, and Mir Hussein was reinstated on promising to&nbsp;pay tribute. When our Boundary Commissioners passed&nbsp;through <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>, Mir Hussein was still the nominal&nbsp;ruler; but under the close supervision of a Resident&nbsp;from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, who was supported by a couple of Afghan&nbsp;regiments. The troops were quartered in the city, much&nbsp;to the annoyance and disgust of the <span class=SpellE>Usbeg</span> inhabitants.&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> is described as a place two-thirds the size of&nbsp;Herat, with strong walls and a moat, but easily commanded from high ground to the east, and quite&nbsp;indefensible against any force with artillery.</span></span> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Up to this time Abdur Rahman had been acting within his rights, and extending his authority over territories&nbsp;which he might fairly claim as the grandson of Dost&nbsp;Mahomed. Nor did his ambition in any way conflict&nbsp;with British interests. As <span class=SpellE>wc</span> had given up Kandahar,&nbsp;and had abandoned the scheme of setting up an&nbsp;<span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>independent ruler there, we could not object to the&nbsp;reunion of this province with <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. It was still more&nbsp;to our advantage that Abdur Rahman should be acknowledged at Herat, and that he should bring <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>&nbsp;under subjection. But we now come to enterprises of a&nbsp;more dubious nature, which it would have been better if&nbsp;the Ameer had never undertaken. To put it shortly, he&nbsp;began to spend the money he was receiving from the&nbsp;Indian Government on projects which could not fail to&nbsp;embarrass his friends and allies.</span></span> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In 1883 Abdur Rahman turned his attention to <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> and Roshan, two small hill states extending&nbsp;from the Pamirs across the <span class=SpellE>Panja</span> or Upper Oxus.&nbsp;These miniature principalities, between which there is&nbsp;a close connection, had been under the rule of Mir&nbsp;Shah Yusuf Ali, the descendant of a certain Shah-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-<span class=SpellE>Khamosh</span>, a dervish from Bokhara, who first converted&nbsp;the <span class=SpellE>Shignis</span> to Islam, and then ruled over them. Shah-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-<span class=SpellE>Kamosh</span> is supposed to have flourished in the seventh&nbsp;century. Like many chiefs in this part of Central Asia,&nbsp;the native rulers also claimed descent from Alexander the&nbsp;Great of Macedon. Legends of <span class=SpellE>Sikundar</span> <span class=SpellE>Zulcarnein</span>,&nbsp;Alexander of the two horns, are still current in the&nbsp;country about the Upper Oxus.* One tradition is that&nbsp;a famous magician, who had helped Alexander to capture&nbsp;Bagdad, cast spells about him, and transported him to&nbsp;Kala-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-Rhumb in <span class=SpellE>Durwaz</span>. Many years afterwards, Alexander s daughter, Diva Peri, having transformed herself into a bird, discovered where her father was, killed the magician, and set the imprisoned king at liberty.&nbsp;</span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Shah Yusuf Ali, the last native Mir of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>, was said to be popular with his subjects, but he was not&nbsp;altogether an estimable character. He began his reign&nbsp;by putting one of his father s widows to death. The unfortunate woman was tied to an inflated <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>mussuck</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>,</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> the goat&nbsp;skin used by water earners, and then thrown into the&nbsp;Oxus, to be stoned to death by men on the bank. The&nbsp;slave dealing that was carried on by Yusuf Ali, and by&nbsp;his predecessors during the past century and longer, had&nbsp;pretty well ruined the country. Slaves were the only&nbsp;article of commerce; and if a trader came to <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> it&nbsp;was to barter bis wares clothing, saddlery or tea for&nbsp;flesh and blood. If a luckless subject offended the&nbsp;Mir, he was promptly exported and sold; for a serious&nbsp;offence, his family shared in the penalty. When the local</span></span> <span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>supply of slaves ran short, the Mir of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> would&nbsp;send a raiding expedition to the Pamirs, to carry off&nbsp;as many Kirghiz as could be caught; these defenceless&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>nomades</span> being an easy prey.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Mir Yusuf Ali has been described by Russian writers as a tributary of the Khan of Khokand; and his supposed&nbsp;relations with this ruler have been relied on as evidence&nbsp;in favour of the contention that Russia, having annexed&nbsp;Khokand, has an indisputable right also to <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>. As&nbsp;a matter of fact, Yusuf Ali, like many small potentates&nbsp;in Central Asia, was in the habit of conciliating all his&nbsp;powerful neighbours in turn by commending himself to&nbsp;them as their vassal. Thus he sought the protection of&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Beg of Eastern Turkestan, to whom, in 1870, he&nbsp;gave his sister in marriage, of the Ameer of Bokhara,&nbsp;of the Khan of Khokand, and of the Ameer of&nbsp;Afghanistan. Most likely he had paid tribute at one&nbsp;time or another to each of these rulers; though it is&nbsp;also probable that the Afghans were the neighbours of&nbsp;whom he was most afraid.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=SpellE><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif; mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>Shignan</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> was visited in 1874 by Colonel Sir T. E. Gordon, who found the Mir of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> much&nbsp;perturbed at the news that England and Russia had agreed&nbsp;to make the Oxus the limit of Afghan territory. Yusuf&nbsp;Ali proposed, he told Colonel Gordon, to surrender his&nbsp;villages on the left bank of the <span class=SpellE>Panja</span> river to the Afghan&nbsp;Ameer, and, as ruler of whatever was left to him on the&nbsp;right bank, to place himself under the protection of Russia&nbsp;or Bokhara. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In 1882 the Russian explorer, <span class=SpellE>Dr.</span> Albert Regel, paid a visit to <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>, and was hospitably received by Mir&nbsp;Yusuf Ali, whom he described as a pleasant and affable&nbsp;personage. The Ameer Abdur Rahman, it is said, was&nbsp;exceedingly annoyed on hearing that the Russians had&nbsp;been allowed to enter <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>, and resolved to depose&nbsp;Yusuf Ali. Whatever may have been the motive, the step&nbsp;was taken. In September, 1883, the unfortunate Yusuf&nbsp;was brought to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and placed in confinement. The&nbsp;full story of his capture and deportation cannot be told,&nbsp;for <span class=SpellE>w ant</span> of trustworthy intelligence; and little else is&nbsp;known save that he and about a hundred of his followers&nbsp;were marched out of the country under a strong escort.&nbsp;One Gulzar Khan, a native of Kandahar, was appointed&nbsp;by the Ameer to be governor of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>, and it was he&nbsp;who in the autumn of 1883 stopped the exploring expedition under M. <span class=SpellE>Ivanoff</span>, which endeavoured to enter&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>About the same time, that is, in 1883, the Ameer Abdur Rahman appointed <span class=SpellE>Ghafar</span> Khan, member of a&nbsp;Kirghiz family which had settled in Afghanistan, to be&nbsp;his governor of Wakhan, the hill state to the south&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>, in place of Ali <span class=SpellE>Mardan</span> Shah, the native&nbsp;chieftain.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The action taken by the Ameer in regard to <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> gave rise to a good deal of trouble afterwards. The chief&nbsp;town in the state, Bar <span class=SpellE>Panja</span>, is a fortress overhanging the&nbsp;left or west bank of the Oxus, here called the <span class=SpellE>l anja</span>.&nbsp;That is to say, it is situated within the limits of Afghan&nbsp;territory, as defined by the Anglo-Russian understanding&nbsp;of 1873. But the <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> villages lie for the most part&nbsp;to the right or east of the river; and it was here that&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Ghafur</span> Khan turned back the Russian survey expedition, which, technically, was an act in contravention of the same understanding. The Russians, therefore, had at any&nbsp;rate some excuse for protesting; which they did without&nbsp;loss of time. Early in August, 1883, the St. Petersburg&nbsp;<span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Navoe</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> <span class=SpellE>Vremya</span></span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> reported that <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>, which it described&nbsp;as a small and hitherto independent <span class=SpellE>Begdom</span>, had been&nbsp;occupied by the Afghans. In the following December, a&nbsp;memorandum of remonstrance was formally submitted to&nbsp;our Ambassador at St. Petersburg. In this document the&nbsp;following remarks occur:</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> The principality of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> and Roshan, which is contiguous, not only to Bokhara but also to the Russian&nbsp;province of Ferghana, has always enjoyed an independent&nbsp;existence, and although it has not escaped the consequences of the revolutions of which this part of Central&nbsp;Asia was once the scene, it has never ceased to be&nbsp;administered by native rulers. On the other hand it is&nbsp;not among the number of those provinces which were&nbsp;recognised by the agreement arrived at in 1873 between&nbsp;Russia and England, as forming part of the possessions of&nbsp;the Ameer of Afghanistan, and this circumstance is the&nbsp;best proof that the invasion of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> by the Khan of&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span> is an arbitrary act in flagrant violation of the&nbsp;terms of the agreement in question, and that it may give&nbsp;rise to misunderstandings and complications between&nbsp;Bokhara and Afghanistan. Being themselves desirous&nbsp;of preventing such complications, the Imperial Cabinet&nbsp;are firmly convinced that Great Britain on her side will&nbsp;not remain indifferent to a state of affairs which threatens&nbsp;the basis of the arrangement established in 1873, an&nbsp;arrangement which has greatly contributed to the maintenance of peace for a period of ten years in this part of&nbsp;Central Asia. Under these circumstances the Imperial&nbsp;Cabinet hope that in conformity with the terms of the&nbsp;arrangement in question the Government of Her Majesty&nbsp;the Queen will employ all their influence to induce the&nbsp;Ameer of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> to withdraw as soon as possible, from&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> and Roshan, the lieutenant and the Afghan&nbsp;garrison now in that principality, and to renounce for ever&nbsp;all interference in its affairs. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>To these representations, Lord Granville, after referring to the authorities in India, replied that in the view of the&nbsp;Ameer Abdur Rahman, <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> and Roshan formed&nbsp;part of the province of <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>, a province which had&nbsp;been formally declared to belong to Afghanistan. The&nbsp;Indian Government, however, owing to the lack of&nbsp;precise information, could not pronounce a decided&nbsp;opinion on the matter; and Earl Granville was therefore&nbsp;willing to let an investigation be made on the spot by&nbsp;a joint commission. This reply was communicated to&nbsp;the Russian Government in June, 1884, and was not&nbsp;very favourably received. M. de <span class=SpellE>Giers</span> again pointed out&nbsp;that the provinces of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> and Roshan were not&nbsp;mentioned in the agreement of 1873, and, moreover,&nbsp;were outside the delimiting line marked by the course of&nbsp;Oxus from its source in Lake <span class=SpellE>Sarikoi</span> (Wood s Lake).&nbsp;Abdur Rahman s pretensions, therefore, were incompatible, he argued, with the agreement of 1873, and&nbsp;M. de <span class=SpellE>Giers</span> hoped that Her Majesty's Government&nbsp;would recognize this fact. He did not object to the&nbsp;appointment of a commission to study the subject, and&nbsp;to ascertain whether the agreement of 1873 might be&nbsp;modified in the interests of the contracting powers.&nbsp;But the restoration of the <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>status quo ante</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> was held at&nbsp;St. Petersburg to be an essential preliminary; and the&nbsp;Afghan officials and soldiers must be recalled from&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> and Roshan. Earl Granville demurred to the&nbsp;suggestion that there had been any departure from the&nbsp;<i>status quo ante.</i> That was a question, he said, upon&nbsp;which Her Majesty s Government could not pronounce&nbsp;definitely without a local investigation.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>There, for the time being, the matter rested. Further developments will be noticed in another chapter; but&nbsp;it is advisable to indicate the result at once. In the&nbsp;end the British Government admitted that Abdur&nbsp;Rahman was debarred by the Anglo-Russian agreement&nbsp;of 1873 from annexing those portions of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> which&nbsp;lie to the east of the <span class=SpellE>Panja</span>. Why this admission was&nbsp;not made when the dispute first arose, is best known to&nbsp;our diplomatists. Nothing was gained by the delay,&nbsp;which, on the contrary, caused an immense amount of&nbsp;needless friction and avoidable irritation. In justice to&nbsp;the Ameer Abdur Rahman it should be mentioned that&nbsp;the extension of his authority over <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> was in one&nbsp;way a blessing to the people; since his officials put a&nbsp;stop to the exportation of slaves, which, under the&nbsp;native <span class=SpellE>Mirs</span> had been carried on in so ruthless a fashion.&nbsp;The rumour that a new order of things had been&nbsp;established began to spread far and wide. Miserable&nbsp;creatures, who had lived years in cruel bondage, escaped&nbsp;from their masters and made their way back to their&nbsp;homes in <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>, where now, thanks to Abdur Rahman,&nbsp;they might abide in peace.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>South of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> lies the district of <span class=SpellE>Wakban</span>. South of that again rise the snow-clad peaks of the Hindu&nbsp;Kush. On the south of this mountain range is situated&nbsp;Chitral. Any good-sized map will show the relative&nbsp;positions of Kafiristan, Bajaur, and Swat; though unless&nbsp;the heights of mountain passes and the lie of river&nbsp;valleys are carefully noted, the reader will have but a&nbsp;faint conception of the difficulties of intercourse between&nbsp;these countries and the States which they adjoin. Abdur&nbsp;Rahman had more than one motive for interfering in&nbsp;this no-man s-land, which, roughly speaking, stretches&nbsp;from the <span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span> frontier northward to the <span class=SpellE>Baroghil</span>&nbsp;Pass, and from <span class=SpellE>Kashmere</span> to <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>. In regard to&nbsp;the Kafir tribes, infidels and idol-worshippers, he would&nbsp;fulfil the first duty of a ruler in Islam by waging war&nbsp;against them; while there were material advantages to&nbsp;be derived from the conquest of <span class=SpellE>Yaghistan</span>, the  Land&nbsp;of the Unruly, which includes Chitral, Bajaur, and Swat,&nbsp;Boner, Dir, and <span class=SpellE>Chilas</span>. And these were not the only&nbsp;considerations. The Ameer s frontier in this direction&nbsp;was undefined; there were reasons for believing that&nbsp;sooner or later the Indian Government would press for&nbsp;an exact delimitation; and Abdur Rahman no doubt&nbsp;argued that the more he could lay his hands on, the more&nbsp;he would be able to retain. This was the principle, as&nbsp;we shall see presently, upon which the Russians acted&nbsp;when they pushed their outposts towards <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> and&nbsp;the Zulfikar Pass. As early as 1883 it was reported&nbsp;that the Ameer was taking steps to extend his authority&nbsp;over the territories west and north of <span class=SpellE>Peshawar</span>; and the&nbsp;border tribes in Swat, Kunar, and Bajaur were not a&nbsp;little perturbed by the apprehension that they might be&nbsp;gradually absorbed by the powerful ruler of Afghanistan.&nbsp;Other matters, however, occupied Abdur Rahman s attention, and it was not till later that a serious move&nbsp;was made. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>While Chitral was exposed to an Afghan attack from <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>, the Dora Pass being comparatively easy,&nbsp;Bajaur could be assailed from the south by a force&nbsp;marching up the Kunar Valley from <span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span>. It was&nbsp;from this direction that Baber the Chagatai marched&nbsp;against the people of Bajaur in 1519. The first of the&nbsp;Indian Moghuls gives an interesting account of the&nbsp;expedition in his incomparable <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Memoirs.</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> To his message inviting them to submit, the <span class=SpellE>Bajauris</span>,  a stupid&nbsp;and ill-advised set, returned an  absurd answer. &nbsp;Accordingly Baber gave orders for an advance. His&nbsp;army was equipped with scaling-ladders and engines for&nbsp;attacking fortresses, and also with <span class=SpellE>Feringhi</span> (Frankish)&nbsp;cannon and matchlocks. Baber tells us that when the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Bajauris</span> heard the matchlocks go off  they stood&nbsp;opposite to them, mocking and making unseemly and&nbsp;improper gestures. They paid dearly for their inopportune facetiousness, a great number of them being&nbsp;slaughtered. In 1858 the Ameer Dost Mahomed, whose&nbsp;brother had married the daughter of a Bajaur chief, and&nbsp;could not obtain payment of her dowry, prepared an&nbsp;expedition against the country, but was promptly advised&nbsp;by the Indian Government to keep his hands off.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Ameer Abdur Rahman endeavoured at first to get a footing in <span class=SpellE>Yaghistan</span> by exercising his talents as&nbsp;a diplomatist The leading chief in Bajaur, Umra Khan&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Jandol</span>, was inaccessible to negotiation; but Shah&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Tahmasp</span>, Khan of <span class=SpellE>Asmar</span>, listened readily to his overtures. Shah <span class=SpellE>Tahmasp</span>, in November, 1887, attended a&nbsp;frontier durbar held by Lord Dufferin at <span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span>; but&nbsp;being dissatisfied, it is said, with the amount of attention&nbsp;bestowed on him, he went shortly afterwards to <span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span>,&nbsp;where the Ameer s officials soothed his wounded vanity&nbsp;so effectually, that he thenceforth looked to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> rather&nbsp;than to India for protection against his enemies, of whom&nbsp;Umra Khan was the most formidable. A year or two&nbsp;later Shah <span class=SpellE>Tahmasp</span> was murdered by a Kafir slave, and&nbsp;during the confusion which followed it seemed likely that&nbsp;Umra Khan would be able to establish himself at <span class=SpellE>Asmar</span>.&nbsp;In that case Umra Khan s authority would extend from&nbsp;Swat to the borders of Kafiristan. It was to prevent this&nbsp;development that Abdur Rahman, in December, 1891,&nbsp;ordered his general, <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span> <span class=SpellE>Hyder</span>, to advance on&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Asmar</span>, and the place was captured. At the time it&nbsp;was believed that this move would be followed by further&nbsp;operations, either against Kafiristan on the north-west,&nbsp;against Chitral on the north, or against Bajaur on the&nbsp;south-east* The Ameer was at once requested to&nbsp;abstain from any interference in the last-mentioned&nbsp;country; and one of the objects of the Durand mission&nbsp;to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, in 1893, was to fix a limit to the expansion&nbsp;of Afghan rule over other districts bordering on <span class=SpellE>Asmar</span>.&nbsp;The result of the negotiation will be indicated in another&nbsp;chapter.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Afghans, as already pointed out, can approach Chitral not only from the south, but also and more easily&nbsp;from <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>. Abdur Rahman, however, did not&nbsp;openly advance in this direction; but to explain his&nbsp;methods it is necessary to say something of the recent&nbsp;history of the Chitral State. Chitral, with Yassin, had&nbsp;for many years been under the rule of Aman-<span class=SpellE>ul</span>-Mulk,&nbsp;<span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>known as the <span class=SpellE>Mehtar</span> or Badshah, and reputed on the&nbsp;border to be a wily and astute diplomatist. Colonel&nbsp;Biddulph, when British Agent at <span class=SpellE>Gilghit</span> in 1878, described&nbsp;him as shrewd, avaricious, unscrupulous, and deceitful.&nbsp; He seemed utterly careless of what he said, so long&nbsp;as it served his purpose for the moment. He trusted&nbsp;nobody; he was not of a warlike disposition, but preferred working by fraud rather than by force. In 1885&nbsp;the Indian Government despatched a mission under&nbsp;Colonel (now General) Sir William Lockhart, to establish&nbsp;friendly relations with this potentate, and an agreement&nbsp;was entered into by which Chitral practically became a&nbsp;British protectorate. This was part of the scheme for&nbsp;making the Indian frontier secure against any enemy&nbsp;attempting to attack India, either by direct advance or&nbsp;by intrigue, from the Pamirs. In August, 1892, Aman-<span class=SpellE>ul</span>-Mulk, now a man of great age, died or, as some say,&nbsp;was murdered by one of his sons. He was succeeded&nbsp;by his son Afzul Khan, a young chief, who entertained&nbsp;warm feelings of respect and friendship for the English in&nbsp;general, and for Colonel Lockhart in particular.</span></span> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman now saw an opening. Shere Afzul, an exiled brother of the late <span class=SpellE>Mehtar s</span>, had for some time&nbsp;past been living in <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>. Shortly after the death&nbsp;of Aman-<span class=SpellE>ul</span>-Mulk, he was allowed to enlist a few hundred&nbsp;hundred fighting men, was supplied with arms and ammunition this, at least, is the story usually told and&nbsp;was encouraged to make a dash at Chitral. Early in&nbsp;November, 1892, he crossed the Dora Pass, pushed&nbsp;on to Chitral, surprised the garrison, and captured the&nbsp;fort The young <span class=SpellE>Mehtar</span>, his nephew, was shot through&nbsp;the head. Shere Afzul at once proclaimed himself&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Mehtar</span>, styling himself the ally and servant of the&nbsp;Ameer of Afghanistan. To what extent the Ameer&nbsp;Abdur Rahman was really responsible for this successful but, from the English point of view, exceeding&nbsp;inconvenient enterprise may be doubtful; but it was&nbsp;generally recognised that the presence of the usurper in&nbsp;Chitral was altogether incompatible with our interests.&nbsp;The establishment of Afghan authority and influence in&nbsp;the State was one of the things which the Indian Government wished to prevent, and steps were accordingly&nbsp;taken to get Shere Afzul out of the way. Here it will&nbsp;be sufficient to say that Nizam-<span class=SpellE>ul</span>-Mulk, another son of&nbsp;the deceased Aman-<span class=SpellE>ul</span>-Mulk, was supplied by the British&nbsp;Agent at Gilgit with the means necessary for attacking the&nbsp;invader, and early in the following year Shore Afzul was&nbsp;driven out of the country. He again found a refuge&nbsp;with his Afghan protectors, but this time was taken&nbsp;to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and kept under surveillance there. He was&nbsp;seen by members of the Durand Mission looking out of&nbsp;the windows of a house near the Ameer s palace. The&nbsp;murder of Nizam-<span class=SpellE>ul</span>-Mulk, in January, 1895, the invasion&nbsp;of Chitral by the redoubtable Umra Khan, and the reappearance of Afzul Khan on the scene, are events which&nbsp;do not fall within the scope of the present narrative.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Besides endeavouring, with more or less success, to make his authority felt in countries lying between&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Kashmere</span> and <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>, Abdur Rahman was also&nbsp;desirous of bringing various independent tribes bordering on British India from <span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span> to Quetta under his&nbsp;control. The <span class=SpellE>Turis</span> of Kurram, the Orakzais, the Waziris,&nbsp;the <span class=SpellE>Sheranis</span>, and the inhabitants of Zhob, have all, at&nbsp;different times, been invited to accept him as their&nbsp;sovereign. The disputes that arose in Kurram will be&nbsp;referred to hereafter; but something may be said here in&nbsp;regard to Abdur Rahman s proceedings further south.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In January, 1890, the Zhob district <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>a</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> valley flanking the great caravan route by the <span class=SpellE>Gomul</span> Pass from the&nbsp;Punjab to <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span> was formally annexed by order of the&nbsp;Indian Government, which had for some time past clearly&nbsp;perceived the necessity of obtaining a scientific frontier in&nbsp;this direction. The extension of our authority over Zhob&nbsp;was requisite not only to ensure the tranquillity of the&nbsp;British districts which were adjacent, to it, but also to&nbsp;secure our military communications. In the previous&nbsp;year the late Sir Robert <span class=SpellE>Sandeman</span>, the <span class=SpellE>GovernorGeneral s</span> agent for <span class=SpellE>Biluchistan</span>, had marched from&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Loralei</span> through Zhob, and thence by the <span class=SpellE>Gomul</span> to&nbsp;Dera <span class=SpellE>Ishmail</span> Khan in the Punjab, and had found the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Zhobwals</span>, as the people of Zhob are styled, very ready to&nbsp;acquiesce in the arrangement which was now duly carried&nbsp;out. At the same time steps were taken to open up the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Gomul</span> Pass. Since then, it may be added, the annexation has proved in every way satisfactory. The <span class=SpellE>Zhobwals</span>&nbsp;have gladly accepted the advantages of our protection,&nbsp;and there is every reason to hope that they derive&nbsp;material, if not moral benefit, therefrom.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But Abdur Rahman viewed the new departure with suspicion, and his resentment was shown in a way that&nbsp;betokened something far short of the friendliness the Indian&nbsp;Government had a right to expect from a protected and&nbsp;subsidised ally. The Zhob valley had never belonged&nbsp;H&nbsp;either to him or to Dost Mahomed; nor could he justly&nbsp;claim the right of interfering in the management of the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Gomul</span> Pass, even though it led to his city of <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>, and&nbsp;was largely used by his subjects, the travelling <span class=SpellE>Povinda</span>&nbsp;merchants. Nevertheless he proceeded to act as if the&nbsp;Indian Government was his enemy. In the following&nbsp;January (1892) two of his officials, the Governors of&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Katawuz</span> and <span class=SpellE>Mukur</span>, with an escort of over a hundred&nbsp;horsemen, marched down the <span class=SpellE>Gomul</span> river, arrived&nbsp;suddenly at <span class=SpellE>Gakuch</span>, just to the north of the Pass, and&nbsp;established an outpost there. In July another detachment of the Ameer's troops, under Sirdar Gul Mahomed,&nbsp;advanced to <span class=SpellE>Gustoi</span>, in the Zhob district; and the Sirdar&nbsp;had the temerity to write to the political officer in Zhob,&nbsp;Major <span class=SpellE>Maclvor</span>, saying that the people of <span class=SpellE>Gustoi</span> were&nbsp;subjects of the Ameer, and that the English must not&nbsp;interfere with them. This extraordinary intrusion, which&nbsp;had probably been preceded by surreptitious communications with men of light and leading amongst the Zhob-<span class=SpellE>wals</span>, created immense excitement in the district, and&nbsp;might easily have led to awkward complications. Major&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Maclvor</span>, however, at once took steps to expel the&nbsp;Afghans; and there would have been a fight had not&nbsp;Sirdar Gul Mahomed, considering discretion the better&nbsp;part of valour, taken his departure before the political&nbsp;agent appeared on the scene. It is significant that during&nbsp;the confusion three of the principal headmen in Zhob fled&nbsp;to Kandahar. On leaving <span class=SpellE>Gustoi</span>, the Afghan Sirdar went&nbsp;off to <span class=SpellE>Wano</span> in <span class=SpellE>Waziriland</span>, where also he had no business.&nbsp;Upon this a strongly worded letter of remonstrance was&nbsp;addressed to the Ameer Abdur Rahman. Seeing that we&nbsp;meant business, he ordered Sirdar Gul Mahomed to&nbsp;retire; but for some time the position of affairs continued&nbsp;to be highly unsatisfactory, and, as will be seen hereafter,&nbsp;a settlement was not finally arrived at till Sir Mortimer&nbsp;Durand was able to discuss it with the Ameer at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But enough for the present has been said about Abdur Rahman s efforts to widen the boundaries of his kingdom.&nbsp;His encroachments on <span class=SpellE>Biluchistan</span>, in the neighbourhood&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Chageh</span>, will come under notice later on. That a&nbsp;ruler of his temperament should be always casting about&nbsp;for the means of adding to the territory under his sway is&nbsp;of course perfectly natural. The Afghans in former days&nbsp;have been in possession of the Punjab and <span class=SpellE>Kashmere</span> on&nbsp;the east, of a greater part of Persia on the west. A&nbsp;hundred years ago, perhaps, Abdur Rahman might have&nbsp;founded an empire,  one hand on Scythia, <span class=SpellE>t other</span> on the&nbsp;Moor. But the pressure of two stronger Powers than his&nbsp;own curbed his ambition, and restrained his energy within&nbsp;the narrowest bounds. With England and Russia almost&nbsp;touching hands in Central Asia there is little space for a&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Sheibani</span> Khan or a Timur. Abdur Rahman s schemes&nbsp;of aggrandisement have been petty projects after all.&nbsp;There was hardly an opening that was not straightway&nbsp;closed.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER VI.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>THE AMEER AND HIS NEIGHBOURS. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>NOT every public man in England, perhaps, could 1 1 give off-hand a lucid summary of our political relations with Afghanistan and the Afghans. Are we&nbsp;pledged to maintain the integrity of the country against&nbsp;attack from outside? Are we bound by any existing&nbsp;compact, given or understood, to refrain from annexation&nbsp;ourselves ? Do our engagements, whatever they may be,&nbsp;terminate with the lifetime of Abdur Rahman, or is there&nbsp;anything in the shape of a promise to his dynasty?&nbsp;These are questions to which conflicting answers have&nbsp;often been given, and it will be the main object of the&nbsp;present chapter to indicate the true state of the case; or,&nbsp;at any rate, to provide the facts from which a solution&nbsp;must be deduced.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>By the treaty signed at <span class=SpellE>Peshawar</span>, on March 30, 1855, and ratified by Lord Dalhousie, with the approval&nbsp;of Lord Aberdeen s Government, on May 1, a perpetual&nbsp;alliance was concluded between the Honourable East&nbsp;India Company, on the one side, and the Ameer&nbsp;Dost Mahomed on the other. The Company agreed to&nbsp;respect the territories then in the Ameer s possession,&nbsp;and never to interfere therein; while the Dost engaged,&nbsp;on his own part and on the part of his heirs, to respect&nbsp;the Company s territories, and to be the friend of its&nbsp;friends and the enemy of its enemies. This, it must be&nbsp;admitted, was a one-sided compact While the Ameer&nbsp;and his heirs were pledged to assist the English against&nbsp;their enemies, no corresponding obligation was undertaken by the Company. It may be noted that the&nbsp;territories then in possession of Dost Mahomed did&nbsp;not include Herat. In December, 1863, the acting&nbsp;Governor General of India, Sir William Denison,&nbsp;acknowledged Shere Ali as the successor of the Dost&nbsp;Three years later the Government of Sir John Lawrence&nbsp;acknowledged Afzul Khan, and formally invited him, as&nbsp;Ameer of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and Kandahar, to tender his adhesion to&nbsp;the treaty engagements which had been concluded by his&nbsp;father, Dost Mahomed. Sir John Lawrence wrote : <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=font231><i><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> I</span></i></span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> am prepared to recognize your Highness as Ameer of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and Kandahar, and I frankly offer your&nbsp;Highness, in that capacity, peace and the goodwill of</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> the British Government I shall expect your Highness, in return, to recognize as binding on your Highness s&nbsp;Government of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and Kandahar the engagements&nbsp;concluded between the British Government and your&nbsp;Highness s father, the late Ameer Dost Mahomed Khan,&nbsp;as contained in the treaty of March 30, 1855. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>When Shere Ali recovered his kingdom, Sir John Lawrence told him, in a letter written from <span class=SpellE>Simla</span> on&nbsp;October 2, 1863, that he was prepared not only to&nbsp;maintain the bonds of amity and goodwill which were&nbsp;established between Dost Mahomed and the British&nbsp;Government, but as far as might be practicable to&nbsp;strengthen those bonds.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Shere Ali, when he came to India at Lord Mayo s invitation in 1869, bitterly complained of the one-sided&nbsp;character of the treaty relations of 1855. He hoped to&nbsp;obtain a supplemental treaty, which would declare that&nbsp;we were the friends of his friends and the enemy of his&nbsp;enemies. This was not granted, but we did undertake to&nbsp;give him countenance and support if any attempt was&nbsp;made by his rivals to disturb his position. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>That the obligations incurred by the treaty of 1855 retained validity down to the year 1878, may be sufficiently proved by reference to Lord Cranbrook s&nbsp;despatch of November 18, 1878, to the Government of&nbsp;India. In this document special mention is made of&nbsp; the treaty of 1855, negotiated by Lord Dalhousie with&nbsp;the approval of Lord Aberdeen s Government, and still&nbsp;in force ; and the text of the compact is printed in a&nbsp;marginal note. The Ameer Shere Ali, however, between&nbsp;the years 1873 and 1878, by maintaining an attitude of&nbsp;isolation and scarcely-veiled hostility, had committed an unmistakable breach of this treaty; and it was argued that a continuance of such conduct would leave the&nbsp;British Government absolved from any obligation, and&nbsp;at full liberty to act as the circumstances of the moment&nbsp;might prescribe, without regard to his wishes or the&nbsp;interests of his dynasty. His reception of a Russian&nbsp;envoy, and his refusal to receive the mission sent by&nbsp;Lord Lytton, completed the infraction. With Lord&nbsp;Lytton s proclamation, issued on November 21, 1878,&nbsp;the treaty of 1855 ceased to have any binding force on&nbsp;the British Government.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In the following May, however, a treaty was made with <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan  and his successors, which substituted&nbsp;a new compact for that of 1855. There was to be perpetual peace and friendship between the Ameer and his&nbsp;successors on the one hand and the British Government&nbsp;on the other. The Ameer s foreign relations were to be&nbsp;under the control of the British Government, which, on&nbsp;that condition, undertook to support him against any&nbsp;foreign aggression. A British representative was to reside&nbsp;at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and to the Ameer and his successors was to&nbsp;be paid an annual subsidy of six lakhs of rupees. It was&nbsp;not expressly stipulated, as in 1855, that the British&nbsp;Government should respect the independence of Afghanistan; but the British Government undertook that its&nbsp;agents should never in any way interfere with the internal&nbsp;administration of the Ameer s dominions, and that if ever&nbsp;British troops should enter Afghan territory to repel&nbsp;foreign aggression, they should be withdrawn on their&nbsp;object being accomplished. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>After the massacre of the <span class=SpellE>Cavagnari</span> mission, it was announced in the proclamation dated Ali Khel, September 16, 1879, that the force under General Roberts&nbsp;was advancing not only for the purpose of  taking a&nbsp;public revenge, but also  to obtain satisfaction (literally,&nbsp;consolidation) of the terms entered into in the treaty&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Gandamuk</span>. With <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan s abdication on&nbsp;October 12, 1879, the treaty of <span class=SpellE>Gundamuk</span> ceased to&nbsp;have effect In the words of Lord Lytton, it was annulled&nbsp;by the series of events which terminated in the occupation of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and the dissolution of <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan s&nbsp;Government.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But the British Government did not abandon its resolve to abstain from annexing Afghanistan. In his&nbsp;speech on April 13, 1880, to the Sirdars, Khans, and&nbsp;Maliks of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, Sir Lepel Griffin said,  The Government has no intention of annexing Afghanistan, and will&nbsp;occupy no more of it than may be necessary for the&nbsp;safety of its frontiers. So too, on March 15, General&nbsp;Sir Donald Stewart told the people of Kandahar that&nbsp;the British Government desired and intended to leave&nbsp;Afghanistan to be ruled by the Afghans themselves. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>To sum up, the British Government in its treaty with Dost Mahomed pledged itself to <span class=SpellE>resjiect</span> the independence&nbsp;of Afghanistan, and that treaty remained in force until&nbsp;1878, when it was held to be annulled by the contumacy&nbsp;of Shere Ali. By the treaty of <span class=SpellE>Gundamuk</span> there was to&nbsp;be perpetual peace and friendship with <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan and&nbsp;his heirs. This treaty likewise was annulled by <span class=SpellE>Yakoob s</span>&nbsp;abdication. Thenceforward the obligation to respect the&nbsp;independence of Afghanistan rested, not on explicit assurances given to its rulers, but rather on the principles of<span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> policy which the British Government desired to follow;&nbsp;and though the Afghan people and their chiefs were&nbsp;informed that we wished to adhere to these principles,&nbsp;there was nothing in the way of a solemn engagement&nbsp;to abide by them.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On more than one occasion the Russian Government has argued that we were bound by engagements entered&nbsp;into with them, if not with any Afghan ruler, to respect&nbsp;Afghan independence; but this theory was repudiated by&nbsp;Lord Salisbury in December, 1878. On the other hand&nbsp;there can be no doubt that Russia is pledged to us to&nbsp;respect the integrity of Afghanistan. It will be sufficient&nbsp;here to quote the statement made by Prince <span class=SpellE>Lobanoff</span> on&nbsp;February 22,1882, in the course of a conversation with Earl&nbsp;Granville. His Government, he said, acknowledged the&nbsp;continued validity of the agreement formerly entered into&nbsp;by Prince <span class=SpellE>Gortchakoff</span> in 1873, by which Afghanistan was&nbsp;admitted to be beyond the sphere of Russian influence.&nbsp;On two or three occasions since Abdur Rahman s&nbsp;accession, it has been found necessary to remind the&nbsp;Russians of this undertaking; and the justice of such&nbsp;protests has not been denied. In October, 1880, Earl&nbsp;Granville was informed by the Russian Ambassador that&nbsp;General Kaufmann had been forbidden to enter into any&nbsp;communication, even of a complimentary character, with&nbsp;the Ameer Abdur Rahman. In October, 1883, M. de&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Giers</span> said that strict orders had been sent to the Governor&nbsp;General of Turkestan to desist from the transmission of&nbsp;letters of ceremony, or even of letters of recommendation,&nbsp;to the Ameer in favour of travellers.  In fact, said&nbsp;M. de <span class=SpellE>Giers</span>,  all possible steps were taken to prevent intercourse between Russia and Afghanistan, which latter country was considered to be in England s orbit. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>An account has been given in a former chapter of Abdur Rahman's earlier dealings with the English. We&nbsp;have seen how he was invited to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and recognised as&nbsp;ruler of the province; how he was afterwards encouraged&nbsp;to take possession of Kandahar and Herat. The amount&nbsp;of material help which he received in the shape of arms,&nbsp;ammunition, and treasure is nowhere stated in any trustworthy publication; but the accompanying account of&nbsp;sums paid to Abdur Rahman down to the middle of 1881&nbsp;may be taken as correct: <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Paid at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, August, 1880 &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.Rs.&nbsp;6,65,000<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Paid at <span class=SpellE>Lundi-Kotal</span>, September, 1880 &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;. Rs. 5,00,000<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Paid at <span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span>, <span class=SpellE>Octol</span>&gt;er, 1880 &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.Rs.&nbsp;7,00,000<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Paid at <span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span>, January, 1881 &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.Rs.&nbsp;1,00,000<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Paid at <span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span>, February, 1881 &nbsp;&nbsp;.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;.Rs&nbsp;5,00,000<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Paid at Kandahar to the Ameer s agent, April, 1881 Rs. 5,00,000 </span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Paid at <span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span>, June, 1881&nbsp;&nbsp;.... Rs. 5,00,000 <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Paid at Kandahar, April, May, June . &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;. .Rs. 1,50,000<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Total . &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;. Rs. 36,15,000<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>We were already paying rather heavily for the privilege of the Ameer s friendship.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But although the benefits we conferred on Abdur Rahman were mounting up, no modification had been&nbsp;made in the conditions of our agreement with him. The&nbsp;letter given to him by Sir Lepel Griffin in July, 1880,&nbsp;continued to be the only formal compact between the&nbsp;British Government and the ruler of Afghanistan. It was&nbsp;not a very precise understanding; being nothing more, as&nbsp;the reader will recollect, than a statement that the British&nbsp;Government would aid him, in the event of unprovoked&nbsp;aggression, to such extent and in such a manner as it&nbsp;thought fit, provided he followed our advice in all affairs&nbsp;of foreign policy. We had not pledged ourselves, in so&nbsp;many words, to go to war with any enemy who attacked&nbsp;him. We gave no pledge to his dynasty. It was, in fact,&nbsp;a vague and uncertain assurance, expressed in terms that&nbsp;may well have left a less astute ruler than Abdur Rahman&nbsp;in doubt as to our sincerity. It was not even announced&nbsp;openly, but was whispered in his ear, one might say, at&nbsp;a private interview; and the Governor-General himself&nbsp;was not told, officially, that the document had been presented till three months afterwards.. Yet this dubious&nbsp;promise remained the basis of the relationship. Sir&nbsp;John <span class=SpellE>Gorst</span>, as Under Secretary of State for India,&nbsp;declared in the House of Commons on July 29, 1890,&nbsp;that it was the only agreement that had been made with&nbsp;the Ameer, and that it had since undergone no modification.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On the other hand it has to be noted that on more than one occasion the British Government has interpreted the&nbsp;undertaking of 1880 in a way that leaves us no honourable escape from a serious and grave responsibility. If&nbsp;the letter given to Abdur Rahman was in no sense a treaty&nbsp;at the time, it has since been invested with the significance&nbsp;of a treaty. If at first it was no more than a conditional&nbsp;promise to help Abdur Rahman in defending the&nbsp;provinces of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and Balkh, it subsequently came to&nbsp;be regarded as a guarantee applicable to the whole of&nbsp;Afghanistan, and was so regarded both by the British&nbsp;public and by the British Government. The first step&nbsp;towards developing the significance of the understanding&nbsp;took place early in 1883; when the Government of India&nbsp;became disturbed by the intelligence that a convention&nbsp;had been signed, in the previous October, between the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Ottemish</span> section of the <span class=SpellE>Merve</span> <span class=SpellE>Turcomans</span> and the&nbsp;Russian governor of the Oxus district by the <span class=SpellE>reconnaissances</span> of M. <span class=SpellE>Lessar</span> and by the visit of Lieutenant&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Alikhanofi</span> to <span class=SpellE>Merve</span> in the disguise of a trader. There&nbsp;were other indications, too, of an impending advance in&nbsp;the direction of the Afghan frontier; and no doubt it was&nbsp;in consequence of all this that Lord Ripon s Government&nbsp;deemed it advisable to let Abdur Rahman know that&nbsp;England was his friend and not Russia. Some such&nbsp;sentiment breathes through the letter which was sent to&nbsp;him in February, 1883. His Highness was told that he&nbsp;had no reason for alarm, though rumours of danger might&nbsp;be in the air. He was reminded that in the document&nbsp;handed to him by Sir Lepel Griffin in July, 1880, we had&nbsp;given him a conditional promise of aid in the event of&nbsp;his being attacked by a foreign enemy. The Governor&nbsp;General quoted the words of this document, and added:&nbsp; Under these circumstances your Highness need be&nbsp;under no apprehension, but may rest in secure reliance&nbsp;that the British Government has both the will and the&nbsp;power to make good all its engagements with your&nbsp;Highness. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The sanction and emphasis hereby given to the undertaking of 1880 requires particular notice. Whatever doubt may have been felt as to the meaning or value of&nbsp;the original engagement, the interpretation now put upon&nbsp;it by Lord Ripon left no room for controversy as to its&nbsp;moral intent Sir Alfred Lyall, writing in July, 1880, on&nbsp;behalf of his Government, had been most careful to&nbsp;explain that the engagement was not a treaty. Sir Lepel&nbsp;Griffin had described it shortly afterwards as being not an&nbsp;agreement between two States, but merely a memorandum of obligation granted by the British Government.&nbsp;It was getting to be something very like an agreement&nbsp;now. On June 16, 1883, Lord Ripon again wrote to&nbsp;the Ameer. He had observed, he said with satisfaction,&nbsp;Abdur Rahman s assurances of good faith and loyalty&nbsp;to the British Government; and he was convinced that&nbsp;His Highness realized the necessity, in the interests of&nbsp;Afghanistan, of maintaining friendly relations with the&nbsp;Government of India. The letter concluded as follows; <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Impressed by these considerations I have determined to offer to your Highness personally, a subsidy of&nbsp;twelve lakhs a year (Rs. 12,00,000) payable monthly, to be&nbsp;devoted to the payment of your troops, and to other&nbsp;measures required for your defence of your north-west&nbsp;frontier. I feel that I may safely trust to your Highness s&nbsp;good faith and practised skill to devote this addition to&nbsp;your resources to objects of such vital importance as&nbsp;those which I have above mentioned. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman' hastened to reply to this communication. In a letter dated July 11, 1883, he declared that his heart, the repository of concord, rejoiced exceedingly&nbsp;over the news of Lord Ripon s sound and perfect health;&nbsp;and referring to the grant of a subsidy, he went on to&nbsp;say: <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=font231><i><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> I</span></i></span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> have announced the glad tidings of your Excellency s determination, which is calculated to&nbsp;conduce to the well-being of the British Government,&nbsp;and of the people of Afghanistan, and to put in order&nbsp;and keep going my affairs, to the people of Afghanistan&nbsp;at large, who all offered up thanks, saying,  For many&nbsp;years we, the Afghan nation, have been suffering from&nbsp;innumerable calamities. Thanks be to God that a&nbsp;glorious government like this has befriended us. God&nbsp;willing, the people of Afghanistan will never allow their&nbsp;heads to swerve from the line of friendship to the&nbsp;illustrious British Government, and so long as I live I&nbsp;will not think of making friends with anyone but with&nbsp;the illustrious British Government. I have offered my&nbsp;prayers to God for the increased glory of that powerful&nbsp;Government </span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Such was the position of affairs toward the end of Lord Ripon s Viceroyalty. Morally, though not by any&nbsp;formal treaty, we stood bound to defend the integrity of&nbsp;Afghanistan against external attack, so long as Ameer&nbsp;Abdur Rahman behaved as our friend and ally, managing&nbsp;his foreign affairs according to our advice. We had,&nbsp;moreover, undertaken to pay him an annual subsidy;&nbsp;and we had assured him of our ability and our desire to&nbsp;protect him. It may be argued that our pledges to the&nbsp;Ameer were conditional; and that their fulfilment would&nbsp;always depend on the circumstances of some future&nbsp;moment To some extent this reservation might be&nbsp;justified ; yet against it must be set the explicit statement&nbsp;made by Earl Granville, who in March, 1885, wrote as&nbsp;follows: <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Her Majesty s Government have had opportunities of declaring in Parliament their adherence to the&nbsp;Imperial and traditional policy of this country with&nbsp;regard to India and Afghanistan a policy long upheld&nbsp;by both the great parties in the State without distinction.&nbsp;This policy, as is well known, include agreements to the&nbsp;Ameer binding Her Majesty s Government to regard as a&nbsp;hostile act any aggression upon his territory of which&nbsp;Herat is a salient point. Her Majesty s Government feel&nbsp;sure that the Imperial (Russian) Government will readily&nbsp;understand that in circumstances such as those at the&nbsp;present moment, the Ameer, at the head of a comparatively feeble government, is entitled to expect from the&nbsp;Government of the Queen the most explicit assurances. </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The fact that no such agreement as Lord Granville describes was in existence, detracts somewhat from the&nbsp;importance of the Foreign Minister s observations; but&nbsp;they may be held, at any rate, to imply that England, if&nbsp;true to herself, is bound to resent any attack on&nbsp;Afghanistan. That is a principle which Lord Ripon s&nbsp;successor, Lord Dufferin, did not hesitate to adopt; and&nbsp;it guided him in his negotiations with Abdur Rahman at&nbsp;Rawalpindi.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Ameer had been ready, if not eager, to pay a visit to India in lord Ripon s time. It was said that on one&nbsp;occasion he came down to <span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span> fully expecting to&nbsp;be invited to <span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span> or perhaps Rawalpindi; and it&nbsp;was a pity that no invitation was forthcoming. Among&nbsp;the first things Lord Dufferin did, on arriving in India,&nbsp;was to arrange for a meeting with the ruler of Afghanistan;&nbsp;and the conference proved an immense success. Up to&nbsp;now our relations with the Ameer had been on a most&nbsp;unsatisfactory footing. We were paying him a handsome&nbsp;subsidy, and had been providing him with arms and&nbsp;ammunition; but the confidence and liberality were all&nbsp;on our side. It was a speculation tempered by the&nbsp;awkward certainty that Abdur Rahman had behaved with&nbsp;great harshness to those of his subjects who had been our&nbsp;friends, and by the suspicion that he was not altogether <span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>disinclined to cultivate amicable relations with Russia.&nbsp;After his visit to Lord Dufferin, it became evident to all&nbsp;that for the time being, to say the least, he was our firm&nbsp;ally.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>A picturesque account of the historical conference may be found in the Marchioness of Dufferin s letters. The&nbsp;Ameer, a stout, fine looking man, was attended by a&nbsp;guard of his own cavalry, in bright orange tunics and&nbsp;long Russian boots. He had also brought with him his&nbsp;chief executioner, a gentleman in red velvet, girt with&nbsp;axe and strangling rope.  I must tell you, says her&nbsp;ladyship,  one nice, gentle little trait in the Ameer s&nbsp;character. He spent three hours yesterday morning&nbsp;arranging cut flowers in forty vases, and he expressed&nbsp;a wish to have large supplies sent him daily. And this&nbsp;is the man who cuts off heads and hangs people when at&nbsp;home. On April 6, 1885, there was a State dinner.&nbsp;Lord Dufferin proposed Abdur Rahman s health. To&nbsp;everyone s surprise, the Ameer got up and made a speech,&nbsp;in which he spoke of the friendship that existed between&nbsp;England and Afghanistan, complimented the British&nbsp;army, and expressed a hope that Afghanistan might&nbsp;become as flourishing as India, with which its interests&nbsp;were bound up. The great durbar took place on April 8,&nbsp;there being present, besides the Viceroy and Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, the Duke of Connaught, Sir Frederick Roberts,&nbsp;the Lieutenant Governors of the Punjab and North-West&nbsp;Provinces, seven of the Punjab Chiefs, including Patiala&nbsp;in a canary-coloured turban with chains of emeralds and&nbsp;diamonds, <span class=SpellE>Bahawulpur</span> with an immense aigrette of&nbsp;diamonds in his head-dress, and Nabha, who looked like&nbsp;a knight of the Crusades. After the customary gifts had&nbsp;been presented, the Ameer asked permission to say a&nbsp;few words which might be heard by all. Permission&nbsp;granted, he spoke in Persian as follows:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> I am deeply sensible of the kindness which I have received from His Excellency the Viceroy, and of the&nbsp;favour shown to me by Her Majesty the Queen Empress.&nbsp;In return for this kindness and favour I am ready with&nbsp;my army and people to render any services that may be&nbsp;required of me or of the Afghan nation. As the British&nbsp;Government has declared that it will assist me in repelling&nbsp;any foreign enemy, so it is right and proper that Afghanistan should unite in the firmest manner and stand side by&nbsp;side with the British Government. </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>An amusing incident is recorded by lady Dufferin. Among the presents for His Highness the Ameer was a&nbsp;mechanical singing bird, which somehow or other began a&nbsp;performance just as the Ameer was speaking. The&nbsp;interruption, however, in no way diminished the effect of&nbsp;Abdur Rahman s oratory, which was received with such&nbsp;plaudits as are seldom, if ever, heard at a viceregal&nbsp;durbar, and also, the Viceroy himself noted, with some&nbsp;astonishment, for the general public was still doubtful of&nbsp;the Ameer s feelings toward us.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But during the past ten days the ties that formed the bond of union between Afghanistan and the British&nbsp;Government had been greatly strengthened. Lord&nbsp;Dufferin and the Ameer had met daily to discuss the&nbsp;situation. <span class=SpellE>Some day</span>, no doubt, we shall know what&nbsp;took place at these interviews; but for the present only&nbsp;the general results of the conference can be stated. At</span><span class=font210><b><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> </span></b></span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>first Abdur Rahman showed extreme caution and&nbsp;reticence. The Viceroy began by expounding at some&nbsp;length the views of the British Government in regard&nbsp;to the Afghan question.  And now, said His Excellency,  what are your proposals and opinions? To&nbsp;this searching inquiry Abdur Rahman s not very hopeful&nbsp;or helpful answer was,  I do not think that is a fair&nbsp;question. But the cold reserve of the astute Asiatic&nbsp;thawed under the magic influence of Lord Dufferin s&nbsp;sympathetic tact. Before long he was speaking, the&nbsp;Viceroy wrote, with much sense and directness; and&nbsp;Lord Dufferin was favourably impressed with his ability&nbsp;and self-reliance. It would be wonderful if the Ameer&nbsp;on his side was not impressed by the readiness of the&nbsp;Viceroy, to make every allowance for the difficulties and&nbsp;dangers which must ever lie in the path of one who&nbsp;aspires to rule over a nation like the Afghans, a <span class=SpellE>stiffnecked</span> generation, habituated to violence and intrigue,&nbsp;fanatical, treacherous, and hard to drive. Not less, it is&nbsp;certain, was the Ameer convinced that in resolution and&nbsp;tenacity of purpose he had met his match; and that if&nbsp;Lord Dufferin, the first statesman of conspicuous ability&nbsp;he bad come in contact with, was a generous friend, he&nbsp;was also one whom it would be perilous to oppose.&nbsp;Whatever his doubts may have been when he came to&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span>, Abdur Rahman, we may safely believe, now&nbsp;saw his way clearly open before him, and knew that he&nbsp;might look to the English for support without losing his&nbsp;independence as the successor of Dost Mahomed.</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The news of the Russian attack on <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> reached <span class=SpellE>Rawulpindi</span> on the evening of the grand durbar, and<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>was at once communicated to Abdur Rahman. Speaking at a meeting of the Legislative Council on January 4,&nbsp;1886, Lord Dufferin said : &nbsp;</span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> But for the accidental circumstances of the Ameer being in my camp at <span class=SpellE>Rawulpindi</span>, and the fortunate fact&nbsp;of his being a prince of great capacity, experience, and&nbsp;calm judgment, the incident of <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> alone, in the&nbsp;strained condition of the relations which then existed&nbsp;between Russia and ourselves, might of itself have&nbsp;proved the occasion of a long and miserable war. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The incident of <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> will be treated hereafter. The Ameer s visit to <span class=SpellE>Rawalpindi</span> came to a close on&nbsp;April 12; and he left that morning thoroughly pleased&nbsp;with himself. Lord Dufferin had promised him aid in&nbsp;arms and ammunition, and perhaps in money, should&nbsp;war break out with Russia. In the event, moreover, of&nbsp;certain contingencies, the basis of a satisfactory understanding with regard to the future action of the Indian&nbsp;Government had been laid down. Last of all the&nbsp;Ameer s request, that he might receive a decoration from&nbsp;the Queen, had been referred to London and graciously&nbsp;granted. He took his departure wearing the decoration&nbsp;of a Grand Commander of the Star of India. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In future chapters we shall see how, at times, Abdur Rahman was disposed to forget his eager protestations of&nbsp;warm friendship towards the Indian Government; how&nbsp;misunderstandings arose which threatened to impair the&nbsp;relations established by Lord Dufferin; and how in the&nbsp;end these misunderstandings were removed. It may be&nbsp;said, however, with confidence that the Ameer s loyalty&nbsp;towards England has never been seriously shaken. He&nbsp;has had his grievances against us; but they have never&nbsp;impelled him for a moment to look towards Tashkend for&nbsp;assistance or sympathy.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman s sentiments in regard to Russia were set forth at great length in a state paper which he read&nbsp;or caused to be read in his durbar in June, 1886, and&nbsp;which was afterwards published as a pamphlet. To&nbsp;certain passages dealing with the <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> incident&nbsp;reference is made elsewhere. In this place the Ameer s&nbsp;views concerning his general relations with England and&nbsp;Russia will be noted. What was Shore Ali, he asked,&nbsp;but a fool and a madman, who brought disaster on his&nbsp;people and ruin on himself. The English <span class=SpellE>GovernorGeneral</span> (Lord Lytton) would have accepted the alliance&nbsp;of the Afghans and desired to maintain them as a&nbsp;bulwark between the Russians and themselves. Shere&nbsp;Ali broke down the bulwark. Thus he was the enemy of&nbsp;his own kingdom, and became a prisoner in the hands of&nbsp;his own enemy. He turned to the Russians and&nbsp;besought them to drive out the English. The event&nbsp;cried aloud:  O, fool! had you driven out the English&nbsp;with Russian aid and expelled the foreigner from your&nbsp;country, to what Power would you then turn for help to&nbsp;rid yourself of the Russians. When you were powerful&nbsp;the English feared you not When your limbs were rotten,&nbsp;and the countenance of your alliance was defaced by&nbsp;enmity, what store would they lay by you ? They are not&nbsp;fools, such as you were, to abandon your country. Now&nbsp;is it clear that you were not fit to rule, since you could&nbsp;not discern the difference between friend and foe. You&nbsp;were froward and sinful. God did not suffer you to&nbsp;prosper, and in exile you died. You perished in <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Turkestan. You were not even permitted to cross the Oxus. You lit the fire of rebellion amidst your own&nbsp;people, but you could not destroy the stronghold of&nbsp;Islam. That, Abdur Rahman declared, speaking&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Asiatically</span>, was what the event said of Shere Ali; and the&nbsp;Ameer passed on to consider the acts of <span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span> Khan.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> After Shere Ali s death, said the Ameer,  his foolish son (<span class=SpellE>Yakoob</span>) did what the most ignorant man could not&nbsp;do if left to his own devices. He was prompted how&nbsp;to do it. Let us tell the truth. When he could not&nbsp;protect the English, why did he put them to the trouble&nbsp;of coming here? When he thought of bringing them,&nbsp;why did he not consult his people and ask their opinion ?&nbsp;His tribe (the Barakzais) was the <span class=SpellE>s^me</span> that had held&nbsp;rule for the past forty years. Did he know no more than&nbsp;the name of Shah Shuja? Did he not remember the&nbsp;proclamation of the English that their kingdom was from&nbsp;God, and the throne of the Ameer and his kingdom from&nbsp;the Company ? The people thought that the proclamation was wrong, and that the English sought for the&nbsp;possession of the city. They believed, therefore, that Shah Shuja would kill himself rather than leave the kingdom in hands of the foreigner. But when Shah Shuja took&nbsp;another course, and did what was done, they rose and put him to death in shame and disgrace; and althoughthey had no prince to lead them, they arose and drove out the foreigners from the city. When Yakoob Khan knew that his people were averse to the sojourn of Christians in their country, why did he not ask for a Mahomedan Resident from the English? Why did he bring an English Resident to Cabul and allow him to be killed, and the flame of the war of forty years since to be rekindled ? He let himself be taken captive, as if he&nbsp;had received the heritage of folly from his father. Whatsoever he did was not for the good of his people, whom he left helpless. They got ready to fight, and rose of their own accord in revolt, and made war, though they had no good officers and leaders. . . . If I, Abdur ;Rahman, had not come between them, and shown my people the way to prosperity and peace by making friends with the English, the fire of that war would never have been extinguished. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But the chief point of Abdur Rahman s argument was that an alliance or friendship with Russia would always&nbsp;be detrimental to Afghanistan. It might be all very well,&nbsp;he said, if the Russians had not an eye on India. In&nbsp;that case the English would not be offended were there&nbsp;friendship between Russia and Afghanistan. But the&nbsp;Russians aimed at the possession of India. To take&nbsp;India they must first pass through Afghanistan. The&nbsp;Ameer went on to consider how they would compass&nbsp;this object To begin with, he said, they would declare&nbsp;that they had no quarrel with the Afghans, that they&nbsp;merely desired to march through Afghanistan in order to&nbsp;attack the English. But they would want to make themselves safe by disarming the Afghans, and would tell them&nbsp;to give up their weapons and ammunition; for the&nbsp;Russians would not run the risk of being attacked in the&nbsp;rear. What would the Afghans do? If they submissively surrendered their fighting gear, said the Ameer,&nbsp;they would become women. Their manliness and valour&nbsp;would melt away, and the Russians would obtain their&nbsp;desire. If, on the other hand, the Afghans refused to&nbsp;be disarmed, the Russians would reply:  Very well, if&nbsp;the Afghans are our friends, now is the time to show their&nbsp;good will. Let young men from each tribe come forward&nbsp;to join us in our march to India, and so confirm their&nbsp;friendship. At such a crisis, the Ameer proceeded&nbsp;many foolish persons would gird up their loins, saying,&nbsp; Why should we not assist our friends, the Russians  ;&nbsp;and he went on to show what the result would be: &nbsp; Everyone would rise, and fighting men would gather&nbsp;together in bodies of one to six thousand men from every&nbsp;tribe and district, and they would leave their homes to&nbsp;march in front of the Russians to assist them. But&nbsp;they would be a particular mark for the cannon and&nbsp;rifles of the English. Thousands of lives would be lost;&nbsp;and if they were defeated and fell back, the Russians&nbsp;would shoot them from behind. These, said the Ameer,&nbsp;would be the first fruits of an alliance with Russia. But&nbsp;this would not be all. Not having dimmed the Afghans,&nbsp;the Russians would have been compelled to leave a&nbsp;part of their forces to garrison Afghanistan. There&nbsp;would be Russian soldiers in every city, town, and hamlet.&nbsp;They would want provisions, and the whole produce of&nbsp;the land would be consumed. And there was a still&nbsp;more grievous contingency to be taken into account&nbsp;Imagine, said the Ameer, if the Russians, which God&nbsp;forbid, were to enter the city of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> In the religion of the Afghans, the wife is subject to her husband, and if a woman is found with a stranger,&nbsp;and is taken in guilt, the husband slays her with impunity.&nbsp;But among the Christians the wife is superior to her&nbsp;husband. In every place where there was a Russian&nbsp;camp there would be adultery. The Afghans are a&nbsp;people who kill a man found with their family. Both the&nbsp;(Russian) soldiers and the (Afghan) women would be&nbsp;killed. The Russians would appeal**to the (Afghan)&nbsp;ruler, and ask who slew their soldiers. . . . Then&nbsp;would friendship be changed into enmity, and war with&nbsp;the Russians would be inevitable. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It is evident, said the Ameer, that wise and prudent Afghans would never be the friends of the Russians,&nbsp;who, so long as they would not give up the idea of&nbsp;invading India, were enemies and destroyers of the&nbsp;Afghans.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman also dealt with another possible case. The Russians might announce their intention of marching&nbsp;to India, not through Afghanistan but by way of Persia,&nbsp;and, we may suppose, <span class=SpellE>Biluchistan</span>. Would it then be&nbsp;wise to enter into friendly relations with them. This,&nbsp;also, he thought would be a mistake. The Russians&nbsp;would only be seeking to deceive them, meaning to&nbsp;attack Afghanistan in flank and to force a road through&nbsp;Afghan territory. It would be better, he declared, to&nbsp;fight the Russians to-day and stop their movements,&nbsp;rather than be ruined to-morrow by them. According to&nbsp;Abdur Rahman, he had wanted to fight them in 1883,&nbsp;and this reminiscence is rather interesting: <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> At the time when I had conquered Kandahar, I received a letter from the country of the Turkomans&nbsp;stating that the Russians were coming very near and&nbsp;advancing daily. They said they had no leader and that&nbsp;their country would be lost. They asked that I should&nbsp;be their leader. I sent this letter to the English, who&nbsp;restrained me from interfering. If the English had not&nbsp;prevented me but had allowed me to go from Kandahar,&nbsp;I would at once have settled disputes at Herat, and&nbsp;have advanced with an army to <span class=SpellE>Merve</span> to occupy the&nbsp;place. I would have conciliated the Turkomans and&nbsp;have given them security.&quot;<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In conclusion, the Ameer expressed a hope that the British Agent who attended the durbar would listen to&nbsp;his words and communicate them to his Government.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Should any English officer or statesman, with a view to pleasing the Russians, say that the Afghans would <span class=SpellE>some&nbsp;day</span> become the friends of the Russians, the British&nbsp;Ministers would not pay heed to his false statements.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>This speech of the Ameer s has been quoted at some length, partly because its purport was very generally&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>mijunderstood</span> when a translation was published some&nbsp;years afterwards by an Anglo-Indian newspaper; but&nbsp;more especially because it shows what Abdur Rahman&nbsp;thought or wished his subjects to believe he thought-on the whole subject of his relations with England. In&nbsp;an Appendix will be found some more of his public&nbsp;utterances. An Anglo-Indian writer, ^<span class=SpellE>lr</span>. S. S. <span class=SpellE>Thorbum</span>,&nbsp;tells us that on another occasion the Ameer sought to&nbsp;explain the position by means of a curious and characteristic apologue, which I venture to append, if only&nbsp;for the sake of its phraseology<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> A swan, said the Ameer,  was once swimming in a pond, watched with hungry eyes from one bank by a pack&nbsp;of wolves, and from the other by an old tigress. From&nbsp;fright or curiosity, the swan incautiously approached the&nbsp;latter. The tiger clawed at him and tore out some of&nbsp;his feathers. In his distress he swam over to the other&nbsp;bank, when the wolves made a rush and would have torn&nbsp;him to pieces, had he not escaped into deep water.&nbsp;Finding himself secure, he resolved to confine his movements to the middle of the pond. There resting at his&nbsp;ease, he noticed how the wolves snarled at each other,&nbsp;and how very shallow the water was near the edge. He&nbsp;reflected that were the pond to dry up, the tigress might&nbsp;and the wolves certainly would devour him. </span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'>&nbsp;</p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER VII. <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font21 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>THE ENEMY WITHIN.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:220.85pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:191.4pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'>&nbsp;</p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>THE Ameer Abdur Rahman has always held somewhat inflated notions as to the divine right of kings. He was firmly resolved from the first that his will&nbsp;should be supreme throughout Afghanistan. No power&nbsp;but his own should be allowed in the land. Every man of&nbsp;influence, rank, or position, must be taught humility or&nbsp;take the consequence; every unruly tribe be coerced into&nbsp;obedience and inured to discipline. The process began&nbsp;almost as soon as he mounted the <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>musnid</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>\</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> and before&nbsp;very long there was scarcely left a single great man in the&nbsp;kingdom save the Ameer himself. Some were driven into&nbsp;banishment, others met with an unkinder fate. In&nbsp;particular those Afghans who had earned our goodwill&nbsp;during the British occupation were seemingly marked out&nbsp;as persons to be removed without compunction, either by&nbsp;deportation to India or by more summary methods. To a&nbsp;large number of the exiles the Indian Government granted&nbsp;compassionate allowances, thus adding considerably to the&nbsp;almost ruinous cost of our Afghan policy. In August,&nbsp;1882, Abdur Rahman was asked to let some of them&nbsp;return, and his answer was,  They will never be my&nbsp;friends, nor can I afford to pay them three lakhs a year.&nbsp;If the British authorities send them.to me, and do not&nbsp;mind it, I shall kill them all </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It is impossible to give a complete list of all who incurred the Ameer s wrath. Some were poisoned, others&nbsp;were beheaded or strangled.  There is a Thing, Abdur&nbsp;Rahman once remarked,  that goes about the streets of&nbsp;the city of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> by night. Should evil-doers come in the&nbsp;way of this Thing, they fare badly. Often they are found&nbsp;dead by the morning. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>This terror that walked in darkness fell upon not a few of those who laboured, justly or not, under the suspicion&nbsp;of opposing the Ameer s will. On night in July, 1881,&nbsp;five leading Afghans were suddenly seized and hurried&nbsp;away to Afghan-Turkestan, where they were put to death&nbsp;by their escort. <span class=SpellE>Saif</span>-ud-din Khan, the friend of our friend,&nbsp;Daud Shah, the general who was wounded in an attempt&nbsp;to carry succour to <span class=SpellE>Cavagnari</span>, was imprisoned and put to&nbsp;torture, till he gave up certain monies of Daud Shah s&nbsp;which he held in trust. The two brothers, Ali <span class=SpellE>Mardan</span><o:p></o:p> </span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Kul and Shah <span class=SpellE>Mardan</span> Kul, sons of the Nawab <span class=SpellE>Jubbar</span> Khan, were put to the rack and squeezed of all their&nbsp;property, including three lakhs of rupees and the finest&nbsp;fort in the country.  The Ameer,&quot; one of his own&nbsp;officials once said,  is a falcon, hungry for much flesh.&quot; <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Mahomed Jan, the Wardak general, who gave Lord Roberts so much trouble during the Afghan war, was put&nbsp;to death, an act which excited keen indignation at the&nbsp;time. The late Professor <span class=SpellE>Darmsteter</span>, who learnt a good&nbsp;deal about Afghan politics during his visit to Northern&nbsp;India, quotes the verses written by an Afghan poet at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span>:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Since Abdur <span class=SpellE>Rahmah</span> has been installed at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, man s faith in man has vanished.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>He massacres Ghazis in heaps by treason.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The warrior of God and martyr, Mahomed Jan, has gone from this world.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Ameer had him slain. He was captured by treachery. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>According to M. <span class=SpellE>Darmsteter</span>, Abdur Rahman, during one of his visits to <span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span>, heard these verses sung&nbsp;in the bazaar; and getting down from his elephant,&nbsp;ordered the writer to be summoned to his presence.&nbsp;Instead, however, of despatching the uncourtly versifier&nbsp;to keep company with Mahomed Jan, the Ameer urbanely&nbsp;asked why he was accused of treachery, and even condescended to exculpate himself.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>This is not a history of Afghanistan, and no attempt will be made to describe in detail the series of conflicts&nbsp;that ensued from the Ameer s determination to transform&nbsp;the more intractable tribes of the country into orderly,&nbsp;taxable subjects. Still something must be said of the&nbsp;manner in which his policy was Carried out. It was a&nbsp;hazardous experiment, for the Afghan tribes are ever&nbsp;averse to paying taxes. As a general rule an Afghan&nbsp;thinks he is rather unfortunate if he has to work more&nbsp;than one month in the twelve. He is, therefore, in a&nbsp;perpetual state of poverty; and the most trivial impost&nbsp;is resented as the demand of tyranny. In many parts of&nbsp;Afghanistan, the revenue due to the State can only be&nbsp;collected by an army in the field; in some it has not&nbsp;been paid within the memory of the oldest inhabitant<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It was in the Kohistan and in Wardak that Abdur Rahman s authority was first disputed. This was in 1881,&nbsp;when he was absent at Kandahar. There was a rising of&nbsp;some sort, which was speedily crushed, however, by his&nbsp;Governor of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. A little later there was trouble with&nbsp;the <span class=SpellE>Saiyyids</span> of Kunar. In 1883, and more than once&nbsp;afterwards, the <span class=SpellE>Shinwaris</span>, a powerful and predatory&nbsp;tribe near <span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span>, were incited by a <span class=SpellE>partizan</span> of <span class=SpellE>Ayoob s</span>&nbsp;to defy the Ameer s commands. According to a border&nbsp;proverb, no kindness will tame snakes, scorpions, or&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Shinwaris</span>; and Abdur Rahman used other expedients&nbsp;to cure them of their contumacy. <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span> <span class=SpellE>Hyder</span>, his&nbsp;Orakzai general, was commissioned to deal with them;&nbsp;and before long a goodly quantity of ghastly heads were&nbsp;on view in the <span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span> bazaar. Towards the end of the&nbsp;year the Mangals of Kurram and <span class=SpellE>Zurmat</span> were up. They&nbsp;defeated one of the Ameer s generals, who was brought&nbsp;back to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> in chains, to encourage the others; but they&nbsp;were themselves defeated in April, r884&gt; In 1887 further&nbsp;attempts to collect revenue from the <span class=SpellE>Shinwaris</span> led to&nbsp;renewed resistance; and there was more fighting. In&nbsp;July of the following year they killed <span class=SpellE>tlje</span> members of a&nbsp;mission which had been sent to them from <span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span>,&nbsp;and it was not till the spring of 1889 that they were finally&nbsp;subjugated.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> have given Abdur Rahman any amount of trouble from the first. In 1881 a <span class=SpellE>Tokhi</span> <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span>,&nbsp;named Sher Jan, pretended to be the late Ameer Shere&nbsp;Ali, and did his best to raise a rebellion in the <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>&nbsp;district Before much mischief was done he was&nbsp;captured and sent to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> in chains. About the same&nbsp;time <span class=SpellE>Asmatulla</span> Khan, the titular chief of all the <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span>,&nbsp;was discovered to be intriguing with <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> Khan, now in&nbsp;possession of Kandahar; for which offence he was seized&nbsp;and placed in durance, one Niaz Mahomed Khan being&nbsp;appointed chief of the <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> in his stead. <span class=SpellE>Asmatulla</span>&nbsp;is said to have been hanged, in a quiet way, in October,&nbsp;1882.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In 1886 the Mulla Abdul Karim, a son of the famous <span class=SpellE>Muskhi</span> Alum,  Fragrance of the Universe, with the&nbsp;help of Mir Afzul, <span class=SpellE>Hotak</span>, and Shah Khan, Mir <span class=SpellE>Afzul s</span>&nbsp;son, started a formidable revolt against Abdur Rahman.&nbsp;The origin of this disturbance is said to have been the&nbsp;withdrawal, by the Ameer s orders, of certain grants of&nbsp;money bestowed by Shere Ali and himself on <span class=SpellE>Muskhi</span>&nbsp;Alum and his kindred, and the assessment of land which&nbsp;this reverend family had hitherto enjoyed rent free. A&nbsp;most annoying demand for arrears of revenue bad also&nbsp;been addressed both to the <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>niullas</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> and the <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span>&nbsp;generally. At first the malcontents sought to gain redress&nbsp;for their wrongs by appealing to the British Government,&nbsp;and in April, 1886, a petition was sent to Sir Oliver&nbsp;St. John, addressed to Her Majesty the Queen, in which&nbsp;the <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> said If ever at any time .you intended&nbsp;to benefit and cherish the distressful people of Afghanistan,&nbsp;pray do not throw away this opportunity, but come to our&nbsp;aid, and do not make a moment s delay. Whether this&nbsp;bitter cry ever reached Queen Victoria s ears, rumour&nbsp;does not say, but the <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> were left to fight their own&nbsp;battles.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The first overt act of rebellion was an attack by <span class=SpellE>Andari</span> <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span>, the section to which the  Fragrance of the&nbsp;Universe  and his son belonged, on one of the Ameer s&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Durani</span> regiments, which in the autumn of 1886 was&nbsp;marching without arms it had but lately been raised &nbsp;from Kandahar to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. The rebels compelled the&nbsp;officer in command, <span class=SpellE>Saiyyid</span> Ali Khan, Mirza, to surrender&nbsp;140 camels, 80 tents, and Rs. 30,000 in cash. Large&nbsp;numbers of the <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> then joined the malcontents; but,&nbsp;through the winter, the agitation smouldered, and did not&nbsp;burst out again till the approach of spring. Then, in&nbsp;March, 1887, the Mulla Abdul Karim issued a proclamation in which he said that 12,000 men had promised&nbsp;to follow him. He gave out that he was a <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Khalifa</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> and&nbsp;proclaimed a holy war against the Ameer, who was an&nbsp;infidel and the friend of a foreign government. Meanwhile steps had been taken to check the rebels. It was&nbsp;believed in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> that the <span class=SpellE>Hotak</span> <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> had shared in&nbsp;the disturbances of 1886, and <span class=SpellE>Sarhang</span> <span class=SpellE>Sikundar</span> Khan, an&nbsp;old and trusted servant of Abdur Rahman s, and the father&nbsp;of his General, <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span> <span class=SpellE>Hyder</span> Khan, Orakzai, was sent to&nbsp;punish them. The Ameer s orders were that a sword and&nbsp;gun were to be taken from each <span class=SpellE>Hotak</span> family as a penalty&nbsp;for their alleged misbehaviour.* The <span class=SpellE>Sarhang s</span> proceedings, however, only tended to add fuel to the general&nbsp;exasperation. Amongst other things he seized a number&nbsp;of women belonging to the family of a rebel leader&nbsp;and sent them to Kandahar as prisoners, an act which&nbsp;excited bitter comment. In revenge, the <span class=SpellE>Hotaks</span> shut up&nbsp;one of his lieutenants in a hill stronghold. In March,&nbsp;1887, however, the <span class=SpellE>Sarhang</span> sent a Koran with his seal to&nbsp;the rebels inviting them to make peace, but fully intending,&nbsp;it was said, in true Afghan fashion, to fall upon them&nbsp;unawares.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The revolt now began to spread with alarming rapidity, both amongst the, <span class=SpellE>Hotaks</span> and the other <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span> tribes.&nbsp;By the end of March, 1887, the <span class=SpellE>Andari</span> and <span class=SpellE>Tarakhi</span>&nbsp;sections had sent their wives and children to the Hazara&nbsp;country, where they would be secure from molestation, and&nbsp;were themselves ready for the fray. The situation appeared&nbsp;so serious that quiet folk at Kandahar began to bury&nbsp;their valuables or despatch them to a place of safety.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>When the storm burst, the Ameer had but few troops in the <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span> country. Besides his garrisons at <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>,&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Kelat-i-Ghilzai</span>, and Maruf, there was only the small body&nbsp;of regulars, with a number of tribal levies, under the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Sarhang</span> <span class=SpellE>Sikundar</span> Khan, and in the north, General <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span>&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Hyder s</span> force, which consisted of a regiment of infantry&nbsp;and a detachment of cavalry. But prompt measures were&nbsp;taken to reinforce both commanders. From Kandahar, 500&nbsp;infantry of the Sufi regiment were sent in March <span class=SpellE>toSikunder s</span>&nbsp;assistance; and during the next two or three months&nbsp;strenuous efforts were made in the southern province to enlist <span class=SpellE>Durani</span> tribesmen, both as regulars and <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>khassadars</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>&nbsp;</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>(levies) and to push them on to the front. A considerable&nbsp;proportion, however, of these recruits proved of very&nbsp;little use; numbers of them deserting at the first&nbsp;opportunity. At <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> steps were taken to strengthen&nbsp;the garrison of <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>, and to reinforce General <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span>&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Hyder</span>.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The luck at first was on the side of the rebels. The Ameer s Governor of Maruf (Isa Khan) was defeated&nbsp;at <span class=SpellE>Atagarh</span> by Shah Khan, <span class=SpellE>Hotak</span>, while trying to effect a&nbsp;junction with <span class=SpellE>Sikundar</span>; and shortly afterwards, on April&nbsp;12, 1887, <span class=SpellE>Sikundar</span> himself met with a reverse at the same&nbsp;place, though he did his best to represent it as a victory.&nbsp;All this while General <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span> <span class=SpellE>Hyder</span> in the north,&nbsp;was dealing with the <span class=SpellE>Andari</span> and <span class=SpellE>Tarakhi</span> <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span>, and at&nbsp;one time he was reported to be in desperate straits.&nbsp;Nevertheless he managed to hold his own; and in the&nbsp;middle of May he was able to come to the relief of&nbsp;his father, <span class=SpellE>Sikundar</span>, who, as already said, had been hard&nbsp;pressed by the <span class=SpellE>Hotaks</span>. Their combined forces numbered&nbsp;four regiments of infantry, two of cavalry, and twenty&nbsp;guns, besides irregulars.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The rebels, however, were full of confidence. It was reported that 30,000 tribesmen were out, and that Shah&nbsp;Khan, <span class=SpellE>Hotak</span>, had been proclaimed Ameer. As a&nbsp;descendant of Mir Wais, the first of the so-called <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span>&nbsp;dynasty which had subjugated Persia, he was an adversary&nbsp;whom it would have been rash to despise. The rebels,&nbsp;moreover, were being supported by other refractory tribes;&nbsp;and according to one story they had sent an envoy to&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Merve</span> to ask help of the Russians. Abdur Rahman was evidently ill at ease, and reinforcements were hurried up from Herat, and even from <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> on the far side of the&nbsp;Hindu Kush. Although he was suffering from bad health&nbsp;at the time, the Ameer declared that unless his generals&nbsp;made haste to quell the rebellion, he would take the field&nbsp;in person. A proclamation was also issued stating that&nbsp;the cause of the revolt was the embezzlement of the&nbsp;revenue by the tribal chiefs.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The fear was that the opposition to the Ameer s authority would extend to other parts of his dominions.&nbsp;The <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Times</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> correspondent at Calcutta telegraphed that&nbsp;Abdur Rahman s popularity and prestige had been&nbsp;irretrievably shattered, and that unless we intervened on his&nbsp;behalf he must speedily fall. Ominous reports came from&nbsp;Herat, where the garrison was largely composed of <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span>&nbsp;troops, who were daily becoming more and more excited&nbsp;about the struggle in progress between their fellow&nbsp;tribesmen and the Ameer s soldiery. On June 6, 1887,&nbsp;the greater part of the <span class=SpellE>Hazari</span> regiment, which had eight&nbsp;hundred <span class=SpellE>Andari</span> <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> in the ranks, broke out into open&nbsp;mutiny, looted the arsenal, and shut up the governor&nbsp;in the ark or citadel, along with the provincial <span class=SpellE>commanderin</span>-chief. Then, after a fight with a force of loyal&nbsp;troops who tried conclusions with them, the mutineers&nbsp;turned their backs on Herat, and marched off in good&nbsp;order for the scene of the revolt in the east. In the&nbsp;following month they joined a large body of rebel tribesmen which had collected round Murgha.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In the meantime General <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span> <span class=SpellE>Hyder</span> had not been idle. He had succeeded in starving out and dispersing&nbsp;the <span class=SpellE>Hotaks</span> who had gathered together about <span class=SpellE>Atagarh</span>;&nbsp;and then, leaving his father, <span class=SpellE>Sikundar</span>, in charge here,&nbsp;he marched northwards and twice defeated the <span class=SpellE>Tarakhis</span>&nbsp;in the neighbourhood of Lake <span class=SpellE>Abistada</span>. He had now to&nbsp;turn his attention to the gathering at Murgha, which,&nbsp;as already mentioned, had been joined by the mutineers&nbsp;from Herat. He himself had been reinforced by the&nbsp;opportune arrival of two loyal regiments and four hundred&nbsp;horsemen from the same city; and thus strengthened&nbsp;he advanced, about the close of Ramazan, against the&nbsp;enemy. A few weeks later, he was fortunate enough to&nbsp;meet with a detached body of them, and these he&nbsp;attacked and defeated on July 27, before the main body&nbsp;could come to their rescue.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Shortly before the good news reached Kandahar, a proclamation bearing the Ameer s seal was posted up in&nbsp;the bazaar. His subjects were therein given to understand that the Indian Government was holding seventy-two infantry regiments, with cavalry and guns, in readiness&nbsp;to come to his aid. He was quite able, the proclamation&nbsp;said, to dispense with such assistance, but English troops&nbsp;would be called in should Russia take advantage of the&nbsp;present disturbances to make encroachments on his&nbsp;frontier. Mention was also made of the startling but&nbsp;dubious intelligence, which had reached Abdur Rahman,&nbsp;of a meeting between the Sultan of Turkey and the King&nbsp;of Lebanon, who had concerted measures for meeting the&nbsp;common enemy of Turks and Afghans.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>After his victory on July 27, General <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span> <span class=SpellE>Hyder</span> marched against the main body of the rebels, which fled, and finally, being hard pressed and in want of food, was so effectually broken up that, though desultory fighting&nbsp;continued through the month of August, the <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span>&nbsp;rising, which at one time had been widespread and&nbsp;dangerous, came to an end.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Ameer Abdur Rahman was delighted with the result. On the first opportunity he presented his&nbsp;victorious commander, in open durbar, with a jewelled&nbsp;medal, saying  Other men also fought, but <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span>&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Hyder</span>, Orakzai, fought and at the same time carried on&nbsp;the administration; herein he has shown conspicuous&nbsp;ability. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Scant mercy, it is to be feared, was shown toward the vanquished. Fazl Khan, the brother of the rebel Mulla,&nbsp;is said to have been put to torture till he betrayed all he&nbsp;knew about the movement; then his beard was plucked&nbsp;out, and boiling oil was poured on his head till the&nbsp;wretched man died. The Mulla Abdul Karim fled to&nbsp;Kurram; while the body of his father, <span class=SpellE>Muskhi</span> Alum, was&nbsp;exhumed, and his grave ploughed up by asses. Timur&nbsp;Shah, a military officer who had aided and abetted the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span> mutineers at Herat, was caught and sent to&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, where he was stoned to death on July 13. He&nbsp;had held a military command at <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>, when the&nbsp;Russians attacked the Afghan outpost, and had&nbsp;narrowly escaped being hanged for his want of&nbsp;success on that occasion.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The year 1887 was also notable for <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> Khan s attempt to invade Afghanistan; and some reference&nbsp;must be made to the affair here, since his presence&nbsp;on the frontier of Herat and in Seistan served to&nbsp;encourage the rebels within the borders of Abdur&nbsp;Rahman s kingdom. He managed to escape from&nbsp;Teheran in August, 1887, hoping, there is good reason&nbsp;to believe, to join the rebel <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span>. The Afghan authorities at Herat, however, had been warned of his design,&nbsp;and took prompt measures to prevent his entry into&nbsp;Afghanistan. A vigilant watch was kept along the&nbsp;frontier, and he had scarcely reached the neighbourhood of <span class=SpellE>Ghorian</span> when he was surprised and pursued&nbsp;into the desert After enduring no little privation and&nbsp;hardship, he abandoned his enterprise and gave himself&nbsp;up to General Maclean, the Viceroy s Agent at Meshed.&nbsp;He is now living as a British pensioner in India. The&nbsp;failure of his plans and the news of his surrender no&nbsp;doubt helped to dishearten the rebels in Eastern&nbsp;Afghanistan and facilitated their suppression.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The rebellion of <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> Khan, the Governor of Afghan-Turkestan, was for a while a very formidable menace to the stability of Abdur Rahman s power; and yet there&nbsp;is some reason to believe that it was deliberately provoked&nbsp;by the Ameer himself, in order that the northern province&nbsp;might be brought completely under his own control.&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Is hak</span>, though nominally dependent on <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, had&nbsp;hitherto done pretty well what seemed right in his own&nbsp;eyes. He was the Ameer s first cousin, being the son of&nbsp;the Ameer Azim. His mother was an Armenian Christian&nbsp;whose father had settled as a merchant in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. Though&nbsp;anything but an Afghan in outward appearance, he&nbsp;prided himself greatly on his descent from Dost&nbsp;Mahomed; and was a devout follower of the prophet&nbsp;Contrary to what one often heard at the time, he was no soldier, and was fonder of posing as a <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>mulla</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>,</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> who could rule over Mahomedans in strict accordance, with&nbsp;the principles of Islam; being altogether different, that&nbsp;is, to his cousin, Abdur Rahman, who had trafficked with&nbsp;English infidels; different, moreover, to <span class=SpellE>Ayoob</span> Khan, who&nbsp;was protected by the heretical Shias of Persia. When&nbsp;an exile in Central Asia he had joined the <span class=SpellE>Nakhsbundis</span>,&nbsp;a sect of dervishes founded in the time of <span class=SpellE>Tamurlane</span> by&nbsp;the famous mystic and patron saint of Bokhara, Khoja&nbsp;Baha-ud-din. Like Abdur Rahman, <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> had lived&nbsp;many years at Samarcand as a pensioner of the Russians.&nbsp;When at length they were given leave, or took it, to&nbsp;return to their own country, it was agreed that each&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>should.keep</span> what he could get; and doubtless the usual&nbsp;oaths were sworn on the Koran. According to one&nbsp;account they both crossed the Oxus about the same time;&nbsp;but it has also been stated that <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> was the first to&nbsp;re-enter Afghanistan. According to the <span class=SpellE>Usbeg</span> proverb,&nbsp; two <span class=SpellE><i>mullas</i></span> make a man, one <span class=SpellE><i>viulla</i></span> only makes a&nbsp;woman ; yet though <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> was more of a priest than a&nbsp;general, he soon contrived to form a strong party and to&nbsp;establish his authority round and about Mazar-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-Sharif.&nbsp;When Abdur Rahman went on to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, to treat with&nbsp;the English, <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> was left behind as Governor of Balkh;&nbsp;and he was anything than pleased when his cousin, the&nbsp;Ameer, set up separate governors in <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span> to the&nbsp;east, and <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span> to the west. In most respects he was&nbsp;now an independent ruler. For instance, he not only paid&nbsp;no tribute to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, but even claimed and obtained a share&nbsp;of the treasure which Abdur Rahman received from&nbsp;India. He is said to have reminded the Ameer that in</span></span> the time of Dost Mahomed, Afzul Khan, Abdur Rahman s father, had only been expected to help the&nbsp;Ameer in case of urgent need.  In the same way, <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span>&nbsp;wrote,  it is proper and right that you should acknowledge me as sole ruler of Afghan-Turkestan, liable only to&nbsp;render <span class=SpellE>you</span> assistance in cases of extreme urgency. My&nbsp;father was Ameer as well as yours, and my claims ought&nbsp;not to be overlooked. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Ameer Abdur Rahman, probably, had never the slightest intention of sharing the heritage of Dost&nbsp;Mahomed with any of his relations; but there was much&nbsp;to be done before he could settle accounts with <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span>.&nbsp;As already related, he first of all turned his attention to&nbsp;Kandahar and Herat; and was for a long while occupied&nbsp;with the task of suppressing refractory tribesmen, and&nbsp;otherwise making himself supreme in that part of&nbsp;Afghanistan which lies to the south of the Hindu Kush.&nbsp;Not that he left <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> entirely alone. When the English&nbsp;Boundary Commissioners passed through Mazar-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-Sharif,&nbsp;where <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> had his head-quarters, there were signs that&nbsp;his independence was in reality far from complete. It was&nbsp;true that he appointed his own deputy governors and&nbsp;military officers, but the chief revenue officials were&nbsp;nominated by the Ameer, and sent their accounts to&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> to be inspected and passed. <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> himself seemed&nbsp;to devote most of his time to prayer, and his son had to&nbsp;follow his austere example. The administration, however,&nbsp;was rigid and efficient; chiefly owing, no doubt, to the&nbsp;submissiveness of the <span class=SpellE>Usbeg</span> population, long accustomed&nbsp;to the sternness of Afghan rule.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But after the return of the Boundary Commissioners to India, and the settlement of the dispute about the Herat frontier, Abdur Rahman resolved that the time&nbsp;had come for dealing with his cousin. He accordingly summoned <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, to give an account of&nbsp;his stewardship. This was in the summer of 1888. Not&nbsp;unnaturally, <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> declined the invitation, and sent a&nbsp;subordinate officer in his stead, whom the Ameer incontinently beheaded. <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> then knew what he had to&nbsp;expect, and raised the standard of revolt. His chances&nbsp;were by no means contemptible. His regular troops&nbsp;were of the same stamp as Abdur Rahman s, and a&nbsp;good many of them were armed with the <span class=SpellE>breechloaders</span>&nbsp;we presented to the Ameer at the time of the <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>&nbsp;scare. He was joined moreover, though rather late in&nbsp;the day, by Sultan Murad Beg of Kunduz, with a con- &nbsp;tingent of <span class=SpellE>Kattaghan</span> <span class=SpellE>Usbegs</span>. On the other hand, <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span>&nbsp;was ill-provided with money, and, what was even more&nbsp;against him, he had not a warlike population at his back.&nbsp;The <span class=SpellE>Usbegs</span> of <span class=SpellE>Kattaghan</span> still retain something of the&nbsp;traditional valour that made the name known throughout&nbsp;Asia and as far away as Grand Cairo, where the <span class=SpellE>Usbekiah</span>&nbsp;Square perpetuates their fame. But in general, and outside Kunduz, there is little in the <span class=SpellE>Usbeg</span> of Northern&nbsp;Afghanistan to remind the traveller of those<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Chiefs of the Uzbek race,<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Waving their heron crests with haughty grace, <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>who gave Baber the Moghul so much trouble. Abject in spirit and badly-armed, they could afford little support&nbsp;to a rebel governor; and provided the Russians lent&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> no assistance, the chances were all in the Ameer s&nbsp;favour, if only  the sword of valour were brightened with&nbsp;the polish of good counsel, as the author of the <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Zafar-Nama</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> puts it.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Ameer acted promptly. <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span> <span class=SpellE>Hyder</span> Khan, Orakzai, the same who had crushed the <span class=SpellE>Ghilzai</span> revolt,&nbsp;was ordered to advance into Afghan-Turkestan by the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Bamian</span> route; while Abdulla Khan, the Ameer s trusted&nbsp;Governor of <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>, marched against <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> from&nbsp;the east. On September 17, 1888, General <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span>&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Hyder</span> reached <span class=SpellE>Aibak</span>,* 160 miles north of <span class=SpellE>Bamian</span>,&nbsp;having met with but little opposition. Six days later&nbsp;he was joined by Abdulla Khan. The rebel forces were&nbsp;concentrated round <span class=SpellE>Tashkurghan</span>, thirty-eight miles to&nbsp;the north; and it was here, or rather at <span class=SpellE>Ghuznichak</span>&nbsp;(Little <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>), three miles to the south of <span class=SpellE>Tashkurghan</span>,&nbsp;that the battle which decided <span class=SpellE>Is hak s</span> fate was fought,&nbsp;on September 29.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=SpellE><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif; mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>Gholam</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> <span class=SpellE>Hyder s</span> army is said to have consisted of four regiments of cavalry, thirteen of infantry, and twenty-six guns. The force to be attacked, if numerically&nbsp;stronger, was probably not so well equipped and armed.&nbsp;However, both sides meant fighting. Though <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span>&nbsp;was no soldier, one of his generals proved himself a&nbsp;capable leader, and the battle of <span class=SpellE>Ghuznichak</span> looked at&nbsp;one time like a victory for the opposition. A wing of&nbsp;the Ameer s army, commanded by Abdulla Khan, was&nbsp;put to the rout; and had this success been followed&nbsp;up, <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> might have won the day. General <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span>&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Hyder</span>, however, not only held his own, but attacked&nbsp;the main body of <span class=SpellE>Is hak s</span> troops and utterly defeated them, capturing their artillery, baggage, and camp. That was the end of <span class=SpellE>Is hak s</span> rebellion. <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> himself fled&nbsp;in hot haste across the Oxus, and sought a refuge at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Kerki</span>, where in May, 1887, the Russians had established&nbsp;an outpost.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Yet, strange to say, the first news of the fight that reached the Ameer was not of a glorious and decisive&nbsp;victory, but of a disastrous defeat. The soldiers of the&nbsp;routed wing made straight for <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and before long the&nbsp;streets of the capital were swarming with fugitives, who&nbsp;averred that <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> had won. It is often difficult, even at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, to get trustworthy intelligence about what goes on&nbsp;north of the passes over the Hindu Kush; and for some&nbsp;days after the fight, Abdur Rahman refused to believe the&nbsp;more gratifying rumour that his general had been&nbsp;successful, and that <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span>, his rebellious cousin, was in&nbsp;full flight across the Oxus So alarmed was the Ameer&nbsp;that he actually sent off an urgent appeal for help to the&nbsp;Indian Government. He begged us to give him more&nbsp;arms and ammunition, and to at once push forward troops&nbsp;to Chaman, Kurram, and <span class=SpellE>Lundi</span> <span class=SpellE>Kotal</span>, with a view to&nbsp;advancing, if need be, on Kandahar, <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>, and&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span>. He even thought of inviting us to occupy&nbsp;Kandahar straight off, but was dissuaded by the British&nbsp;Agent at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On learning what had really taken place, Abdur Rahman determined to go himself to Afghan-Turkestan;&nbsp;partly, no doubt, to reorganize the administration, but&nbsp;also to superintend the punishment of all who had sided&nbsp;with <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span>. Leaving his son. <span class=SpellE>Habibulla</span> Khan, in charge&nbsp;at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, he set out for Mazar-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-Sharif in October, or November, 1888; and he did not return to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> till July, 1890. During the interval he was busily occupied&nbsp;in stamping out disaffection and restoring authority; and&nbsp;this he did with his customary vigour. <span class=SpellE>Is hak s</span> followers&nbsp;felt the full weight of his hand. Some, like Sultan&nbsp;Murad of Kunduz, were hunted across the Oxus. Many&nbsp;others were sent away to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and there put to death,&nbsp;in order that the <span class=SpellE>Cabulis</span> might have ocular demonstration of his triumph. Others were harried and shot down&nbsp;wherever they were caught. The Ameer s ruthless&nbsp;severity could not be allowed to pass without a&nbsp;remonstrance from the British Government, and in the&nbsp;winter of 1888 the Governor-General wrote to him that&nbsp;his proceedings were viewed with grave displeasure.&nbsp;Neither the letter nor the Ameer s reply have ever&nbsp;been published; but something is known of the <span class=SpellE>tenour</span>&nbsp;of these communications. Amongst other things Abdur&nbsp;Rahman was warned that a continuance of his severities&nbsp;might very likely give the Russians a pretext for interfering in Afghan-Turkestan. The Ameer is said to have&nbsp;replied that the Governor-General did not understand&nbsp;the situation, and that the only safe way of dealing with&nbsp;rebellious subjects was to make it impossible for them to&nbsp;repeat their offence. In July, 1890, it may be noted,&nbsp;a question was asked in the House of Commons by the&nbsp;late Mr. <span class=SpellE>Bradlaugh</span> concerning the punishment of rebels&nbsp;at Mazar-<span class=SpellE>i</span> Sharif. Probably if the whole truth had been&nbsp;known in London, there would have been an outburst&nbsp;of public resentment at deeds of slaughter and devastation perpetrated by a ruler who was under British&nbsp;protection and in receipt of a British subsidy.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Besides having to restore order in the districts which had been immediately under <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> Khan, the Ameer s&nbsp;attention was also engaged by some sort of rising in&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>. The facts are by no means clear; but it&nbsp;may be supposed that the disturbance began shortly after&nbsp;the Ameer s Governor, Abdulla Khan, advanced against&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Is hak</span>. At any rate it was reported early in February,&nbsp;1889, that the Afghans had been driven out, and&nbsp;three descendants of the old reigning family set up in&nbsp;their place. This news was probably sent by the Cossack&nbsp;explorer, Captain <span class=SpellE>Grombchevsky</span>, who about this time&nbsp;was in Wakhan, and shortly afterwards visited <span class=SpellE>Kanjut</span>.&nbsp;In the following July (1889) further information reached&nbsp;India. It was then said that the Ameer had sent troops&nbsp;into the disturbed districts from Mazar-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-Sharif, and had&nbsp;also ordered reinforcements from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. The insurgents&nbsp;were indifferently armed; and Abdur Rahman s soldiers,&nbsp;with their Martinis, must have made short work of&nbsp;them. Toward the end of August, 1889, reports were&nbsp;received saying that the insurrection had completely&nbsp;collapsed.*<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Two other events which happened during Abdur Rahman s absence in Afghan-Turkestan may be conveniently recorded here. On December 26, 1888, when&nbsp;reviewing his troops at Mazar-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-Sharif, he narrowly escaped&nbsp;being assassinated. A twelvemonth afterwards <span class=SpellE>Dr.</span> Gray,&nbsp;then serving as the Ameer s physician, was asked to&nbsp;attend a page-boy who had broken his thigh. There was&nbsp;the scar of a bullet wound on the lad s body, and he told&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Dr.</span> Gray the whole story. The Ameer was sitting in his arm-chair and smoking a cigarette, as the troops marched past. On a sudden a soldier fired at him,&nbsp;and the bullet went through the back of the Ameer s&nbsp;chair, wounding the page-boy, and, according to one&nbsp;account, killing a soldier as well Abdur Rahman went&nbsp;on smoking, but cried out, when a movement was made&nbsp;to cut down the assassin, that the man s life was to be&nbsp;spared. It was too late, however, and, whatever may&nbsp;have been his motive, it was never known, for he was&nbsp;killed on the spot. The officers of his regiment were&nbsp;punished severely.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The other event referred to was the birth on September 15, 1889, of the Ameer s son, the <span class=SpellE>fjhahzada</span> Mahomed&nbsp;Omar Khan, who, since his mother was Abdur Rahman s&nbsp;principal wife, a lady of the royal tribe, soon came to be&nbsp;a personage of greater consideration, in many people s&nbsp;eyes, than the sons borne to the Ameer by less&nbsp;distinguished mothers.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Possibly to this period may also be assigned an incident which Abdur Rahman afterwards related to Sir Salter&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Pyne</span>, with a keen appreciation of its humorous character&nbsp;and of his own talent for repartee. The Russian&nbsp;Governor of Turkestan, or it may have been some&nbsp;subordinate officer, perhaps General <span class=SpellE>Christiani</span> at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Kerki</span>, sent him a message saying that it was his&nbsp;intention to exercise a force of some five hundred&nbsp;men, cavalry and artillery, at a point near the Afghan&nbsp;frontier, and expressing a hope that the Ameer&nbsp;would not misinterpret this proceeding, which had a&nbsp;purely pacific intent, as a hostile demonstration. There&nbsp;was nothing he need be in the least alarmed at To&nbsp;which Abdur Rahman replied that he did not mind at&nbsp;all, especially as he himself proposed to exercise a force&nbsp;of five thousand troops of all arms exactly opposite the&nbsp;very spot<o:p></o:p> </span>.</p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>There is no doubt that the Ameer s prolonged stay in the provinces immediately south of the Oxus, accompanied as he was by a strong and well-equipped army,&nbsp;was regarded with some anxiety both in Bokhara and at&nbsp;Tashkend. There were rumours even that he was&nbsp;making overtures to the Ameer of Bokhara, with a&nbsp;view to a holy war against the Russians. It was said&nbsp;that he had 30,000 troops with him, and that the Russian&nbsp;authorities had been compelled to strengthen their&nbsp;frontier outposts. As a matter of fact he had nothing&nbsp;like this force, and except that the implacable energy&nbsp;which he shewed in hunting down rebels, created some&nbsp;excitement in Bokhara, there is no reason to suppose that&nbsp;his neighbours across the Oxus had any real grounds for&nbsp;uneasiness. It only remains to say that <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> Khan was&nbsp;invited by the Russians, with more or less <span class=SpellE>insistance</span>, to&nbsp;take up his abode at Samarcand, where, in February, 1889,&nbsp;a newspaper correspondent found him smoking cigarettes&nbsp;and disinclined to say anything about his plans, saving&nbsp;that he held himself at the orders and disposal of the&nbsp;Czar.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On June 13, 1890, the Ameer Abdur Rahman left Mazar-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-Sharif, arriving on July 24 at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, where a few&nbsp;days afterwards he held a grand review of his troops. It&nbsp;was said that 8,000 infantry, 4,000 cavalry, six mule&nbsp;batteries, two field, and two elephant batteries paraded&nbsp;before him.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Having overcome the <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span> and driven <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> out of the kingdom, he had little to fear from domestic enemies;&nbsp;and as we have seen in the preceding chapter, he began to&nbsp;carry out certain projects for extending his dominion,&nbsp;which at one period strained the patience of the British&nbsp;Government almost to breaking point. Here we are&nbsp;concerned rather with his domestic policy. It was about&nbsp;this time that he resolved to bring all the Hazara tribes&nbsp;completely under subjection. These interesting people&nbsp;had in the past been more or less independent of any&nbsp;ruler of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. They inhabit a mountainous region&nbsp;extending westward from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>, and <span class=SpellE>Kelat-i-Ghilzai</span>, to the neighbourhood of Herat. Sultan Baber in&nbsp;the beginning of the sixteenth century found it necessary&nbsp;to chastise some Hazara tribesmen who had raided on&nbsp;the road between <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span> and <span class=SpellE>Gardez</span>.  I took the&nbsp;field, he writes in his autobiography,  for the purpose&nbsp;of falling on them by surprise. We cleared the pass&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Nirkh</span> by night, and, by the hour of morning prayers,&nbsp;fell upon the Hazaras and beat them to our heart s&nbsp;content. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Hazara tribes, who are constantly fighting among themselves, most likely represent a mixture of races; but&nbsp;there is no particular ground for rejecting the usual&nbsp;explanation that the modern Hazaras are descended from&nbsp;a military colony planted by the Mongols. The poet and&nbsp;historian, Abul Fazl, who wrote in the sixteenth century,&nbsp;states that they were the remains of the army of <span class=SpellE>Mangu</span>,&nbsp;the grandson of <span class=SpellE>Chingiz</span> Khan. In the <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Tarikh-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-Rashidi&nbsp;</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>it is said that the <span class=SpellE>Usbeg</span>, Shaibani, in 1510 marched&nbsp;against the Hazaras,  who were descendants of the</span></span> Mongols of <span class=SpellE>Khulagu</span>. * Some, however, of the tribes who are roughly classed together as Hazaras may have had&nbsp;another origin. It has been said that there is a remarkable&nbsp;likeness between the Hazaras and the Sphinx-shaped&nbsp;statues of the <span class=SpellE>Hyskos</span> kings in the <span class=SpellE>Boulak</span> Museum; and&nbsp;Canon Isaac Taylor quotes this as confirmation of the&nbsp;theory that the <span class=SpellE>Hyskos</span> were of Mongol race.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>One thing, however, is quite certain, namely, that the Hazaras are not Afghans; and they live in a country which&nbsp;is extremely difficult of access. Having determined to&nbsp;reduce them to obedience, Abdur Rahman appointed&nbsp;Abdul Kudus Khan, formerly governor of Herat, to be&nbsp;governor of <span class=SpellE>Bamian</span>, and ordered him to undertake the&nbsp;task. It proved a very difficult one, and for the next&nbsp;three or four years there were frequent accounts of&nbsp;fighting between the Hazaras and the troops sent against&nbsp;them. In the autumn of 1890 the Shaikh Ali Hazaras,&nbsp;who inhabit the country about <span class=SpellE>Bamian</span> and the sources of&nbsp;the <span class=SpellE>Helmund</span> river, attacked an Afghan detachment. On&nbsp;this occasion, it should be noted to his credit, the Ameer&nbsp;displayed unusual clemency. A number of Hazara headmen were seized and brought to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>; but instead of&nbsp;ordering their instant execution, the Ameer gave them&nbsp;coats of honour, and sent them back with a message to&nbsp;say that he had no desire to quarrel with the Hazaras,&nbsp;and would treat them well, provided they would acknowledge his authority.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In the summer of 1891 there was further harrying of the Hazaras, chiefly those of <span class=SpellE>Urusghan</span>, north-west of <span class=SpellE>Kelat-i-Ghilzai</span>; but no authentic information is on record beyond the statement that a Hazara chief was&nbsp;carried off to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and there treated with kindness. In&nbsp;the following year the principal Hazara tribes combined&nbsp;to rise against the Ameer s authority, and the movement&nbsp;attained serious and alarming dimensions. It appears to&nbsp;have begun among the <span class=SpellE>Urusghan</span> Hazaras in the southeast of <span class=SpellE>Hazarajat</span> The Ameer s commanders handled&nbsp;their men badly, and for a time the rebels closed the road&nbsp;between <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and Kandahar. Then the northern&nbsp;Hazaras rose; and it was reported that a large number of&nbsp;the rebels were armed with rifles. About the same time&nbsp;there was a rising of the <span class=SpellE>Usbegs</span> in <span class=SpellE>Maimana</span>; but this&nbsp;was put down without much difficulty. The Hazaras,&nbsp;however, proved more intractable; and in the beginning&nbsp;of August, 1892, Abdur Rahman pleaded his anxieties in&nbsp;this Erection as an excuse for not receiving Lord Roberts,&nbsp;whom the Indian Government proposed to send on a&nbsp;mission to <span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span>. In his letter to the Viceroy, he&nbsp;announced his intention of surrounding the Hazaras and&nbsp;starving them out. Late in September or early in the following month, a despatch was received from the Ameer s&nbsp;General, Brigadier Subhan Khan, stating that he had&nbsp;defeated the <span class=SpellE>Urusghan</span> Hazaras and occupied their valley.&nbsp;It was given out, too, that thirty mule loads of Hazara&nbsp;heads would shortly reach the capital. Mr. (now Sir S.)&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Pyne</span> was ordered to prepare medals for the victorious&nbsp;troops, a gold one set in jewels being specially ordered&nbsp;for the decoration of the Brigadier.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>For some months nothing more was heard of the Hazaras, but in the summer of 1893 they were again&nbsp;in arms; and this time Abdur Rahman, possibly in view of the approaching visit of the Durand Mission, seems to&nbsp;have resorted to a policy of conciliation. At any rate, it&nbsp;was reported that, on August 4, he held a durbar in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>,&nbsp;at which a number of Hazara chiefs who had been&nbsp;persuaded to  come in were present, and received&nbsp;dresses of honour. When Sir Mortimer Durand reached&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, Afghanistan was everywhere enjoying unaccustomed tranquillity.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p> </span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER VIII.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>THE BOUNDARIES OF AFGHANISTAN. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'>&nbsp;</p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>THE demarcation of the northern boundary of Afghanistan, in places where, hitherto, it was vaguely indicated by an imaginary line of unknown flexibility, must&nbsp;be reckoned among the most memorable incidents of&nbsp;Abdur Rahman s reign. With the tedious and prolonged&nbsp;negotiations between the Governments of England and&nbsp;Russia, we are not, perhaps, mainly concerned;* but it is&nbsp;necessary, at least, to record the result, and also to show,&nbsp;as far as possible, how the Ameer and his subjects and&nbsp;successors are likely to be affected by the agreement&nbsp;arrived at. That the whole question of Afghan boundaries has a very serious import for Englishmen, is in these days a proposition beyond controversy. Responsible politicians of both parties in the United Kingdom&nbsp;have not only admitted, but have insisted, that England&nbsp;must resent any infraction of the frontier by a foreign power&nbsp;as an act of hostility. A few pages, therefore, may&nbsp;reasonably be occupied in explaining the circumstances&nbsp;in which this frontier came to be laid down. <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In 1873, when Shere Ali was Ameer, the English and Russian Governments agreed that the River Oxus&nbsp;should be taken as the boundary of Afghanistan, from&nbsp;the Pamirs in the north-east to the post of Khoja Saleh&nbsp;in the north-west, At one extremity of this line,&nbsp;the desert to the north-west of <span class=SpellE>Andkhui</span> was to&nbsp;belong to independent tribes of Turkomans. It was&nbsp;added that the Western Afghan frontier between the&nbsp;dependencies of Herat and Persia was well known, and&nbsp;did not require to be defined. There were some awkward&nbsp;blanks in the agreement. The clauses relating to the&nbsp;countries on the Upper Oxus were indistinct, if not&nbsp;misleading; while the omission to indicate anything like&nbsp;a precise line of division between Afghan territory and&nbsp;the Turkoman desert north-west of <span class=SpellE>Andkhui</span> led, twelve&nbsp;years later, to a dispute which almost developed into&nbsp;a war. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It was some three or four years after Abdur Rahman s accession that the necessity of elucidating and expanding&nbsp;the agreement of 1873 was forced on the attention&nbsp;of the British Government. When in February,&nbsp;1884, our Foreign Office learnt that the Czar had <span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>resolved to accept the proffered allegiance of the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Merve</span> Turkomans, Earl Granville invited Russia to&nbsp;propose some way of averting the complications that&nbsp;might be caused by her nearer approach towards Herat.&nbsp;In reply M. de <span class=SpellE>Giers</span> said that he himself had already&nbsp;suggested the appointment of a joint Boundary Commission&nbsp;to lay down a frontier line between the Oxus and the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Heri</span> <span class=SpellE>Rud</span>, and he still considered such a measure advisable. The first steps were accordingly taken. In July,&nbsp;1884, General Sir Peter Lumsden was appointed British&nbsp;Commissioner for the boundary delimitation. The&nbsp;Russians on their side nominated General <span class=SpellE>Zelenoi</span>.&nbsp;Abdur Rahman was informed of the proposal on foot,&nbsp;and was invited to appoint an Afghan official to assist the&nbsp;joint Commission. Sir Peter Lumsden, on his appointment,&nbsp;also addressed a letter to the Ameer, and in due course&nbsp;received a reply in which Abdur Rahman said: </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> I hope that you will with great courage and valour negotiate with the Russian agents regarding the disputed&nbsp;frontier line, and you may rest assured that they have not&nbsp;in hand a dot of writing from me at any time which may&nbsp;be a pretext to enable them to enter and take possession&nbsp;of Afghan land. I am so firm in striving for my rights,&nbsp;that if the Russian agents should wish to take a piece of a&nbsp;fragment from the ruins of the Afghan frontier, it will be&nbsp;impossible for them to do so as long as the Afghans have&nbsp;strength and power to resist. </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Meanwhile much was happening. Neither Russian frontier officers nor the Afghans would wait patiently for&nbsp;the tardy arbitrament of a Boundary Commission. While&nbsp;longer-winded diplomatists in London and St. Petersburg <span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>were diffusely arguing about a  zone within which the&nbsp;inquiry was to be instituted, Afghan soldiers were sent to&nbsp;garrison <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>, at the junction of the <span class=SpellE>Kuskh</span> and&nbsp;Murghab rivers; and the Russians advanced to <span class=SpellE>Yulatan</span>&nbsp;on the Murghab, and to <span class=SpellE>Pul</span>-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-Khatun  My Lady s&nbsp;Bridge  on the <span class=SpellE>Heri</span> <span class=SpellE>Rud</span>. Both movements were&nbsp;more or less indefensible. They were almost certain&nbsp;to precipitate conflicts of one kind or another, and to&nbsp;impede, if not prevent, a peaceful settlement of the&nbsp;difficulty.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Before very long the situation on the Herat frontier became alarming. On November 9, 1884, Sir Peter&nbsp;Lumsden reached* <span class=SpellE>Sarakhs</span>, and toward the end of&nbsp;the month he was able to visit <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>. Here he found&nbsp;that strongly-worded and even insulting communications&nbsp;had passed between the Russian Colonel <span class=SpellE>Alikhanoff</span> and&nbsp;General Ghaus-ud-din, commanding the Afghan garrison&nbsp;in <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>. <span class=SpellE>Alikhanoff</span> called Ghaus-ud-din a liar, and&nbsp;Ghaus-ud-din retorted in kind.  Your Government, the&nbsp;Afghan general wrote,  is a great one, but you behave&nbsp;like thieves. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It was about this time that Abdur Rahman wrote the letter to which he referred in the speech and&nbsp;pamphlet quoted in the last chapter. According to his&nbsp;account of the correspondence, it was addressed to Sir&nbsp;Peter Lumsden, and was to the following effect:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> The Russian officers on the one hand talk of <span class=SpellE>peacemaking</span>, and on the other hand they increased their armed force. The Russians come by hundreds and&nbsp;reinforce their army. I am concerned lest they should&nbsp;attack our people in the midst of the severe winter, when&nbsp;assistance from Herat could not reach our force, and&nbsp;our people would be humiliated. Until something certain&nbsp;is settled, I might send an army from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> sufficiently&nbsp;strong to stand against the Russian force. If the question&nbsp;is settled satisfactorily, there is nothing wrong in keeping&nbsp;an army in my territory, and if any action occur we might&nbsp;not be shamed. I think that even if the Russians do&nbsp;not attack my force and try the Afghans in battle, they&nbsp;will not hold themselves back, and the affair will never&nbsp;be settled amicably. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>To this, according to the Ameer s account of the correspondence, Sir Peter Lumsden replied that Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, if he sent troops, would himself be laying the&nbsp;foundations of a war, and that the endeavour to keep&nbsp;the peace would be frustrated. The British Commissioner added that he would not be answerable for what&nbsp;might happen if Abdur Rahman resolved to fight  I&nbsp;said, the Ameer told his Sirdars,  may it be good until&nbsp;the truth of my advice is manifest. It should be noted&nbsp;that*the blue books do not contain this correspondence.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In one of them, however, may be found an extract from a letter which Sir Peter Lumsden addressed on&nbsp;November 21, 1884, to the Ameer s representative with&nbsp;the Boundary Commission. Her Majesty s Commissioner&nbsp;wrote:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> I informed you verbally yesterday, and repeat now, that in my opinion it is extremely unlikely that any&nbsp;Russian party would attempt to enter a place occupied&nbsp;by Afghan troops when warned not to do so. Consequently, as matters stand at present, there appears to&nbsp;be no reason for sending any further troops to <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>.&nbsp;Should any difficulty arise between your troops and the&nbsp;Russians, I should be near, and the question should&nbsp;be referred to me. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On December 19, 1884, Sir Peter Lumsden telegraphed to Earl Granville from <span class=SpellE>Bala</span> Murghab:  Ameer writes on the instant, protesting strongly against continued&nbsp;occupation of <span class=SpellE>Pul</span>-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-Khatun by Russian troops.&quot;<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>By the beginning of 1885 the tension was becoming still more strained. On February 22nd the Russians&nbsp;had their advanced posts at the Zulfikar Pass, Ak <span class=SpellE>Robat</span>,&nbsp;and Kizil Tapa. On March 3rd, 1885, Earl Granville&nbsp;wrote to Sir Peter Lumsden that while Her Majesty s&nbsp;Government could not advise the Afghans to attack the&nbsp;Russian troops in order to dislodge them from the&nbsp;positions they then occupied, it considered  that the&nbsp;further advance of the Russians should, subject to&nbsp;military considerations, be resisted by the Afghans.&quot;<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>At this time the English Foreign Office was firmly of opinion that <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> belonged of right to the Ameer.&nbsp;Sir Peter Lumsden, when he met the Russian om-<span class=SpellE>missioner</span> (General <span class=SpellE>Zelenoi</span>) at Tiflis, said there was&nbsp;the strongest evidence that <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> formed, and still&nbsp;continued to form, a portion of Afghanistan. In a&nbsp;memorandum handed to the Russian ambassador by&nbsp;Earl Granville on March 13th, 1885, it was said:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Her Majesty s Government have to observe that, according to the information in their possession, <span class=SpellE>Badgheis</span>,&nbsp;including <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>, has formed a part of Afghanistan ever&nbsp;since Afghanistan became a kingdom. ... Her Majesty s&nbsp;Government think it right at once to say that they are&nbsp;unable to give their adhesion to any understanding by&nbsp;which <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> or other districts claimed as Afghan&nbsp;shall, without enquiry on the spot, be excluded from&nbsp;Afghanistan. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>By the beginning of March, 1885, the Russian picket at Kizil Tapa had been strongly reinforced. The&nbsp;Afghan post at Ak Tapa had likewise been strengthened,&nbsp;but the Ameer s troops were miserably armed; while the&nbsp;Russians were equipped with <span class=SpellE>breechloaders</span>. Moreover&nbsp;Ak Tapa was untenable against artillery, since it was commanded from heights, 1,200 yards away, on the left bank&nbsp;of the river. The Afghan forces in the <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> valley&nbsp;were said to consist of 140 gunners, 400 regular cavalry,&nbsp;500 irregular cavalry, two regiments of infantry, and 400&nbsp;matchlock men, with four brass nine-pounder field guns,&nbsp;and four mountain guns. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On March 26 Captain Yate reported from <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>,  Afghan guns in position and troop; prepared to resist &nbsp;By March 30 the bulk of the Afghan forces had been&nbsp;moved to the left bank of the <span class=SpellE>Kuskh</span> river; that is to say,&nbsp;from a bad position to a worse one. That being done,&nbsp;a collision became inevitable. On the previous day&nbsp;General Komaroff sent an ultimatum to the Afghan&nbsp;General requiring him to withdraw to the right bank.&nbsp;General Shams-ud-din refused to obey. On March 30,&nbsp;to quote Sir Peter Lumsden s report,  the Russians&nbsp;advanced to attack the Afghan position. The Afghans,&nbsp;who were said to number 4,000 men, with eight guns, <o:p></o:p> </span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>made a stubborn defence; but armed as they were, and placed as they were, they were no match for Cossacks.&nbsp;Two companies were destroyed to a man in the entrenchments, and their total loss is said to have been five&nbsp;hundred killed. The Russians lost one Turkoman&nbsp;officer, ten Cossacks and Turkomans killed, and twenty-nine wounded. <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The  incident at <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> is not a pleasant topic to write about, for more reasons than one, more especially&nbsp;because it might have been avoided. On March 16,&nbsp;1885, Earl Granville telegraphed to Sir Peter Lumsden as&nbsp;follows:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> M. de <span class=SpellE>Giers</span> <span class=SpellE>has</span> assured Sir E. Thornton that the Russian force will not advance from the positions they&nbsp;now occupy, provided that the Afghans do not advance&nbsp;nor attack, or unless there should be some extraordinary&nbsp;reason, such as a disturbance in <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>. M. de <span class=SpellE>Giers</span>&nbsp;has declared that the strictest orders have been <span class=SpellE>seitf</span> to&nbsp;avoid a conflict by every possible means, and not to incite&nbsp;to a conflict, but his Excellency promised that these&nbsp;orders should be repeated to Colonel <span class=SpellE>Alikhanoff</span>. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On March 31, the day after the fight, Sir Peter Lumsden reported that since the receipt of the above&nbsp;telegram the Afghans had made no forward movement&nbsp;whatever. Unfortunately this was incorrect. When the&nbsp;Russians advanced in force to Kizil Tapa, the Afghans&nbsp;threw out vedettes to their front, and extended their&nbsp;pickets to <span class=SpellE>Pul-i-Khisti</span> on the left bank of the <span class=SpellE>Kuskh</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>They gradually strengthened this picket, till on March 30, as already mentioned, the bulk of their forces had been&nbsp;transferred across the river. This movement, which our&nbsp;officers at the front should have spared no effort to&nbsp;prevent, was regarded by the Russian commander as a&nbsp;provocation. It should have been prevented, because it&nbsp;was certain to be so regarded; and also because the&nbsp;Afghans could not by any possible chance withstand an&nbsp;attack with the faintest hope of being successful If the&nbsp;British officers on the spot failed to make the Afghan&nbsp;&quot;<span class=SpellE>ommander</span> listen to reason, they should have struck&nbsp;their camp and retired. To stay and see the Afghans&nbsp;shot down, or to remain at any rate almost within hearing&nbsp;of the fight, was to incur the odium of being on the&nbsp;Afghan side without firing a shot to aid them. The fact&nbsp;that the Afghans were advised to withdraw from the left&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>baak</span> of the <span class=SpellE>Kuskh</span> is on record. This was the counsel&nbsp;given them by Colonel (now Sir West) Ridgeway; and&nbsp;they maintained their position contrary to his advice.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In justice to Colonel Yate, however, it should be said that he had received orders from Sir Peter Lumsden to&nbsp;maintain his position at <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> as long as possible.&nbsp;Note should also be taken of Sir Peter Lumsden s reply&nbsp;to ill-informed and not too intelligent writers, who accused&nbsp;Colonel Yate of retiring with unseemly haste. What&nbsp;would these critics have said, Sir P. Lumsden asked,&nbsp;had Colonel Yate disregarded the instructions of the&nbsp;Government of the day, as well as the orders of their&nbsp;immediate chief, and by joining the Afghans had precipitated a war with Russia.  The Afghans, he went on to say, were informed not once but many times that if they entered into a conflict with the* Russians, they&nbsp;must do so on their own responsibility, and would receive&nbsp;no assistance from us. Their arrogance, however, decided&nbsp;them against advice to await attack and to try conclusions,&nbsp;with the well-known disastrous results. </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Perhaps the less said about it the better, but further reference must be made to Abdur Rahman s views regarding the <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> incident. As the reader knows, he was&nbsp;at <span class=SpellE>Rawulpindi</span>, on a visit to the Viceroy, Lord Dufferin,&nbsp;when the news <span class=SpellE>ofithe</span> collision came. In the Viceregal&nbsp;camp, as in London, there was wild excitement at the&nbsp;prospect of the long-expected war. But the Ameer was&nbsp;not in a bellicose mood. From the time of his first interview with Lord Dufferin he had seemed indifferent to the&nbsp;retention of <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>. He could not tell, he said, which&nbsp;side the <span class=SpellE>Sarik</span> Turkomans would take. Their loyalty  was&nbsp;not to be depended on. If they were faithful to Islam,&nbsp;they would send their wives and possessions into&nbsp;Afghanistan. Unless they did, he thought it was&nbsp;unlikely that they would fight for him. They were&nbsp;wealthy, he added, but he could get no tribute from&nbsp;them. This is not easily reconciled with Sir Peter&nbsp;Lumsden s report that the Ameer s control over&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> had always been accepted by the <span class=SpellE>Sarik</span>&nbsp;Turkomans, who willingly responded to a demand&nbsp;for revenue. Then came the news of the fight on&nbsp;the <span class=SpellE>Kuskh</span>, The Ameer, Lord Dufferin said,  showed&nbsp;less emotion than might have been expected. Though&nbsp;be declared his determination to resist to the utmost any invasion of Afghan territory, he was not prepared to insist that <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> did rightly belong to him, Rather than&nbsp;have a war with Russia he would sacrifice something.&nbsp;He seemed to think that <span class=SpellE>Maruchak</span> was the defensible&nbsp;frontier. As long as he could retain this place, along&nbsp;with Zulfikar and <span class=SpellE>Gulran</span>, the loss of <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> would not&nbsp;greatly matter. He was content to accept any line&nbsp;approved by the British Government, provided it ran to&nbsp;the north of these three points.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In these circumstances the negotiations for the settlement of the boundary question easily passed out of the acute phase. The British Government agreed to exchange <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> for Zulfikar, and the incident of the&nbsp;fight was eventually condoned. On May 8, 1885, a&nbsp;draft convention was agreed upon, by which the operations of the Boundary Commissioners were to be confined&nbsp;within certain specified limits. Possibly our Foreign&nbsp;Office would have shown itself still more accommodating; but in June, 1885, a Conservative Ministry came&nbsp;into power, and on September 10, 1885, the protocol,&nbsp;as it was called, was finally signed. It only remained to&nbsp;erect a line of boundary pillars in accordance with the&nbsp;principles therein formulated. This was done by Sir&nbsp;West Ridgeway, in co-operation with a Russian Commissioner; and though the harmony of the proceedings&nbsp;was occasionally interrupted by divergencies of opinion,&nbsp;necessitating frequent references to St. Petersburg, and&nbsp;toward the end, the deputation of Sir West Ridgeway&nbsp;to the Russian capital, the work was gradually completed.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>To return to Abdur Rahman. In May, 1885, in reply to a communication from India informing him that the&nbsp;Russians had consented to evacuate Zulfikar and to&nbsp;accept a line of frontier running north of <span class=SpellE>Gulran</span> and&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Maruchak</span>, the Ameer wrote a long letter to Lord Dufferin&nbsp;in which he declared himself satisfied: <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> I cannot act contrary to the views of the kind and friendly advice of Her Majesty s Government or to what&nbsp;they deem expedient or proper. To my thinking, what&nbsp;they have decided upon cannot but be advantageous to&nbsp;the two Governments, British and Afghan. I will most&nbsp;willingly accept the line of frontier which the illustrious&nbsp;British Government are going to adopt.&quot;<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman asked, however, that a copy of the Anglo-Russian Contention might be given to him, duly&nbsp;authenticated with the seals of the two Powers. Unless his&nbsp;people, he said, could be shown such a writing, they&nbsp;would not believe that a partition of territory had been&nbsp;effected, and that peace and tranquillity had been obtained&nbsp;through the good offices of  the illustrious British Government. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It cannot be supposed, however, that Abdur Rahman cared nothing about the defeat of his troops in <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>.&nbsp;When he was at <span class=SpellE>Rawulpindi</span>, the honoured guest of the&nbsp;Indian Viceroy, he was, no doubt, able to put aside&nbsp;uncomfortable reflections; but now that he was back in&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, out of range, as it were, of the soothing influence&nbsp;of Lord Dufferin s sympathy, it was not so easy to feel&nbsp;that everything had been for the best. Two days after&nbsp;the date of his letter to the Viceroy, Abdur Rahman&nbsp;wrote to Sir Peter Lumsden, who had sent him an&nbsp;account of the <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> fight.  Yes, (the Ameer wrote)&nbsp; from the very time of the arrival of the Commission of&nbsp;the valiant English Government in this country, the&nbsp;Russians intended to pick a quarrel, and became tyrants,&nbsp;till they have broken faith, and what was destined has&nbsp;happened. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman, in the speech and pamphlet already quoted, after referring to his correspondence with Sir&nbsp;Peter Lumsden, previous to the <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> fight, went on to&nbsp;say: <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> In reality, the famous General Lumsden was willing to see an engagement between the Afghans and the&nbsp;Russians, because he had a foolish idea that if an&nbsp;engagement did not take place between the Afghans and&nbsp;the Russians, the Afghans, perhaps, would be willing to&nbsp;be friends with them. Now the friendship of the Afghans&nbsp;with their enemy would, in any circumstances, be&nbsp;altogether injurious to them, and General Lumsden was&nbsp;ignorant of this fact. His wisdom did not enable him to&nbsp;see the whole bearing of the matter to the end. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Ameer s opinions, of course, are not quoted here because of their sagacity. We may be quite sure that Sir&nbsp;Peter Lumsden never for a moment entertained the  foolish&nbsp;idea  imputed to him. Nor is it possible to agree with&nbsp;Abdur Rahman that it was a mistake to discourage him&nbsp;when he had wanted to reinforce the garrison of <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>&nbsp;The Afghans, in the event of a collision, were certain to&nbsp;be beaten; and no reinforcement that could be despatched&nbsp;from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> or Herat would have saved them. Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, however, was positive. In another passage of&nbsp;his speech he said: <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> If General Lumsden had accepted the support of the army I wanted to send from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, the Russians would&nbsp;not have attacked first. And if they had attacked, they&nbsp;would not have been successful; <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> would not have been lost .... The shame of the Afghans is owing to the foolish idea of General Lumsden. . . .&nbsp;General Lumsden had wisdom and prudence for his high&nbsp;station, but he had not enough for the great work which&nbsp;was entrusted to him. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>When the Ameer read this statement in durbar, the demarcation of the frontier, in accordance with the&nbsp;protocol of September, 1885, was still proceeding.&nbsp;Colonel Sir West Ridgeway had succeeded Sir Peter&nbsp;Lumsden in command of the Boundary Mission on May 9,&nbsp;1885, his Russian colleague being Colonel <span class=SpellE>Kuhlberg</span>.&nbsp;The details are of little interest now; but it may be&nbsp;noted that Abdur Rahman watched the proceedings with&nbsp;keen attention, and at times hindered the operations by&nbsp;interfering in a way that argued suspicion of our motives.&nbsp;Thus on March 16, 1886, he wrote to Lord Dufferin&nbsp;to complain of Her Majesty s Commissioner:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Colonel Ridgeway, the Ameer wrote,  has called upon the officials and governors of the Turkestan province&nbsp;who are connected with (? subordinate to)  this <span class=SpellE>Godgranted</span> government to produce <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>sanads</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> and when they&nbsp;produce a <span class=SpellE><i>sanad</i></span><i>,</i> however strong, he asks for one stronger&nbsp;than that. This finding fault with the <span class=SpellE><i>sanads</i></span> has excited&nbsp;suspicion in the minds of my officials, who fear lest he&nbsp;should give up <span class=SpellE>Khamiab</span> in the same way as he did&nbsp;the lands of the Kashan valley and the plain of Maru-<span class=SpellE>chak</span> ... I expect your Excellency will issue orders and&nbsp;instructions to Colonel Ridgeway, so that he may be&nbsp;acquainted with and may know the views and ideas of&nbsp;the people of Afghanistan, and that he may know that&nbsp;the more firm and unyielding he finds the Russian&nbsp;Commissioner in his unjust claims, the more unyielding&nbsp;and persistent he will find the Afghans in their just&nbsp;and true claim. </span></span> <o:p></o:p></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Ameer s representative with the Boundary Commission, the <span class=SpellE>Kazi</span> Sad-ud-din Khan, was perhaps answerable in no small measure for the difficulties with&nbsp;which the English boundary Commissioner had to contend. The <span class=SpellE>Kazi</span> was ignorant and obstinate, and was&nbsp;altogether wanting in the sort of experience which would&nbsp;have been useful. In his youth he had been a <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>talib-ul-ilm</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>^&nbsp;</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>a seeker after wisdom, a divinity student in the narrowest&nbsp;school of Mahomedan theology. He could discuss with&nbsp;a wonderful mastery of details and wealth of quotation&nbsp;the correct length of a true believer s hair and fingernails, but he could not tell the points of the compass.&nbsp;He was in favour of an alliance with Russia, and thought&nbsp;meanly of the power and resources of the English. Had&nbsp;the Ameer deputed a capable and intelligent official to&nbsp;represent him, many wasted hours might have been&nbsp;saved.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But even a Boundary Commission cannot last for ever. The work was at length concluded, and on July 22,&nbsp;1887, the final protocol was signed at St. Petersburg by&nbsp;Colonel Sir West Ridgeway and M. <span class=SpellE>Zinovieff</span>. It may&nbsp;be <span class=SpellE>worth while</span> to quote the following passage from Sir&nbsp;West Ridgeway s summary of what had been done. Her&nbsp;Majesty s Commissioner, in his report to Lord Salisbury,&nbsp;dated August 15, 1887, wrote:<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> The demarcation of the north-western frontier of Afghanistan is now completed. I do not think that&nbsp;the Ameer has any reason to be dissatisfied with the&nbsp;result of the demarcation. He himself had pressed for&nbsp;the delimitation of the frontier, and he himself decided&nbsp;that <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> was not worth fighting for. It seems to&nbsp;be supposed that we forced the Ameer to acquiesce in&nbsp;the Russian annexation of <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>; but at the interview&nbsp;between Lord Dufferin and the Ameer at <span class=SpellE>Rawalpindi</span>,&nbsp;the Ameer, without any pressure by the Viceroy, decided&nbsp;to give up the valley.... <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span> was lost before the&nbsp;demarcation began, but through the demarcation of the&nbsp;frontier he has not lost a penny of revenue, a single&nbsp;subject, or an acre of land which was occupied or cultivated by any Afghan subject <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The point insisted on by Sir West Ridgeway w t of no little importance. There are very few Afghans who&nbsp;can understand that it may be sometimes an advantage&nbsp;to recede from a frontier, when it happens to be difficult&nbsp;or expensive to hold. Actual loss of territory, in Afghan&nbsp;eyes, must always mean loss of <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>izzat cut</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> prestige, to be&nbsp;avoided by all means possible. Sir West Ridgeway,&nbsp;therefore, knew perfectly well what he was about, when&nbsp;he laid stress on a calculation which has sometimes been&nbsp;thought of small consequence.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On August 1, 1887, Lord Dufferin had informed the Ameer of the termination of this long and wearisome&nbsp;business. Abdur Rahman s reply, dated August 16, was a&nbsp;striking example of his skill as an <span class=SpellE>inditer</span> of polite&nbsp;epistles. He said: <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> In the first place I feel much obliged, and am inspired with hope, on account of the great attention, and the far-seeing and Royal consideration of Her Imperial and&nbsp;Dignified Majesty the great Queen of England and&nbsp;Empress of India. Secondly, the good and state-<span class=SpellE>adoming</span>&nbsp;opinion of the representatives of the illustrious Government is worthy of praise and the cause of happiness and&nbsp;thanks; for the knots in the thread of discussion with the&nbsp;Russian Government, which were tied with regard to the&nbsp;Afghan frontier, have been untied and opened with the&nbsp;tips of the fingers of excellent measures. They (the&nbsp;Queen and the representatives) adopted the right arrangement, which is better than the first one. I know for&nbsp;certain that the representatives of the illustrious British&nbsp;Government have from the first stage of the demarcation&nbsp;until the conclusion of the question, reached their destination after having traversed many hard and difficult stages&nbsp;of discussion on the noble steed of minute thoughts. It&nbsp;is one of the results and consequences of the sincere&nbsp;friendship of the two parties that the Russian Government, notwithstanding its large number of troops, its&nbsp;power, and its natural noise and despotism, has entered the&nbsp;door of refraining from conquest and war with these two&nbsp;auspicious Governments, as it knew that a war would have&nbsp;an unhappy result and would entail a heavy loss on itself.&nbsp;Had it not seen the foundation of the friendship of these&nbsp;two united kingdoms to be strong and firm, and the basis&nbsp;of the affection and sympathy of the, two parties to be&nbsp;solid and stable, it would hardly have come down from&nbsp;the palace of its desire and the mansions of its wish to&nbsp;subjugate Afghanistan and occupy India. I look upon&nbsp;the kind friendship of the illustrious British Government&nbsp;as the cause of the flourishing of the tree of the Afghan&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Govefnment</span>; and so it is without question. It is also&nbsp;plain and clear in the gracious sight of her Sublime&nbsp;Majesty the great Queen and in that of the representatives&nbsp;of the illustrious Government that my person, which&nbsp;exhibits sincerity, shuns and keeps away from the course&nbsp;and system of former <span class=SpellE>Ameers</span> of Afghanistan; and it will&nbsp;please God remain so firm and constant in the engagements of perpetual friendship with the said Government&nbsp;that among all the Powers it will be famous and&nbsp;distinguished in consequence of this exalted name and&nbsp;exalted character. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On the whole the Ridgeway boundary has so far answered its purpose. It has been respected by the&nbsp;Russians; and if any misunderstandings have arisen, they&nbsp;have been speedily removed. In the autumn of 1891 the&nbsp;Russian frontier officers were reported to be establishing a military cantonment at Shaikh <span class=SpellE>Junid</span> on the <span class=SpellE>Kuskh</span> river, eighty miles north of Herat, and only ten miles to the&nbsp;north of the newly-delimited frontier. This was thought&nbsp;in some quarters to portend a forward movement, but&nbsp;nothing came of it. In the following year, June, 1892, a&nbsp;Russian officer at <span class=SpellE>Panjdeh</span>, endowed with more zeal than&nbsp;discretion, sent or led a detachment of Cossacks to raid&nbsp;across the frontier to Kila Nau, forty miles north-east of&nbsp;Herat. Some Hazaras at Kila Nau had been defying the&nbsp;Ameer s authority; and the officer in question seems&nbsp;to have regarded the opportunity for extending Russian&nbsp;influence as too good to be lost. His enterprise, however,&nbsp;was disavowed by superior authority, and he himself&nbsp;received a stern reprimand.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In 1893 a dispute arose as to the respective rights of Afghan and Russian subjects in the neighbourhood of&nbsp;Chaman-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-bid, the  meadow of willows. The land <span class=SpellE>vn</span> the&nbsp;Russian side of the frontier had been cultivated by <span class=SpellE>Sarik</span>&nbsp;Turkomans, and by a party of colonists from European&nbsp;Russia. It was alleged that the Afghans higher up the&nbsp;valley of the <span class=SpellE>Kuskh</span> had drained away all the water for&nbsp;irrigating their own fields; thus depriving their neighbours&nbsp;of a fair share of the precious stream. Colonel Yate was&nbsp;deputed to effect a settlement of the dispute, in consultation with a Russian officer; and in the end a satisfactory&nbsp;. agreement was arrived at. At the present time, the peace&nbsp;of the Afghan border between the Oxus and <span class=SpellE>Heri-Rud</span> is&nbsp;undisturbed; and it may be hoped that this happy state&nbsp;of things will continue.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But the demarcation of the Ridgeway boundary only served to settle some of the points which had been left&nbsp;uncertain in the Anglo-Russian agreement of 1873. A&nbsp;fixed line was <span class=SpellE>flrawn</span>, indeed, from the <span class=SpellE>Heri-Rud</span> to the&nbsp;Oxus, to mark the frontier of Afghanistan on the northwest ; and thus a well-defined border was substituted for&nbsp;an indefinite one, along a distance of nearly four hundred&nbsp;miles. In the north-east, however, where Oxus leaves&nbsp; his high mountain cradle in <span class=SpellE>Pamere</span>, the boundary&nbsp;line was still left doubtful. In regard to this section,&nbsp;the wording of the agreement of 1873 was not in accord&nbsp;with facts, and misapprehensions had arisen which at&nbsp;one time or another have been the cause of a considerable&nbsp;amount of friction.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>We have already seen how <span class=SpellE>Abdur Rahman</span>, in 1883, occupied <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> and Roshan, two small states on the&nbsp;Upper Oxus. Reference has been made, also, to the&nbsp;protest of the Russian Government against an act which&nbsp;was regarded at St. Petersburg as a clear and unwarrantable violation of the agreement of 1873. Earl Granville,&nbsp;in June, 1884, declined to accept this view, though he expressed his willingness to have the matter referred to a&nbsp;Joint Commission. For some years afterwards, it continued to be an article of faith with English writers on&nbsp;the Central Asian question, that Abdur Rahman s claim&nbsp;could be justified, and that it would be supported by the&nbsp;British Government. In May, 1884, at a meeting of the&nbsp;Royal Geographical Society, Sir Lepel Griffin made some&nbsp;remarks on the subject. He maintained that it was a&nbsp;matter of small consequence whether one branch of the&nbsp;Oxus or the other was taken as the Afghan boundary. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The real point was that the Russian Government in 1873 had agreed to <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span> and <span class=SpellE>Wakhan'being</span> included&nbsp;within Afghanistan, and this inclusion, Sir <span class=SpellE>Lepel</span> Griffin&nbsp;said, was not affected by the geographical position of the&nbsp;districts of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> and Roshan, which formed part of&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>. Those wild and isolated regions, he added,&nbsp;with a very sparse population and yielding no revenue,&nbsp;might appear to many Englishmen to be of little political&nbsp;importance, but they commanded some of the easiest&nbsp;passes leading into India. He hoped the British Government would <span class=SpellE>upho</span>ld  his friend, the Ameer of Afghanistan,&nbsp;in the possession of all territory which could be proved to&nbsp;belong to Afghanistan. In one form or another this line&nbsp;of argument was generally adopted by public writers both&nbsp;in India and in England down to very recent times. It&nbsp;was urged that, so far as <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> and Roshan went, the&nbsp;agreement of 1873 would not bear a literal interpretation.&nbsp;Although in the despatches then exchanged between the&nbsp;English and Russian Governments, the stream issuing&nbsp;from Wood s Lake had been specified as the boundary&nbsp;of Afghanistan, this, it was said, did not apply. In the&nbsp;first place <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> was an integral part of <span class=SpellE>Badakshan</span>,&nbsp;which Russia had agreed to regard as Afghan territory.&nbsp;Secondly, there were reasons, the advocates of no&nbsp;surrender maintained, for believing that the Aksu-Murghab, and not the river flowing from Wood s lake,&nbsp;Vas the true head stream of the Oxus; and as the Aksu-Murghab ran to the north of the debateable territory, it&nbsp;was thought that the Ameer s claims could be supported&nbsp;without departing from the spirit of Earl Granville s agreement. Last of all, it was an undoubted fact that Bokhara,&nbsp;a Russian feudatory, held a portion of <span class=SpellE>Darwaz</span> lying on&nbsp;the left bank of the Oxus, and it was urged that this&nbsp;justified the Ameer s advance into those portions of&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> which lie on the right bank of the stream&nbsp;flowing from Lake Victoria. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Such special pleadings were relied on by writers in the English press down to a very recent period. The author&nbsp;of an article in <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Blackwood's Magazine for</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> December,&nbsp;1891, wrote:  Our obligation to defend these states&nbsp;(<span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> and Roshan) as Afghan territory, is one from&nbsp;which our duty, or to put it on a lower ground, our <span class=SpellE>selfinterest</span>, will not allow us to swerve. The English&nbsp;Government, however, had come to exactly the opposite&nbsp;conclusion. It had decided that the agreement of 1873&nbsp;must be interpreted literally. That is to say, the stream&nbsp;issuing from Lake Victoria (Wood s Lake) must be&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>regtyded</span> as the northern limit of Afghan territory. The&nbsp;Ameer had accordingly been advised to withdraw his&nbsp;troops from the right bank of the river. As for the&nbsp;contention that the Aksu-Murghab was the true head&nbsp;stream of the Oxus, this was a circumstance, it was held,&nbsp;which had no bearing on the question, even if it was&nbsp;borne out by facts. As it happened, the theory had been&nbsp;tested and found wanting. The explorations of Mr. N.&nbsp;Elias in 1885 had established the fact that the <span class=SpellE>Panja</span> or&nbsp;southern branch, and not the Aksu or northern branch,&nbsp;is the larger of the two contributories to the great river.</span></span> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It will be as well, perhaps, to quote the actual text of the agreement of 1873, so far as it refers to the North-East&nbsp;boundary of Afghanistan. Among the territories then<o:p></o:p> </span> <span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>extent In the blue book the words here printed in italics were left out by the carelessness of a copyist; but&nbsp;the omission is of small moment, as both England and&nbsp;Russia have recognised the intention of the agreement&nbsp;What that intention was may be seen from the accompanying sketch map. <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'>&nbsp;</p> <table width="65%" align="center"> <tr> <td><img src="../../images/biographies/Ameer-Abdur-Rahman/countries-about-upper-oxus.jpg" width="1102" height="972"></td> </tr> </table> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'>&nbsp;</p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But although the British Government had come to the conclusion that Abdur Rahman s claim to territory on the&nbsp;right bank of the Oxus could not be supported in face of&nbsp;the agreement of 1873, the whole question was allowed to&nbsp;remain open for years. This led to trouble. The Ameer&nbsp;was in no hurry to withdraw his troops from the forbidden&nbsp;ground; while the Russians, impatient at the delay,&nbsp;endeavoured to expedite his departure. In their&nbsp;attempts to accomplish this object, the Czar s officers&nbsp;on the frontier resorted to expedients which were viewed&nbsp;both in England and India with profound indignation.&nbsp;In the summer of 1892, Colonel <span class=SpellE>Yanoff</span> the same officer&nbsp;who in the previous August had arrested Captain Younghusband advanced to the borders of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>, and on&nbsp;July 24 came into collision with a detachment of Afghan&nbsp;troops under Colonel Shams-ud-din Khan at <span class=SpellE>Somatash</span>,&nbsp;on the eastern extremity of <span class=SpellE>Yashil</span> Kul (The Yellow&nbsp;Lake). The official account of the affair, published in&nbsp;the <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Turkestan Gazette</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> was as follows:</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> On July 23 (new style) the Kirghiz of the <span class=SpellE>Alichur</span> Pamir came to Colonel <span class=SpellE>Yanoff</span> and complained that they&nbsp;were oppressed and ill-treated by the Afghans, who had a&nbsp;post at <span class=SpellE>Somatash</span>. As this spot is beyond doubt Russian&nbsp;territory, the Colonel himself went thither with some&nbsp;Cossacks to establish order. On July 24 at six am.,&nbsp;having arrived at <span class=SpellE>Somatash</span>, he discovered the Afghan&nbsp;post asleep at the foot of the mountain. The Colonel, with&nbsp;eighteen Cossacks, approached and sent his interpreter&nbsp;to ask the Afghan officer to come to him. This officer,&nbsp;Captain <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span> <span class=SpellE>Hyder</span> Khan, delayed a long time, and the&nbsp;interpreter said he was dressing. Meanwhile, the Afghan&nbsp;soldiers, coming out of their huts, began to put on their&nbsp;uniforms and load their rifles. The Afghan captain at&nbsp;length appeared armed with sword and revolver. Colonel&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Yanoff</span> begged him to come over to him, guaranteeing&nbsp;bis safety; but the captain, advancing with fourteen men&nbsp;within fourteen paces, roughly asked Colonel <span class=SpellE>Yanoff</span> what&nbsp;he was doing there. Colonel <span class=SpellE>Yanoff</span> answered quietly&nbsp;that by the Convention of 1872-73, this territory belonged&nbsp;to Russia. To this the Afghan retorted that he had&nbsp;nothing to do with England, and that the <span class=SpellE>Alichur</span> Pamir&nbsp;belonged to the Ameer. Thereupon Colonel <span class=SpellE>Yanoff</span>&nbsp;ordered the Afghans to lay down their arms and depart.&nbsp;A violent dispute ensued, in which the Afghan soldiers&nbsp;joined, and the Captain used language which the interpreter dared not translate. Colonel <span class=SpellE>Yanoff</span> finally ordered&nbsp;his Cossacks to disarm the Afghans. The latter at once&nbsp;opened fire, seriously wounding a Cossack; and a fight&nbsp;ensued in which the Afghan Captain and five men were&nbsp;killed. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>According to <span class=SpellE>th</span>e report which reached the British outpost at Gilgit, the Afghan commandant at <span class=SpellE>Somatash</span>&nbsp;was Shams-ud-din Khan, who, being surprised in his tent&nbsp;by the Russians, came out to parley with them. On his&nbsp;declaring that he held the post for his master, the <span class=SpellE>Anjeer</span>,&nbsp;and would obey no one else, Colonel <span class=SpellE>Yanoff</span>, it is said,&nbsp;ordered him back, and struck him slightly on the cheek.&nbsp;The Afghan drew his pistol and fired at the Russian&nbsp;officer. The ball glanced off Colonel <span class=SpellE>Yanoff s</span> belt and&nbsp;wounded a Cossack standing behind. Then followed the&nbsp;fight, in which Shams-ud-din Khan and six of his men&nbsp;were killed. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Incidents of this kind, as may easily be imagined, did not expedite the negotiations which were now proceeding&nbsp;between the Governments of England and Russia in&nbsp;regard to the Pamirs. The action of the Russians cannot&nbsp;be defended. Though it was true that by the agreement&nbsp;of 1873, the Afghans had no business at <span class=SpellE>Somatash</span>, it&nbsp;did not follow that this portion of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> belonged to&nbsp;Russia. There is no need, however, to discuss the point&nbsp;here. In compliance with the representations made by&nbsp;Lord Rosebery, the Russian Government undertook that&nbsp;for the present no further expedition or reinforcements&nbsp;should be sent to the Pamirs, pending a settlement of&nbsp;the boundary question.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The long controversy about the Pamir region was not terminated until March, 1895, when it was agreed,&nbsp;between England and Russia, that the cis-Oxus portions&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Darwaz</span> should be ceded to Afghanistan by Bokhara,&nbsp;on condition that the Afghans evacuated those portions&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span> and Roshan which lie on the right bank of&nbsp;the <span class=SpellE>Panja</span> branch of the Oxus. The stream issuing&nbsp;from Wood s <span class=SpellE>Lake</span>, or Lake Victoria, was thus recognised&nbsp;for the second time as the boundary of Afghan territory.&nbsp;Eastward of the lake a line will be drawn, running almost&nbsp;due east to the frontier of Chinese Turkestan. The&nbsp;terms of the Anglo-Russian agreement were embodied&nbsp;in the following letter, dated London, March n, 1895,&nbsp;from the <span class=SpellE>Eari</span> of Kimberley to M. de <span class=SpellE>Staal</span>, Russian&nbsp;Ambassador at the Court of St James: <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=font251><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;font-variant: small-caps;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> Foreign Office, </span></span><span class=font231><i><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif; mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>March 11th,</span></i></span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> 1895.</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family: "Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom:12.0pt; margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=font251><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;font-variant: small-caps;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> Your Excellency,</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> As a result of the negotiations which have taken place between our two Governments in regard to the spheres of&nbsp;influence of Great Britain and Russia in the country to the&nbsp;east of Lake Victoria (<span class=SpellE>Zor</span> <span class=SpellE>Koul</span>), the following points hive&nbsp;been agreed upon between us <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> 1. The spheres of influence of Great Britain and Russia to the east of Lake Victoria (<span class=SpellE>Zor</span> <span class=SpellE>Koul</span>) shall be divided&nbsp;by a line which, starting from a point on that lake near to&nbsp;its eastern extremity, shall follow the crests of the mountain&nbsp;range, running somewhat to the south of the latitude of the&nbsp;lake, as far as the <span class=SpellE>Bendersky</span> and <span class=SpellE>Orta</span>bel  Passes. From&nbsp;thence the line shall run along the same range while it&nbsp;remains to the south of the latitude of the said lake. On&nbsp;reaching that latitude it shall descend a spur of the range&nbsp;towards Kizil Rabat on the Aksu River, if that locality is&nbsp;found not to be north of the latitude of Lake Victoria, and&nbsp;from thence it shall be prolonged in an easterly direction so&nbsp;as to meet the Chinese frontier. If it should be found that&nbsp;Kizil Rabat is situated to the north of the latitude of Lake&nbsp;Victoria, the line of demarcation shall be drawn to the&nbsp;nearest convenient point on the Aksu River south of that&nbsp;latitude, and from thence prolonged as aforesaid. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> 2. The line shall be marked out, and its precise configuration shall be settled by a Joint Commission of a purely technical character, frith a military escort not exceeding&nbsp;that which is strictly necessary for its proper protection.&nbsp;The Commission shall be composed of British and Russian&nbsp;Delegates, with the necessary technical assistance. Her&nbsp;Britannic Majesty s Government will arrange with the Ameer&nbsp;of Afghanistan as to the manner in which His Highness&nbsp;shall be represented on the Commission.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> 3. The Commission shall also be charged to report any facts which can be ascertained on the spot bearing on the&nbsp;situation of the Chinese frontier, with a view to enable the&nbsp;two Governments to come to an agreement with the Chinese&nbsp;Government as to the limits of Chinese territory in the&nbsp;vicinity of the line, in such manner as may be found most&nbsp;convenient.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> 4. Her Britannic Majesty s Government and the Government of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia engage to abstain from exercising any political influence or control,&nbsp;the former to the north, the latter to the south, of the above&nbsp;line of demarcation.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> 5. Her Britannic Majesty s Government engage that the territory lying within the British sphere of influence between&nbsp;the Hindu Kush and the line running from the east end of&nbsp;Lake Victoria to the Chinese frontier shall form part of the&nbsp;territory of <span class=SpellE>tlfe</span> Ameer of Afghanistan, that it shall not be&nbsp;annexed to Great Britain, and that no military posts or forts&nbsp;shall be established in it.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> The execution of this Agreement is contingent upon the evacuation by the Ameer of Afghanistan of all the territories&nbsp;now occupied by His Highness on the right bank of the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Panja</span>, and on the evacuation by the Ameer of Bokhara of&nbsp;the portion of <span class=SpellE>Darwaz</span> which lies to the south of the Oxus, in&nbsp;regard to which Her Britannic Majesty s Government and the&nbsp;Government of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia have&nbsp;agreed to use their influence respectively with the two <span class=SpellE>Ameers</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> I shall be obliged if, in acknowledging the receipt of this note, your Excellency will record officially the Agreement&nbsp;which we have thus concluded in the name of our respective&nbsp;Governments.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=SpellE>Iam</span>,&amp;c., <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>(Signed)  <span class=font251><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;font-variant:small-caps'>Kimberley. </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In a letter of the same date to the Earl of Kimberley, the Russian ambassador enumerated the above conditions, the acceptance of which by his Government he had&nbsp;been authorized to notify. So ended a prolonged and at&nbsp;times difficult negotiation. A Boundary Commission is&nbsp;about to start (May, 1895) for the Pamirs to demarcate&nbsp;the boundary in accordance with the terms of the&nbsp;convention. The frontiers of Afghanistan, from the <span class=SpellE>Heri-Rud</span> to Chinese-Turkestan, will thus be fixed by international agreement.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman s reluctance to withdraw his troops and officials to the left bank of the Oxus seems *to&nbsp;have been finally overcome after the visit of the Durand&nbsp;Mission to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, when the envoy was able to convince&nbsp;him of the necessity of this measure. The evacuation&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Shignan</span>, trans-Oxus, was effected in the course of the&nbsp;<span class=font251><span style='mso-ansi-font-size: 17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>following year; and before long, no doubt, the country&nbsp;will be under Russian rule. The cession of the cis-Oxus&nbsp;portion of <span class=SpellE>Darwaz</span>, formerly occupied by Bokhara, may&nbsp;to some extent compensate the Afghans for the loss they&nbsp;have sustained; but we can scarcely count on their&nbsp;gratitude. Abdur Rahman himself, however, must be&nbsp;well aware that if he had been left to make his own&nbsp;bargain with Russia, he would have been compelled to&nbsp;part with more valuable possessions than a few villages&nbsp;in the valleys of the <span class=SpellE>Ghand</span> and <span class=SpellE>Shakh</span> Dara rivers.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'>&nbsp;</p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER IX. <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font21 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>TUE DURAND MISSION.<o:p></o:p></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'><br clear=all style='mso-special-character: line-break'> <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font21 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'>&nbsp;</p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span class=SpellE><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>THE</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Queen s Government of India is represented <o:p></o:p> </span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>at the Court of His Highness Abdur Rahman by a Mahomedan officer. Colonel <span class=SpellE>Akram</span> Khan. The&nbsp;selection of an Asiatic for this responsible duty may&nbsp;be regarded as a significant index to the nature of the&nbsp;political connection between England and Afghanistan.&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Some day</span> it will become a matter of vital importance&nbsp;in the interests of both countries that the reigning Ameer&nbsp;should have an English Resident at his capital, to advise&nbsp;him, when desired, on affairs of internal administration,&nbsp;as well as to exercise that control over his foreign policy,&nbsp;which is the leading principle of the Anglo-Afghan</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> <o:p></o:p> </span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>alliance. For the time being, it is convenient to dis* <span class=SpellE>pense</span> with the advantages that would *be gained by&nbsp;keeping an English Resident at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. The existing&nbsp;arrangement may be more acceptable both to the Ameer&nbsp;and to his subjects; it involves less risk, and it <span class=SpellE>docs</span> not&nbsp;excite the suspicions of Abdur Rahman s neighbours. <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On the other hand, Afghanistan can hardly rank high even among semi-civilized states, so long as there is the&nbsp;least pretext for supposing that a European diplomatist,&nbsp;duly accredited as the representative of a Western Power,&nbsp;would be less secure from affront or outrage <span class=SpellE>ift</span> <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>&nbsp;than at Teheran, Cairo, or Constantinople. The feeling&nbsp;of insecurity is the, natural result of what happened in&nbsp;1879. Happily it is by degrees giving way to a sense&nbsp;of reciprocal confidence, and the wholesome change is&nbsp;in large measure due to the Ameer s sagacity. Whether&nbsp;in his time, or under his successor, an English officer&nbsp;will be sent to reside permanently at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> cannot be&nbsp;foreseen; but that such a step will ultimately be taken&nbsp;is undoubted, and it stands to Abdur Rahman s credit&nbsp;that he has helped to make it possible. English officials&nbsp;employed on the boundary delimitation, or in connection&nbsp;with that undertaking, have travelled throughout the&nbsp;length and breadth of his kingdom; some with an escort&nbsp;of Indian troops, others, like Mr. Elias and Colonel&nbsp;Yate, relying only on the protection of the Ameer s&nbsp;word. Englishmen and Englishwomen have lived for&nbsp;long periods at his capital. In 1893 the Ameer&nbsp;welcomed the visit of an English Envoy; and, still later,&nbsp;he extended his hospitality to a much-travelled member&nbsp;of Parliament. The once formidable barrier of mutual&nbsp;suspicion and mistrust is no longer a standing obstacle&nbsp;to that open and free intercourse which should unite&nbsp;friendly nations; and sooner or later we may expect&nbsp;to find other impediments removed.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But for unforeseen accidents a British Mission would have visited <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> during the viceroyalty of Lord Dufferin,&nbsp;who fully recognised the benefits that would be attained&nbsp;thereby. In the month of August, 1888, shortly before&nbsp;the outbreak of disturbances in Afghan-Turkestan, it was&nbsp;announced that the Indian Government had been asked&nbsp;by the Ameer Abdur Rahman to send a confidential&nbsp;mission to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> to discuss affairs of State. According&nbsp;to a semi-official explanation published in the Allahabad&nbsp;<span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Pioneer,</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> the Ameer had recently made known to the&nbsp;authorities at <span class=SpellE>Simla</span> his earnest desire that some trusted&nbsp;official should pay a visit to him at his capital, and stay&nbsp;these for a while as his honoured guest, in order that&nbsp;he himself might learn what the views of the Indian&nbsp;Government were in regard to various matters which had&nbsp;from time to time come under discussion. There were,&nbsp;it was added, no particular circumstances on <span class=SpellE>cither</span> side&nbsp;which had led to this action on Abdur Rahman s part,&nbsp;but the Ameer thought it a good opportunity for a&nbsp;friendly consideration of all doubtful points which had&nbsp;arisen between himself and the Indian Government. It&nbsp;had therefore been determined to send a mission, which&nbsp;&nbsp;was to start from <span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span> on October 1. The official&nbsp;chosen by Lord Dufferin for this delicate and anxious&nbsp;duty was the Foreign Secretary, Mr. (now Sir Mortimer)&nbsp;Durand. He was to be accompanied by Sir Donald&nbsp;Wallace, Lord Dufferin s private secretary, who would&nbsp;convey a personal message of farewell from the Viceroy.&nbsp;A squadron of Indian cavalry would be sent to escort the&nbsp;mission, which would probably be absent, it was said,&nbsp;about five or six weeks, making a fortnight s stay at the&nbsp;Afghan capital. The requisite preparations had been&nbsp;all but completed, when letters were received from Abdur&nbsp;Rahman, asking that the mission might be put off. The&nbsp;rebellion of <span class=SpellE>Is hak</span> Khan, and the Ameer s determination&nbsp;to proceed himself to the scene of the conflict, made it&nbsp;impossible for him to receive a British Envoy at his chief&nbsp;city; and although there was some talk of a conference&nbsp;at Kandahar in the following spring, nothing came of it.&nbsp;As already related, the Ameer was absent from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> till&nbsp;the summer of 1890. Perhaps it was just as well that&nbsp;the project fell through. The visit of an Envoy from the&nbsp;Indian Government might have strengthened the Ameer s&nbsp;hands and have increased his prestige in the eyes of his&nbsp;subjects, but it was not at all advisable that we should&nbsp;know too much about the means he was resorting to for&nbsp;the punishment of those who had rebelled against his&nbsp;authority. In a private letter written at the time a&nbsp;distinguished frontier official said: </span></span> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> The Ameer s main reason for wishing for a mission is to strengthen himself and to increase his prestige with his&nbsp;rebellious tribes. It is not to our interest to do this.&nbsp;The policy we should follow is to show the big tribes &nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Duranis</span>, <span class=SpellE>Ghilzais</span>, &amp;c. that we are their friends, and that&nbsp;we prefer their good will to that of this or that Ameer.&nbsp;The presence of an English Mission with the Ameer&nbsp;would be looked upon by the tribes as a demonstration&nbsp;against them, and be resented accordingly. So long as&nbsp;the Ameer sticks to his. bargain as regards foreign relations, we are bound to carry out our share of it; but to indicate approval of his internal government, or to do&nbsp;anything that will be construed by the people as an&nbsp;approval, would be a mistake. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Unquestionably there was much to be said in support of these views, even though they were not endorsed by&nbsp;public or official opinion.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The idea of a mission to Afghanistan was revived in 1892.Lo<span class=SpellE>rd</span> Lansdowne, who succeeded Lord Dufferin&nbsp;as Governor-General, had come to the conclusion that&nbsp;this would be the best means of healing the breach&nbsp;which had begun to divide the Ameer and the Indian&nbsp;Government. Abdur Rahman s interference with tribes&nbsp;on our border, the advance of his troops to <span class=SpellE>Asmar</span>, and&nbsp;the possibility of further aggression in Bajaur and elsewhere, had given rise to great uneasiness in India. In&nbsp;some quarters it was confidently believed that an open&nbsp;rupture was impending, which could only end in war.&nbsp;To avert so serious a disaster the Indian Government, in&nbsp;July, 1892, informed the Ameer of its wish to send&nbsp;the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Roberts, to discuss the&nbsp;situation, <span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span> being named, then or in a later&nbsp;communication, as a suitable place for the conference.&nbsp;Many wild rumours were abroad as to the object of the&nbsp;proposed mission. It was even stated, and possibly&nbsp;believed, that Lord Roberts would be instructed to&nbsp;concert with Abdur Rahman measures of defence, or&nbsp;perhaps of offence, against the Russians, who were displaying inconvenient activity on the Pamirs. The real&nbsp;motive, it need hardly be said, was a desire to settle&nbsp;difficulties that had arisen nearer to the Indian frontier,&nbsp;difficulties which now began to assume a very awkward&nbsp;shape. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Whether Lord Roberts would have succeeded in effecting a settlement is a question upon which it is unnecessary to speculate. The Ameer was unable to receive a mission.&nbsp;In his reply to the despatch from the Indian Government,&nbsp;he intimated that it had long been his wish to confer with&nbsp;an English Envoy; that it would give him great pleasure&nbsp;to meet the Commander-in-Chief, but that owing to the&nbsp;insurrection of the Hazara tribes, he was unable to say&nbsp;when a conference could take place. As Lord Roberts&nbsp;was shortly to leave India, on the expiry of his term&nbsp;of office, this was tantamount to a postponement of the&nbsp;mission <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>sine die.</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> The probability is that Abdur Rahman&nbsp;could easily have arranged to meet an English Envoy, had&nbsp;he cared to do so, and that the Hazaras were giving him&nbsp;no real anxiety. On the frontier, however, and still more&nbsp;in Afghanistan, highly-coloured rumours were flying about,&nbsp;in regard to the escort which was to go with Lord&nbsp;Roberts. In any case the Commander-in-Chief would&nbsp;not have travelled without a considerable force of troops,&nbsp;and it was believed in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> that he was coming at the&nbsp;head of a brigade at least. This would not have suited&nbsp;the Ameer at all. Without himself apprehending a&nbsp;military demonstration, he doubtless knew that the&nbsp;mission would wear this aspect in the eyes of his&nbsp;subjects; and it is not in the least surprising, therefore,&nbsp;that he pleaded his inability to receive Lord Roberts. In&nbsp;the opinion of those best competent to judge, it was just&nbsp;as well that the proposed Roberts Mission never came off.&nbsp;A soldier himself, Lord Roberts would most likely have&nbsp;found Abdur Rahman wholly in accord with him as far as&nbsp;high politics 3nd the interminable Central Asian question&nbsp;went. What was needed, however, was not a common&nbsp;understanding as to the best means of opposing the&nbsp;advance of Russia, but a settlement of minor points of&nbsp;dispute between the Ameer and the Indian authorities.&nbsp;If the Commander-in-Chief, as might have happened, was&nbsp;led to consider these of minor consequence, so long as&nbsp;Abdur Rahman showed himself a staunch advocate for&nbsp;an active alliance against the Russians, the main object of&nbsp;the mission would be lost sight of. If, on the other&nbsp;hand, Lord Roberts insisted on obtaining a satisfactory&nbsp;settlement of these minor points, any difference of opinion&nbsp;that arose would have assumed portentous dimensions.&nbsp;However, the reasonableness of such conjectures was&nbsp;not put to the test; and in the spring of 1893, Lord&nbsp;Roberts left India without having met Abdur Rahman&nbsp;in counsel.</span></span> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Meanwhile the position of affairs continued to be most unsatisfactory. It almost looked as if the Ameer was&nbsp;bent on picking a quarrel with us. Some of the acts of&nbsp;aggression, by which he strained to breaking-point the&nbsp;patience of Anglo-Indian administrators, have already&nbsp;come under review. There were others even more&nbsp;irritating if not hostile. Sir James Browne, the Chief&nbsp;Commissioner of British <span class=SpellE>Biluchistan</span>, reported that a&nbsp;number of deserters from a newly-formed frontier regiment, the 40th Pathans, had escaped to Kandahar,&nbsp;where in every case they were received with high honour.&nbsp;It was said that these men were publicly praised by the&nbsp;Ameer s officials as good Mahomedans who had refused&nbsp;to serve under infidels. The 40th Pathans is composed&nbsp;of Mahomedans from beyond the border, <span class=SpellE>iecruits</span> being&nbsp;obtained from <span class=SpellE>Bonair</span>, Swat, and Bajaur. It was a new&nbsp;experiment in a way, and Abdur Rahman did not&nbsp;approve of the enlistment of tribesmen whom he hoped&nbsp;to bring under his own influence. This may have been&nbsp;the reason, but it is certainly not a valid excuse for the&nbsp;hospitality and kindness shown to the deserters, and the&nbsp;Indian authorities were righteously indignant.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Another occasion of misunderstanding was a raid by the Ameer s official? on <span class=SpellE>Biluch</span> territory. Certain of his&nbsp;subjects dwelling on the <span class=SpellE>Helmund</span> river had thought fit&nbsp;to emigrate into Persian Seistan, being induced to quit&nbsp;their homes, it was said, by reason of the rigour with&nbsp;which the revenue was collected. Thinking it not <span class=SpellE>worth&nbsp;while</span> or unwise to pursue them, Abdur Rahman s&nbsp;Governor of Kandahar adopted other means of bringing&nbsp;pressure to bear on the fugitives. They were an outlying&nbsp;section of a tribe located for the most part in and about&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Chageh</span>, in <span class=SpellE>Biluchistan</span>. An Afghan expedition was&nbsp;accordingly sent to <span class=SpellE>Chageh</span> with orders to lay hands on&nbsp;as many tribesmen as could be caught. This was done,&nbsp;and a number of unfortunate wretches were seized and&nbsp;carried off to <span class=SpellE>Furrah</span>, where they were put into prison;&nbsp;the object, of course, of this outrageous proceeding being&nbsp;to make their fellow-tribesmen who had fled to Persia feel&nbsp;uncomfortable. Whether this part of the plan turned out&nbsp;a success does not appear, but the whole affair provoked&nbsp;a strongly-worded remonstrance from the Government&nbsp;of India. The boundary between Afghanistan and <span class=SpellE>Biluchistan</span> was not too clearly defined, and had always varied with Circumstances; but the Calcutta Foreign&nbsp;Office held that <span class=SpellE>Chageh</span> was well within the <span class=SpellE>Biluch</span>&nbsp;border, and that the Afghans had been guilty of gross&nbsp;and unwarrantable encroachments on a State directly&nbsp;under British protection.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In justice to Abdur Rahman it should be mentioned that, in his own opinion at any rate, he had a clear&nbsp;grievance against the Indian Government. The English&nbsp;had driven a tunnel through the <span class=SpellE>Khojak</span> Amran hills, had built a railway station on his side of the range at New Chaman, and were always talking of an extension&nbsp;of the railway to Kandahar. The Ameer conceived a&nbsp;huge dislike to both tunnel and railway station.  These&nbsp;English, he said,  give out that they are my friends; but&nbsp;the <span class=SpellE>Khojak</span> tunnel is like a knife thrust into my vitals. &nbsp;Hg stoutly maintained that New Chaman was situate in&nbsp;his own territory, though by our reckoning it is a good&nbsp;ten miles outside his border. In July, 1890, a sentry&nbsp;on guard at the British camp was attacked and wounded.&nbsp;His assailants fled to Kandahar; and, in response to a&nbsp;demand for their surrender, the Ameer s Governor&nbsp;replied that the English, having encroached on Afghan&nbsp;soil, such outrages were the natural outcome of popular&nbsp;resentment.</span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The first train was run through the <span class=SpellE>Khojak</span> tunnel in September, 1891. It was hoped that with a railway&nbsp;open right up to the Afghan frontier, there would be a&nbsp;marked increase of trade between British India and&nbsp;Southern Afghanistan. But the Ameer s orders were <span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'>that the tunnel and the new station were to be avoided;&nbsp;and Afghan traders continued to send their merchandise&nbsp;on camel back over the Pass. Abdur Rahman s temper&nbsp;was not improved by the suggestion urged in the House&nbsp;of Commons more than once, and frequently in the&nbsp;English press, that the Indian Government should insist&nbsp;on the completion of the long-talked-of railway to&nbsp;Kandahar. To have adopted this policy would most&nbsp;likely have driven him to desperation; and as it was,&nbsp;the mere talk about it served to render our ally still&nbsp;more intractable.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Yet who shall see into the mind of an Eastern king? It would be an affectation of knowledge to affirm that&nbsp;any particular circumstance was the prime cause of&nbsp;Abdur Rahman s fits of unfriendliness. Gout may have&nbsp;had something to do with the recurrence of these moods,&nbsp;nor is it wholly improbable that the Ameer at <span class=SpellE>tiqies</span>&nbsp;feigned more mislike and distrust of his English neighbours than he really felt. He may have judged it&nbsp;prudent, now and again, to play to an excitable gallery&nbsp;of truculent barons and bigoted priests; on other&nbsp;occasions he perhaps thought that his grievances, real&nbsp;or imaginary, would remain unredressed if he did not&nbsp;make the most of them. However this may be, it&nbsp;happened more' than once that misunderstandings were&nbsp;smoothed over by opportune explanation, or that a&nbsp;prompt and strong-worded remonstrance brought Abdur&nbsp;Rahman to his bearings when, inspired either by resentment or ambition, he tried the temper of the Indian&nbsp;Government too far. It was about this time that an incident occurred of which little or nothing has been said&nbsp;hitherto outside official circles. The Ameer was shown by&nbsp;someone a map in which all the country north of the&nbsp;Hindu Kush was included within the dominion of the&nbsp;Czar. This document seemed to foreshadow the partition&nbsp;of his kingdom, and may have been drawn to illustrate&nbsp;the theory of the ethnological frontier which finds favour&nbsp;with certain political speculators. But Abdur Rahman&nbsp;was not enamoured of the idea, and he asked the authorities in India what the map meant. Were they cognisant&nbsp;of any such proposals, and did they countenance them ?&nbsp;Of course Lord Lansdowne s government was able to&nbsp;assure the indignant Ameer that the map meant nothing,&nbsp;and that England and Russia had not agreed, and were&nbsp;not in the least likely to agree, to the arrangement it&nbsp;foreshadowed. The Ameer was satisfied, and no more&nbsp;was heard of the matter.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>A soft answer turned away wrath. There were occasions, too, when a sharp one may save trouble in&nbsp;dealing with the rulers of Asia. Indeed, it might be laid&nbsp;down generally that whenever the Indian Government&nbsp;informed the Ameer in plain language that any particular&nbsp;act of <span class=SpellE>agression</span> could on no account be tolerated, he&nbsp;took the hint not unkindly. If ever the correspondence&nbsp;that passed between <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> and <span class=SpellE>Simla</span> is published, it will&nbsp;be found, most likely, that on more than one occasion&nbsp;Lord Lansdowne had to adopt the tone of one who must&nbsp;be obeyed, and that when he did so Abdur Rahman&nbsp;obeyed accordingly. Once, too, by way of making its&nbsp;meaning still more clear, the Indian Government tried&nbsp;the effect of retaliation. The Ameer had ordered,&nbsp;through his agents, some Hotchkiss guns from the&nbsp;makers in England, who of course were the more ready&nbsp;to supply the wants of their esteemed customer since he&nbsp;was our friend and ally. So these ingenious and deadly&nbsp;engines of warfare were shipped to Karachi, and His&nbsp;Highness s agents were preparing to convey them up-country, over the Bolan Pass to Kandahar. But the&nbsp;transaction had come to the ears of the <span class=SpellE>Simla</span> Foreign&nbsp;Office. The guns were stopped at the seaport, and their&nbsp;expectant owner was informed that the British government did not see its way to permitting the transport&nbsp;of war material through our territory. There was trouble&nbsp;and tribulation no doubt in the palace at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>; but&nbsp;Abdur Rahman was too astute not to see that we, his&nbsp;friends, had scored off him, and perhaps not too irate &nbsp;angry though he assuredly was to admit that it was a&nbsp;fair stroke and a legitimate reprisal. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But the friction that existed was in every way deplorable, and it was a distinct relief when, toward the autumn of&nbsp;1893, the Indian Government was able to announce that&nbsp;the Ameer had expressed his willingness to receive an&nbsp;English Mission at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and that Sir Mortimer Durand&nbsp;had been again selected for the important mission. This&nbsp;time no risk was run of alarming the Afghans by sending&nbsp;a large military escort. Lord Lansdowne s Foreign&nbsp;Secretary at once declared that, as he would be the&nbsp;guest of the Ameer, he should prefer to go to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>&nbsp;without an escort It was a wise resolution, and those&nbsp;who knew the Afghan character, and were aware of the&nbsp;vigilant strictness of Abdur Rahman s rule, were satisfied&nbsp;that the Envoy might rely absolutely and entirely on the&nbsp;protection afforded by order of the Ameer, whose royal&nbsp;pleasure it would be to secure not only the safety but also&nbsp;the comfort of*his guest in every possible way. Nor in&nbsp;the end had Sir Mortimer Durand the slightest reason to&nbsp;repent of his confidence. He was everywhere treated&nbsp;not merely with civility, but with a profusion of kindly&nbsp;attention. Asiatic hospitality is at times superabundant,&nbsp;if not a trifle tedious. English visitors to a raja s court&nbsp;have been perplexed to find themselves provided day&nbsp;after day with an endless variety of things which they&nbsp;could do without, including, perhaps, a new tooth-brush&nbsp;and bottle of brandy every morning. Abdur Rahman&nbsp;stopped short of this, but the attentions he showed to the&nbsp;Mission were magnificent, and the Envoy on his return&nbsp;protested he had never been treated better in his life. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Sir Mortimer Durand started from <span class=SpellE>Peshawar</span> on September 19, 1893. On the frontier he was met by General <span class=SpellE>Gholam</span> <span class=SpellE>Hyder</span> Khan, who conducted him to <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>.&nbsp;With the Envoy went Colonel <span class=SpellE>Elies</span>, of the <span class=SpellE>QuartermasterGeneral s</span> Department, Captains MacMahon and Manners&nbsp;Smith, as political assistants, and Mr. Clarke, of the&nbsp;Foreign Department, with Surgeon-Major Fenn in medical&nbsp;charge. About a dozen troopers, Pathans from the 9th&nbsp;Bengal Lancers, went as orderlies; and there were about&nbsp;the same number of native clerks and translators.&nbsp;Reckoning the camp followers and servants, there were&nbsp;some three hundred men all told. For the transport&nbsp;of the party over two hundred camels, about the <span class=SpellE>sante</span>&nbsp;number of mules, and perhaps fifty horses, were mustered.&nbsp;At <span class=SpellE>Jelalabad</span>, the Envoy stayed a day and a night in the&nbsp;new palace which the Ameer is building for himself there,&nbsp;an imposing edifice of white stucco with a terra-cotta&nbsp;dome. Shortly before the cavalcade reached the capital,&nbsp;Mr. (now Sir Salter) <span class=SpellE>Pyne</span> rode in to <span class=SpellE>join the</span> Envoy with&nbsp;a message of welcome from the Ameer. On October 2,&nbsp;the Mission reached <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, being received with military&nbsp;honours. The residence of Sirdar <span class=SpellE>Habibulla</span>, at <span class=SpellE>Indaki</span>,&nbsp;had been prepared for the Ameer s guests, and refurnished regardless of expense. For the Envoy there&nbsp;was a lordly bed upholstered in gold brocade and blue&nbsp;satin, with a piano hard by in case he felt a disposition&nbsp;for music. The Ameer was staying at his <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'><span class=SpellE>villagiatura</span>&nbsp;</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>a mile away. On the day after his arrival Sir Mortimer&nbsp;paid his first state visit to His Highness, who, as his&nbsp;manner is, improved the occasion with a speech. It&nbsp;was a source, he said, of extreme satisfaction to receive&nbsp;at his capital an Envoy of such high rank, and so trusted&nbsp;by the British Government, one, moreover, who was able&nbsp;to speak Persian, and with whom he could converse&nbsp;freely. The advent of the mission would prove to the&nbsp;world the reality of the Anglo-Afghan alliance. The&nbsp;anxiety of those who wished well to that alliance, and&nbsp;the malicious satisfaction of evil wishers, would alike be&nbsp;removed. The enemies of both countries would be&nbsp;discomfited. In great affairs of state, great men were&nbsp;required to clear away the dissensions caused by&nbsp;designing persons. Great men had come <span class=SpellE>aforetime</span> to&nbsp;Afghanistan, but they had come to make war, and not&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>diarged</span> with errands of peace. He talked about his&nbsp;gout and a possible visit to England, about railways and&nbsp;other things. With Mr. Donald, a civilian who has&nbsp;served on the frontier, the Ameer conversed in <span class=SpellE>Pushtu</span>,&nbsp;the vernacular of Afghanistan and the borderland. In&nbsp;days gone by, he said, when he was a fugitive in the&nbsp;country of the Waziris, after he had been defeated by&nbsp;his uncle, Shere Ali, he used to speak <span class=SpellE>Pushtu</span> a good&nbsp;deal; but in Turkestan he had grown accustomed to&nbsp;another language.</span></span> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Of the gifts that were given and received by the Envoy, of visits to Sir S. <span class=SpellE>Pyne s</span> workshops, and excursions to&nbsp;places of interest in the vicinity of the capital, and of&nbsp;the courteous treatment which members of the mission&nbsp;received from Afghans of all conditions, endless accounts&nbsp;were given at the time. The <span class=SpellE>strangere</span> were much impressed by the magnificence of the Ameer s new palace,&nbsp;and were told, as Mr. Curzon was a. year later, that in&nbsp;one of the rooms there was a contemporary portrait of&nbsp;the Ameer Timur.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>On November 13 Sir Mortimer Durand and all the officers of the mission attended a grand durbar at the&nbsp;Ameer s palace. Writing on the day afterwards, the&nbsp;correspondent of the Allahabad <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Pioneer</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> said: </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> Sir Mortimer and the officers of the Mission were received in the Durbar Hall by Sirdars <span class=SpellE>Habibulla</span> and&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Nasrulla</span> (Abdur Rahman s two eldest sons), and conducted to seats at the top of the hall. Opposite were the&nbsp;seats of the Ameer s chief officials, civil and military.&nbsp;Amongst those in the front row were General Jan&nbsp;Mahomed, commanding the artillery, a smart, soldierlike looking man; General Mir Mahomed, who has lately&nbsp;been commanding in Hazara, and the Khan-<span class=SpellE>i</span>-Mulla, or&nbsp;chief priest. On the other side of the hall were rows of&nbsp;officers in the army. The <span class=SpellE>Shahgassi</span>, or Goldstick-in-Waiting, acted as Master of the Ceremonies, aided by&nbsp;another official, carrying a silver stick. In front of the&nbsp;Ameer s chair was a fine African lion s skin. On the&nbsp;Ameer s arrival the Durbar stood up. Walking in, he&nbsp;shook hands with Sir Mortimer and the officers, and took&nbsp;his seat<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> After a few remarks about the want of a suitable place for durbars until he had built this fine hall, he commenced an excellent speech. He dwelt on the fact that&nbsp;since his accession he had unceasingly striven for the&nbsp;welfare and prosperity of his country; that every nation&nbsp;had need of powerful friends; and that he had sedulously&nbsp;cultivated the friendship of England, whose interests for&nbsp;weal and woe were identical with those of Afghanistan.&nbsp;For the purpose of cementing this friendship he had&nbsp;desired to receive the Mission, and it was a source of&nbsp;great satisfaction that a man had come at its head who&nbsp;was a trusted councillor of the Government of India, and&nbsp;who could discuss matters with him in the Persian&nbsp;language; one, moreover, who was an old friend, and&nbsp;whom he knew <span class=SpellE>tc</span> be straightforward and trustworthy.&nbsp;He wished the people of Afghanistan to know that the&nbsp;result of the Mission was that the bond of friendship&nbsp;between England and Afghanistan was now established&nbsp;on a firm and permanent basis, which gave him great&nbsp;satisfaction. He wished the fact of this friendship to&nbsp;become known throughout Afghanistan, and to all Governments throughout the world. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The Afghan notables present intimated their approval of the Ameer s speech, after which a written address was&nbsp;presented to the Ameer, and read out by him. It was&nbsp;signed by the chief Sirdars of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, and was to the&nbsp;effect that they desired to express their gratitude to&nbsp;the Ameer for his efforts on their behalf. They had&nbsp;perfect confidence in any arrangements the Ameer might&nbsp;make for the benefit of the country, and they considered&nbsp;that the friendship between Afghanistan and England was&nbsp;a subject of rejoicing. They would continue to pray for&nbsp;the Ameer s health and welfare.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Sir Mortimer then rose, and addressing the Ameer in Persian said, in reply, that the Ameer had spoken so&nbsp;fittingly concerning the results of the mission that there&nbsp;was little left for him to add. He informed the Ameer&nbsp;that he had just received a telegram from the Viceroy,&nbsp;expressing His Excellency's satisfaction at the happy&nbsp;terminations of the negotiations, and at the establishment&nbsp;of friendship on a secure basis. Sir Mortimer also&nbsp;referred to Lord Kimberley s allusion in the House of&nbsp;Lords to the <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> Mission. He then offered the Ameer&nbsp;his sincere thanks for the hospitality and honour shown&nbsp;to the mission since they had set foot on Afghan soil.&nbsp;The Ameer seemed greatly to appreciate the sentiments&nbsp;expressed, and the durbar broke up. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Two days after the grand durbar, the Envoy left <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> for India, having successfully accomplished the&nbsp;object of his journey. Of his negotiations with the&nbsp;Ameer, no complete account can be given. They were&nbsp;conducted, it need hardly be said, in private; and only&nbsp;the general result is known. This, however, was&nbsp;altogether satisfactory. Abdur Rahman gave a definite&nbsp;promise that henceforth he would abstain from interference in Chitral, Bajaur, Swat, and the <span class=SpellE>Afredi</span>&nbsp;country; and he consented to the demarcation of a&nbsp;boundary line which would separate his dominions from&nbsp;other parts which the Indian Government desired to&nbsp;keep under its control, namely, the Kurram valley,&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Waziriland</span>, the <span class=SpellE>Gomul</span>, and the district of Zhob. On&nbsp;the other hand, the Envoy, on behalf of the Indian&nbsp;Government, consented to the Ameer s retention of&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Asmar</span>, and undertook, it is believed, that no opposition&nbsp;should be offered in the event of his desiring to establish&nbsp;his authority over the people of Kafiristan. Moreover,&nbsp;he informed Abdur Rahman that the subsidy paid to&nbsp;him out of the Indian exchequer would be increased&nbsp;from twelve to sixteen lakhs of rupees (Rs. 160,000) a&nbsp;year. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>It may also be assumed that Sir Mortimer Durand discussed with the Ameer the question of his rights and&nbsp;claims to a portion of the Pamirs. In a previous chapter&nbsp;particulars have been given of the agreement between the&nbsp;governments of England and Russia, by which certain&nbsp;districts on the Upper Oxus, at one time occupied by&nbsp;the Afghans, were handed over to Russia, while other&nbsp;districts, hitherto attached to Bokhara, were to be surrendered to the Ameer. There is no need to recur to&nbsp;the subject, unless it may be to suggest that Sir Mortimer&nbsp;Durand helped to reconcile Abdur Rahman to an&nbsp;exchange of territory which might otherwise have been&nbsp;exceedingly distasteful.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In a farewell speech delivered at Calcutta on January 23, 1894, the retiring Viceroy, the Marquis of Lansdowne,&nbsp;referred at some length to the success achieved by the&nbsp;Durand Mission.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> On our Western frontier (His Excellency said) there is a special reason for which we cannot afford to observe&nbsp;a policy of mere abstention as regards the border region.&nbsp;We are under a solemn obligation, in certain circumstances, to assist our ally, the Ameer of Afghanistan, in&nbsp;maintaining the integrity of his possessions. The pledges&nbsp;which we have given to him are, no doubt, carefully&nbsp;guarded and accompanied by indispensable reservations,&nbsp;but they are pledges which no British Government can&nbsp;ignore pledges which may compel us in a certain event&nbsp;to meet an enemy beyond our frontier. In such an event&nbsp;we should have to make use of the great natural avenues&nbsp;leading from British India towards Afghanistan, and we&nbsp;have consequently built a line of railway through the&nbsp;Bolan Pass, we have fortified Quetta as an advanced post,&nbsp;while, more lately still, the <span class=SpellE>Gomul</span> Pass has been opened,&nbsp;and our communications between Quetta and the mouth&nbsp;of the <span class=SpellE>Gomul</span>, through the Zhob Valley, have been considerably improved. Now, it is under these circumstances&nbsp;that there has grown up the idea of that which is conveniently described as a  sphere of influence  adjoining&nbsp;the frontier, properly so-called, of the Indian Empire a&nbsp;sphere, that is, within which we shall not attempt to&nbsp;administer the country ourselves, but within which we&nbsp;shall not allow any aggressions from outside . </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'> I think the Government of India may fairly take credit to itself for having, during the last two or three years,&nbsp;made some progress in establishing (he limits of such a&nbsp;sphere of influence as I have described, and at no part&nbsp;of the frontier has that progress been more satisfactory&nbsp;than at the point where we are brought into contact with&nbsp;the dominions of our ally, the Ameer of Afghanistan.&nbsp;I venture to claim for the settlement recently effected by&nbsp;Sir Mortimer Durand a settlement arrived at in the face&nbsp;of difficulties, the extent of which will not be understood&nbsp;until the history of these events comes to be written &nbsp;a settlement which would, in my opinion, have been&nbsp;beyond our reach but for the admirable qualities of tact,&nbsp;patience, and sincerity which he displayed in so&nbsp;conspicuous a degree throughout an extremely delicate&nbsp;negotiation qualities which won for him the confidence&nbsp;of His Highness that it has done more to obviate the&nbsp;risk of future misunderstandings both with Afghanistan&nbsp;and with the intervening frontier tribes, and to prevent&nbsp;the recurrence of those  ignoble little wars  to which I&nbsp;referred just now, than any number of successful <span class=SpellE>expeditiorn</span>&nbsp;or sanguinary successes over the warlike borderers, whom&nbsp;we have fought so often and with such small results. <o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The subsequent trouble in <span class=SpellE>Waziriland</span>, and the more recent disturbances in Chitral, the latter involving as they&nbsp;0&nbsp;did the despatch of an unusually large expedition to&nbsp;suppress the Bajaur chief, Umra Khan of <span class=SpellE>Jandol</span>, might&nbsp;seem to furnish a not altogether pleasing commentary on&nbsp;Lord Lansdowne s remarks; but there is one point which&nbsp;must not be lost sight of. Had it not been for the settlement effected by Sir Mortimer Durand, the problems&nbsp;which the Indian Government has been compelled to face&nbsp;would have proved far more complicated. When the&nbsp;Waziris questioned our right to mark out the frontier of&nbsp;their territory, the Government had only the tribesmen&nbsp;to deal with: and as the latter soon discovered that no&nbsp;help was forthcoming from <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>, they quickly became&nbsp;amenable to the argument of irresistible force. So in&nbsp;regard to the revolution in Chitral and the aggressiveness&nbsp;of Umra Khan, our course was clear. The disturbed area&nbsp;was recognised as being within the British sphere of&nbsp;influence, and the only thing to be done was to restore&nbsp;order. There is every reason to hope that the result of&nbsp;the operations will be the establishment of British&nbsp;authority over all the country between the <span class=SpellE>Baroghil</span> Pass&nbsp;and <span class=SpellE>Peshawur</span>, and from Abdur Rahman s outpost at&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Asmar</span> eastward to <span class=SpellE>Kashmere</span>. The heroic defence of the&nbsp;Chitral fort by Surgeon-Major Robertson and his gallant&nbsp;companions in arms, the splendid march of Colonel&nbsp;Kelly s force to the relief of the beleaguered garrison,&nbsp;and the skill and energy with which General Sir Robert&nbsp;Bow led his army into the innermost recesses of a region&nbsp;which may be described, in Mr. William Morris s words, as&nbsp; a tossing world of stone, not only prove the magnificent&nbsp;capabilities of the army in India, but they will facilitate&nbsp;the pacification of a country which, until now, has defied&nbsp;every effort to bring it within the range and reach of&nbsp;civilization. Hitherto these wild and rugged tracts have&nbsp;been known as <span class=SpellE>Yaghistan</span>, the  Land of the Unruly. &nbsp;The day is at last approaching when the designation will&nbsp;lose its meaning. Had the Indian Government failed in&nbsp;its attempt to come to an understanding with the Ameer&nbsp;Abdur Rahman, the settlement of <span class=SpellE>Yaghistan</span> might have&nbsp;been postponed for an indeterminate space of time.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Since Lord Elgin succeeded the Marquis of Lansdowne as Viceroy of India, steps have been taken to carry out&nbsp;the delimitation of the Anglo-Afghan frontier in accordance with the compact between the Ameer and Sir&nbsp;Mortimer Durand. A considerable portion of the work &nbsp;the section, that is, from the Safed Koh, in the north,&nbsp;to Chaman, in the south was completed by the beginning&nbsp;of April, 1895. The remaining section, including the&nbsp;line from <span class=SpellE>Asmar</span> towards Kafiristan, has proved a more&nbsp;difficult task; and the operations are at present (May, 1895)&nbsp;suspended.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>CHAPTER X.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font21 align=center style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt; margin-bottom:12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:center;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>A RULER IN ISLAM.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font6 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></p> <p class=font6 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>A</span><span class=font231><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'> SOLDIER above all things in his youth, Abdur</span></span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'><o:p></o:p> </span><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Rahman, after his accession in middle age to a throne, became a vigorous bureaucrat. He applied&nbsp;himself to the task of re-organizing the administration&nbsp;with perfervid industry. The English officers of the&nbsp;Boundary Commission, when they passed through <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>,&nbsp;were made acquainted with his system. The various&nbsp;secretaries  if Mirza may be thus rendered  used&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>fohnerly</span> to work each in his own house, and thus it took&nbsp;a week or ten days to get anything done. The Ameer&nbsp;accordingly erected a block of Government offices, so&nbsp;that he could have all the officials at headquarters under&nbsp;one roof, and himself superintend their labours. There&nbsp;was a strict routine for every day of the week. Monday&nbsp;would be devoted to the affairs of Herat, Kandahar, and&nbsp;the outlying provinces. Thursday, to correspondence with&nbsp;India; on Tuesday there would be a military levee; on&nbsp;Wednesday and Saturday the Ameer sat as <span class=SpellE>ti</span> high court&nbsp;of justice and appeal, when the meanest of his subjects&nbsp;might come before him with a petition; Friday was a day&nbsp;of rest; Sunday devoted to the Ameer s private affairs.&nbsp;M. <span class=SpellE>Darmsteter</span>, on whose authority this programme is&nbsp;given, describes Abdur Rahman as delivering justice&nbsp;with a hand on his sword-hilt. A brigand brought before&nbsp;him ran a fair chance of being sentenced to immediate&nbsp;execution. Offences against property were punished with&nbsp;severity. If a traveller lost anything, passers-by <span class=SpellE>were</span>&nbsp;forbidden to pick it up, even to return it to the owner, on&nbsp;pain of having their hands cut off. Doubtless in distant&nbsp;age? it will be recorded, as it was of Sher Shah, the&nbsp;Afghan, that in the reign of Abdur Rahman a woman&nbsp;might travel in safety with all her gold ornaments, and&nbsp;that even the weakest feared not a Rustam. A grim sort&nbsp;of humour not infrequently inspired the Ameer s judgments.&nbsp;Once a man was brought before him who declared, in a&nbsp;state of unrepressed excitement, that the Russians were&nbsp;advancing to invade Afghanistan.  The Russians are&nbsp;coming? said the Ameer;  then you shall be taken to&nbsp;the summit of yonder tower, and shall have no food till&nbsp;you see them arrive. M. <span class=SpellE>Darmsteter</span> did not say whether&nbsp;this heroic cure for a fit of Russophobia proved effectual,&nbsp;but later writers have invented a sequel. <o:p></o:p> </span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>In the city of <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> the Ameer did <sub>(</sub>not give the enemies of law and order a chance. The chief magistrate&nbsp;became an object of public execration, but of wholesome&nbsp;dread. His spies were believed to be everywhere; and&nbsp;hardly a won! could be spoken without it coming to the&nbsp;ears of the Naib Kotwal, and through him to the Ameer&nbsp;himself. The <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> police code is curiously elaborate.&nbsp;It forbids evil speaking in the streets. The vituperation&nbsp;of a <span class=SpellE>Saiyyid</span> (a reputed descendant of the prophet&nbsp;Mahomed through his daughter Fatima), of a man of&nbsp;learning, or of a civic elder, renders the offender liable&nbsp;to twenty lashes and a fine of fifty rupees. If the bad&nbsp;language is only <span class=SpellE>airtied</span> at a common person, ten lashes&nbsp;with a fine of ten rupees is the penalty provided.&nbsp;Punishments are also laid down for dishonest tradesmen&nbsp;who cheat with false weights, or adulterate the food&nbsp;they sell; for the indecorous bather, the <span class=SpellE>gambler,'the</span>&nbsp;purveyor of charms; as also for persons who misbehave&nbsp;in the mosque, forget to say their prayers, or to observe&nbsp;a fast day. The man who kisses anybody else s wife is&nbsp;to have thirty lashes and be sent to prison for further&nbsp;inquiry. Very careful directions are laid down in regard&nbsp;to the administration of the lash. The instrument itself,&nbsp;the regulations say, is to be of a particular pattern, made&nbsp;of three strips of camel, cow, and sheep skin, its handle&nbsp;of olive wood. The stripes are to be laid on with pious&nbsp;ejaculations; and the police officer <span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>(<span class=SpellE>mutahsib</span>)</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'> is exhorted&nbsp;to feel, if he cannot show, sorrow for the wrong doer,&nbsp; since Mahomedans are all of one flesh. He should&nbsp;guard himself against vain glory, the prompting of the&nbsp;devil. Special cognisance is to be taken of offences</span></span> against religion. If any free-thinking <span class=SpellE>Cabuli</span> omits to&nbsp;bend his head with due reverence at the hour of prayer,&nbsp;the police officer should remonstrate with him gently at&nbsp;first; and if mild appeals failed, should use hard terms&nbsp;such as  0 foolish, 0 stupid one. In the event of&nbsp;continued obstinacy, the stick is to be applied; and as&nbsp;a last resource, the Ameer is to be informed, who  will&nbsp;do the rest. The manner in which the law is administered in Afghanistan would perhaps seem barbarous&nbsp;to Europeans, but we must not forget that Orientals look&nbsp;at these things in quite a different fight. It is related&nbsp;of <span class=SpellE>Alptegin</span>, that when he was in camp near <span class=SpellE>Ghuzni</span>, some&nbsp;of his servants stole fowls from the villagers. The Sultan&nbsp;ordered holes to be bored through their ears, and the&nbsp;fowls to be suspended therefrom by strings. The culprits&nbsp;were then marched through the ranks, the birds all the&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>tinft</span> tearing at their faces till blood poured in streams.&nbsp; The news of this act of justice, says the Mahomedan&nbsp;chronicler,  having reached the ears of the people, they&nbsp;agreed that so just a man was worthy to be their ruler. &nbsp;That is how it strikes an Afghan.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Army reform, to which Abdur Rahman from the first paid keen attention, has proceeded on lines laid down&nbsp;by the Ameer Shere Ali, who, though he spoke contemptuously of our Sepoys, was ready enough to imitate&nbsp;our military methods. In the old days the Afghan army,&nbsp;in time of foreign invasion, was the nation in arms.&nbsp;Every male was <span class=SpellE>bom</span> a soldier, and would be attached&nbsp;to this or that tribal chief from the day he could hold&nbsp;a musket. On the outbreak of war each chief with his&nbsp;contingent would hasten to the ruler s camp, whither also would flock as many of the townsfolk as wished to join in the fight, and a variable number of free lances.&nbsp;The troops received no pay, and lived by plunder. For&nbsp;the most part they were horsemen, armed with firelock&nbsp;or carbine, pistols, and sword or lance, and a target a&nbsp;foot-and-a-half across. In fact, the Afghan army, as&nbsp;General Ferrier observed, was a miscellaneous and undisciplined rabble.  The inaptitude of the nation, the&nbsp;same authority wrote,  for military organization arises&nbsp;from their spirit of impatience under the slightest degree&nbsp;of restraint; and to this feeling their religion contributes,&nbsp;for they are taught to believe that having proclaimed a&nbsp;<span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>Jehad</span></i></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> (holy war) the numerous battalions of the infidels&nbsp;are powerless against a handful of the Ghazis, or soldiers&nbsp;of the faith. </span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>But Ameer Shere Ali, after his visit to Lord Mayo, resolved to have a regular army. Batteries of field und&nbsp;mountain artillery, and regiments of horse and foot,&nbsp;were raised; and the English field-exercise books for&nbsp;the three branches of the service were translated into&nbsp;Persian and <span class=SpellE>Pushtu</span>. Shere Ali also started foundries&nbsp;for cannon and small-arm factories. His military reforms,&nbsp;however, broke down at the first test. After the defeat&nbsp;of his armies at the <span class=SpellE>Peiwar</span> <span class=SpellE>Kotal</span> and Ali Musjid, the&nbsp;new discipline and the new organization went to pieces;&nbsp;and at <span class=SpellE>Charasiab</span> and Ahmad Khel the enemy was an&nbsp;undisciplined mass of armed men fighting pretty well&nbsp;as they pleased under the tribal leaders. And since this&nbsp;style suited the national temperament, they fought with&nbsp;courage and determination.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Abdur Rahman s talent for organization, even more perhaps than his wish to have an effective army, led him to recur to the regular system which his uncle&nbsp;Shere Ali had introduced. Divisions, brigades, regiments,&nbsp;batteries, troops, and companies, were accordingly called&nbsp;into existence, and a scale of military pay was elaborated,&nbsp;in which a general of the first class was to receive 600&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>Cabuli</span> rupees monthly, a brigadier two hundred and fifty,&nbsp;a colonel of cavalry two hundred, a major one hundred&nbsp;and twenty, captains of cavalry eighty, of infantry and&nbsp;artillery thirty, and so on down to corporals of foot,&nbsp;who received ten rupees. The rank and file was to be&nbsp;paid partly in kind, a trooper getting sixteen rupees in&nbsp;cash and four rupees worth of grain, a private of foot&nbsp;five rupees in cash and three rupees worth of grain.&nbsp;Every regiment was to have a <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size: 17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>mulla</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> as chaplain, a&nbsp;physician <i>(hakim),</i> and surgeon <i>(<span class=SpellE>yarrah</span>).</i> As a rule&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>th</span>* officers of the Ameer s army are men of family&nbsp;appointed direct, promotion from the ranks being rare.&nbsp;Besides the regular army there is a large body of irregular&nbsp;levies, consisting of the mounted retainers of the tribal&nbsp;chiefs, and militia infantry <i>(<span class=SpellE>khassadars</span>),</i> who receive&nbsp;pay at the rate of five or six rupees a month. Both&nbsp;with the regulars and the levies, pay is often months in&nbsp;arrears, and forced contributions are very generally&nbsp;exacted from the civil population. As regards numbers&nbsp;it was reported in 1882 that the Ameer s army in <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>,&nbsp;Kandahar, Herat, and beyond the Hindu Kush consisted of 1,600 artillery, 9,750 cavalry, 30,890 infantry,&nbsp;7,500 irregular cavalry, and 9,000 <span class=SpellE><i>khassadars</i></span><i>,</i> a total of&nbsp;58,740 men, with 182 guns. It was weak in artillery,&nbsp;there being few trained gunners. The cannon were</span></span> partly of English, partly of native manufacture, and were of various ages and patterns. The infantry rifles&nbsp;of the regulars, also, were of different make and pattern,&nbsp;including all sorts, from the old two-grooved Brunswick&nbsp;to the Martini-Henry. The <span class=SpellE><span class=font231><i><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif'>khassadars</span></i></span></span><span class=font231><span style='mso-ansi-font-size:17.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:17.0pt; font-family:"Georgia",serif'> were largely&nbsp;armed with matchlocks. The cavalry were armed with&nbsp;swords and carbines, and three regiments of lancers&nbsp;were being raised.</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>The English officers of the Boundary Commission were present at a review of the troops at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span> in i8ff6.&nbsp;A force of 2,800 infantry, 800 cavalry, and 32 guns went&nbsp;on parade. Major Yate says that the men looked as if&nbsp;they only needed good leaders to be fit for a campaign,&nbsp;but the company commanders were scarcely up to the&nbsp;mark, and the lack of efficient officers was most likely&nbsp;the weak point in the Afghan army. This, being the&nbsp;opinion of a military man, is better worth noting than&nbsp;the unstinted praise which has been bestowed on the&nbsp;Afghan troops of the new model by civilian writers.<o:p></o:p></span></p> <p class=font23 style='margin-top:18.0pt;margin-right:104.9pt;margin-bottom: 12.0pt;margin-left:104.9pt;text-align:justify;text-indent:79.4pt'><span lang=EN-GB style='font-size:17.0pt;font-family:"Georgia",serif;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB'>Although Abdur Rahman has never shown the least inclination to acquiesce in the appointment of a British&nbsp;Envoy to reside permanently at his capital or elsewhere&nbsp;in the kingdom, he has gladly availed himself of the&nbsp;services of Europeans who would be content to recognise&nbsp;him as their master and employer. His first experiment&nbsp;in this direction was not altogether a promising one. A&nbsp;French electrical engineer, a M. Jerome, was engaged&nbsp;by the Ameer; and this gentleman, in consultation with&nbsp;a Mahomedan from <span class=SpellE>Kashmere</span>, who was also in the&nbsp;Ameer s service, elaborated a scheme for the establishment of a manufactory of arms and ammunition at <span class=SpellE>Cabul</span>. The <span class=SpellE>Kashmeri</span> referred to is a personage who deserves a few words to himself. Abdul Subhan Khan&nbsp;was formerly employed in the Government of India s&nbsp;Survey Department; and in his capacity as a surveyor, he&nbsp;accompanied the Forsyth Mission to <span class=SpellE>Yarkund</span>. He was&nbsp;also employed on survey work during the Afghan War.&nbsp;He then resigned and took service with Abdur Rahman,&nbsp;over whom he is said <span class=SpellE>tp</span> have exercised from time to time&nbsp;a sinister influence. For some reason best known to&nbsp;himself, Abdul Subhan, who presently received the title&nbsp;of brigadier, developed a strong antipathy towards the&nbsp;English; and his alliance with the French engineer took&nbsp;a form which might ultimately have led to serious&nbsp;embarrassments. M. Jerome made it a condition that&nbsp;no Englishman was to be employed in his factories, and&nbsp;he is believed to have dilated, during the negotiations,&nbsp;<span class=SpellE>orf</span> the usefulness of his project in the event of a quarrel&nbsp;